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samedi, 18 septembre 2010

Les réformes proposées par Thilo Sarrazin en Allemagne

thilo-sarrazin.jpg

 

Les réformes proposées par Thilo Sarrazin en Allemagne

 

EN POLITIQUE SOCIALE :

 

« Tous les bénéficiaires du SMIG/Minimex doivent pouvoir être contraints, le cas échéant, à des prestations compensatoires. Celui qui n’accomplit pas ses devoirs, ou les accomplit sans ponctualité aucune, ou en montrant de la négligence, doit voir ses revenus minimaux d’insertion réduits ou supprimés ».

 

EN MATIERE D’IMMIGRATION :

 

« Il faut renforcer les exigences linguistiques pour ceux qui veulent acquérir la citoyenneté de l’Etat-hôte. Il faut également  renforcer les exigences postulées par les examens linguistiques en cas d’immigration du nouvel époux ou de la nouvelle épouse… Cette immigration matrimoniale ne devrait être possible que si l’époux/l’épouse vivant en Allemagne, dans les années précédent le mariage projeté, a pu gagner sa vie sans faire appel à des revenus minimaux d’insertion. Le nouvel époux/la nouvelle épouse, qui veut immigrer, ne devrait pas pouvoir bénéficier de revenus minimaux d’insertion sociale pendant dix ans ».

 

« Pour toute immigration complémentaire, il faut appliquer des conditions extrêmement restrictives, lesquelles, en principe, ne satisferont plus que les seuls spécialistes situés tout au sommet de l’échelle des qualifications professionnelles… Ceux qui accueillent ou hébergent des illégaux devront payer des amendes considérables, levées selon leurs revenus, amendes qui contribueront aussi à diminuer les montants payés par l’Etat pour les revenus minimaux d’insertion sociale ».

 

EN MATIERE DE DEMOGRAPHIE :

 

« On pourrait prévoir de verser une prime d’Etat d’un montant de 50.000 euro pour tout enfant né avant le trentième anniversaire de sa mère, au moment où cet enfant aura terminé ses études ».

 

EN MATIERE D’EDUCATION :

 

« Dans chaque école et dans chaque classe, il faudrait, en fin d’année scolaire, procéder à un examen unique pour jauger le niveau atteint en compétences de lecture et en connaissances mathématiques de base… Pour rendre possible toute comparaison fiable, il faudrait compléter ces tests de compétences linguistique et mathématique par un test d’intelligence anonymisé ».

 

« Il faudrait accorder beaucoup d’importance à l’acquisition et à l’intériorisation de vertus secondaires comme la ponctualité, l’assiduité au travail, la fiabilité personnelle et l’honnêteté. Les virtuoses de l’école buissonnière ne doivent pas être tolérés… Les parents doivent se voir imposer de solides amendes pour tout retard non motivé de leurs enfants à l’école. Ces amendes seront comptabilisées avec les paiements de transfert, lorsque le minimum existentiel n’est pas atteint ».

 

« Pour les enfants issus de familles immigrées, il faut imposer la fréquentation des jardins d’enfants dès l’âge de trois ans… Le travail principal des puériculteurs/puéricultrices sera de converser et de procéder à des lectures. Si l’enfant manque l’école sans motif valable, les allocations de l’enfant seront réduites, selon une règle qui fixera le montant alimentaire minimal, duquel sera déduit le montant des repas pris dans le jardin d’enfants… Les mêmes règles devront s’appliquer dans les écoles. Il faut que la règle générale dans le pays soit une journée d’école complète. La participation de tous les écoliers à des heures d’études complémentaires, afin de faire leurs devoirs, devrait être obligatoire, du moins pour les élèves qui n’atteignent pas un certain niveau. Il ne pourra plus y avoir de dispense de certains cours pour motifs religieux… ».  

 

(sélection proposée par « Junge Freiheit », Berlin, n°36/2010 ; http://www.jungefreiheit.de/ ).

La Colombie dénonce les accords militaires qui la lient aux Etats-Unis

La Colombie dénonce les accords militaires qui la lient aux Etats-Unis

 

COLOMBIE-I-_Converti_-2.jpgC’est une fin de non recevoir claire et nette que le tribunal constitutionnel colombien a adressé aux Etats-Unis. L’objet de cette décision était un accord militaire contesté, qui aurait permis à l’armée américaine d’utiliser sept bases militaires sur territoire colombien. Le tribunal suprême de ce pays latino-américain vient de décider que le traité signé à la fin de l’année dernière entre Bogota et Washington doit être déclaré nul et non avenu.

 

Les prédécesseurs du gouvernement du nouveau président Juan Manuel Santos avaient réglé l’affaire sans en référer au Congrès colombien. Après le prononcé des juges, la décision est désormais entre les mains du Parlement, qui pourra accepter ou refuser les accords et les couler éventuellement en un traité international.  Washington et l’ancien gouvernement colombien avaient justifié la signature de ce pacte en prétextant la lutte contre les cartels de la drogue. Un document émanant du Pentagone laisse entrevoir que les intentions réelles étaient autres. Ce document, en effet, révèle que les Etats-Unis ont l’intention d’étendre leur contrôle à d’autres régions de l’Amérique du Sud. Par conséquent, explique le document, l’autorisation d’utiliser notamment la base aérienne de Palanquero, située au centre du territoire colombien, offrirait « la possibilité unique, de mener des opérations dans une région ‘critique’ sur laquelle des ‘gouvernements anti-américains’ exercent leur influence ».

 

En utilisant ces bases colombiennes, les forces armées américaines pourraient effectivement contrôler l’ensemble de la région amazonienne, le Pérou et la Bolivie. La base de Palanquero offrirait, explicite encore le document stratégique de l’US Air Force, « une mobilité aérienne suffisante » sur le continent sud-américain. Actuellement, plus de 300 soldats américains sont stationnés en Colombie.

 

Cette coopération militaire avec les Etats-Unis a isolé la Colombie et fait de tous ses voisins des adversaires. C’est bien entendu le Venezuela qui se sent visé en premier lieu. A ce propos, l’historien colombien Gonzalo Sanchez a écrit : « Les Etats-Unis veulent surtout obtenir le contrôle de l’espace amazonien, avec toutes les ressources qu’il recèle, et surveiller le Brésil, puissance mondiale en pleine ascension ».

 

H.W.

(article paru dans DNZ, Munich – n°35/2010).

Evola's Metaphysics of War

Evola’s Metaphysics of War

Derek Hawthorne

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com

Julius Evola
Metaphysics of War:
Battle, Victory, and Death in the World of Tradition

Aarhus, Denmark: Integral Tradition Publishing, 2007

Italian Traditionalist Julius Evola (1898–1974) needs little introduction to the readers of Counter-Currents. The Metaphysics of War is a collection of sixteen essays by Evola, published in various periodicals in the years 1935–1950.

These essays constitute what is certainly the most radical attempt ever made to justify war. This justification takes place essentially on two levels: one profane, the other sacred. At the profane (meaning simply “non-sacred”) level, Evola argues that war is one of the primary means by which heroism expresses itself, and he regards heroism as the noblest expression of the human spirit. Evola reminds us that war is a time in which both combatants and non-combatants realize that they may lose their lives and everything and everyone they value at any moment. This creates a unique moral opportunity for individuals to learn to detach themselves from material possessions, relationships, and concern for their own safety. War puts everything into perspective, and Evola states that it is in such times that “a greater number of persons are led towards an awakening, towards liberation” (p. 135):

From one day to the next, even from one hour to the next, as a result of a bombing raid one can lose one’s home and everything one most loved, everything to which one had become most attached, the objects of one’s deepest affections. Human existence becomes relative–it is a tragic and cruel feeling, but it can also be the principle of a catharsis and the means of bringing to light the only thing which can never be undermined and which can never be destroyed. [p. 136]

So far, these ideals may seem quite similar to those espoused by Ernst Jünger–and indeed Evola alludes to him in one place in the text (p. 153), and is uncharacteristically positive. (Usually when Evola references a modern author it is almost always to stick the knife in.) However, Evola goes well beyond Jünger, for he adds to this ideal of heroism and detachment a “spiritual” and even supernatural dimension (this is the “sacred” level I alluded to earlier). In essential terms, Evola argues that the heroism forged in war is a means to transcendence of this world of suffering and to identification with the source of all being. He even argues that the hero may attain a kind of magical quality.

Unsurprisingly, Evola attempts to situate his treatment of heroism in terms of the doctrine of the “four ages,” a staple of Traditionalist writings. The version of the four ages most familiar to Western readers is the one found in Ovid, where the ages are gold, silver, bronze, and iron. However, Evola has squarely in mind the Indian version wherein the iron age (the most degraded of all) is referred to as the Kali Yuga. To these correspond the four castes of traditional society, with a spiritual, priestly element dominating in the first age, the warrior in the second, the merchant (or, bourgeoisie, the term most frequently used by Evola) in the third, and the slave or servant in the fourth.

When the bourgeoisie dominates in the third age, “the concept of the nation materializes and democratizes itself”; “an anti-aristocratic and naturalistic conception of the homeland is formed” (p. 24). Ironically, when I read this I could not help but think of fascist Italy and National Socialist Germany. To the liberal mind, fascism and Nazism both are “ultra-conservative” (to put it mildly). From the Traditionalist perspective, however, both are modern, populist movements. And National Socialism especially found itself caught up in reductionist, biological theories of “the nation.” Nevertheless, Evola writes that “fascism appears to us as a reconstructive revolution, in that it affirms an aristocratic and spiritual concept of the nation, as against both socialist and internationalist collectivism, and the democratic and demagogic notion of the nation” (p. 27). In other words, whatever its shortcomings may be, fascism is for Evola a means to restore Tradition. Evola also writes approvingly of fascism having elevated the nation to the status of “warrior nation.” And he states that the next step “would be the spiritualization of the warrior principle itself” (p. 27). Of course, it seems to have been Heinrich Himmler’s ambition to turn his SS into an elite corps of “spiritual warriors.” One wonders if this was the reason Evola began courting members of the SS in the late 1930s (a matter briefly discussed in John Morgan’s introduction to this volume).

Evola tells us that the end of the reign of the bourgeoisie opens up two paths for Europe. One is a shift to the subhuman, and Evola makes it clear that this is what bolshevism represents. The fourth age is the age of the slave and of the triumph of slave morality in the form of communism. The other possibility, however, is a shift to the “superhuman.” As Evola has said elsewhere, the Kali Yuga may be an age of decline but it presents unique opportunities for self-transformation and the attainment of personal power. (“A radical destruction of the ‘bourgeois’ who exists in every man is possible in these disrupted times more than in any other,” p. 137). Those who “ride the tiger” are able not just to withstand the onslaught of negative forces in the fourth age, but actually to use them to rise to higher levels of self-realization. War is one such negative force, and Evola maintains that the idea of war as a path to spiritual transformation is a Traditional view.

According to Evola, the ancient Aryans held that there are two paths to enlightenment: contemplation and action. In traditional Indian terms, the former is the path of the brahmin and the latter of the kshatriya (the warrior caste). Both are forms of yoga, which literally means any practice that has as its aim connecting the individual to his true self, and to the source of all being (which are, in fact, the same thing). The yoga of action is referred to as karma yoga (where karma simply means “action”), and the primary text which teaches it is the Bhagavad-Gita. Evola returns again and again to the Bhagavad-Gita throughout The Metaphysics of War, and it really is the primary text to which Evola’s philosophy of “war as spiritual path” is indebted. The work forms part (a very small part, actually) of the epic poem Mahabharata, the story of which culminates in an apocalyptic war called Kurukshetra. On the eve of battle, the consummate warrior Arjuna (the Siegfried of the piece) surveys the two camps from afar and realizes that on his enemy’s side are many men who are his friends and relations. When Arjuna reflects on the fact that he will have to kill these men the following day, he falters. Fortunately, his charioteer–who is actually the god Krishna–is there to teach him the error of his ways. Krishna tells Arjuna that these men are already dead, for their deaths have been ordained by the gods. In killing them, Arjuna is simply doing his duty and playing his role as a warrior. He must set aside his personal feelings and concentrate on his duty; he must literally become a vehicle for the execution of the divine plan.

One might well ask, what’s in it for Arjuna? The answer is that this following of duty becomes a path by which he may triumph over his fears, his passions, his weaknesses–all those things that tie him to what is ephemeral. Following his duty becomes a way for Arjuna to rise above his lesser self and to connect with the divine. This is not mere piety or “love of God.” It is a way to tap into a superhuman source of power and wisdom. The result is that Arjuna becomes more than merely human.

In fact, Krishna puts Arjuna in a situation in which he must fight two wars. One, the “lesser” war is external–it is the one fought on the battlefield with swords and spears. The other, “greater” war is internal and is fought against the internal enemy: “passion, the animal thirst for life” (p. 52). Evola places a great deal of emphasis on this distinction. What Krishna really teaches Arjuna is that in order to fight the lesser war, he must fight the greater one. Really, unless one is able to conquer one’s weaknesses, nothing else may be accomplished. This opens up the possibility that there may be “warriors” who never fight in any conventional, “external” wars. These would be warriors of the spirit. Evola believes that one can be a true warrior without ever lifting a sword or a gun, by conquering the enemy within oneself. And he mentions initiatic cults, like Mithraism, which conceived of their members on the model of soldiers.

Nevertheless, the focus in The Metaphysics of War is really on actual, physical combat as a means to spiritual transformation. Evola tells us that the warrior ceases to act as an ordinary person, and that a non-human force transfigures his action. The warrior who does not fear death becomes death itself. This is one of the major lessons imparted by Krishna in the Bhagavad-Gita. It is not just a matter of “waking up” or becoming tougher and harder (as it is in Jünger). Evola clearly suggests that there is a supernatural element involved, though his remarks are far from clear. He writes that “the one who experiences heroism spiritually is pervaded with a metaphysical tension, an impetus, whose object is ‘infinite,’ and which, therefore, will carry him perpetually forward, beyond the capacity of one who fights from necessity, fights as a trade, or is spurred by natural instincts or external suggestion” (p. 41). Elsewhere Evola states that when the “right intention” is present “then one has given birth to a force which will not be able to miss the supreme goal” (p. 48).  Heroic experiences seem “to possess an almost magical effectiveness: they are inner triumphs which can determine even material victory and are a sort of evocation of divine forces intimately tied to ‘tradition’ and ‘the race of the spirit’ of a given stock” (p. 81).

The suggestion here is that the experience of combat, fought with the right intention, results in a kind of ecstasy (an “active ecstasy” as Evola says on p. 80). The Greek ekstasis literally means “standing outside onself.” In combat one is lifted out of one’s ordinary self and, more specifically, out of one’s concern with the mundane cares of life. One enters into a state where one ceases even to care about personal survival. It is at this point that one has ceased to identify with the “animal” elements in the human personality and has tapped into that part of us that seems to be a divine spark. This is not, however, an intellectual state or “realization.” Instead, it is a new state of being, which pervades the entire person. The ancient Germans called it wut and odhr. And from these two words derive two of the names of the chief Germanic god: Wuotan and Odin. Odin is not, however, conceived simply as the god of war; he is also the god of wisdom and spiritual transformation. In this state of ecstasy, one feels oneself lifted above the merely human; one’s senses and reflexes become more acute, one’s movements more graceful, life suddenly comes into perspective and is seen as the transient affair that it really is, and one feels invincible, capable of accomplishing anything. (A dim simulacrum of this is experienced in athletic competition.) One has, in fact, become a god.

Evola ties this achievement of self-transformation through combat into a “general vision of life,” which he expresses in one of the most memorable metaphysical passages in this small volume:

[L]ike electrical bulbs too brightly lit, like circuits invested with too high a potential, human beings fall and die only because a power burns within them which transcends their finitude, which goes beyond everything they can do and want. This is why they develop, reach a peak, and then, as if overwhelmed by the wave which up to a given point had carried them forward, sink, dissolve, die and return to the unmanifest. But the one who does not fear death, the one who is able, so to speak, to assume the powers of death by becoming everything which it destroys, overwhelms and shatters–this one finally passes beyond limitation, he continues to remain upon the crest of the wave, he does not fall, and what is beyond life manifests itself within him. [p. 54]

Throughout The Metaphysics of War, Evola describes the various virtues of the warrior. These are the characteristics one must have to be effective in battle, and receptive to the sort of experience Evola describes. Again, however, it is very clear that he believes that all those who follow a path of spiritual transformation are warriors. Evola describes the warrior as without any doubt or hesitation; as having a bearing that suggests he “comes from afar”; as holding a world-affirming outlook. The warrior takes pleasure in danger and in being put to the test. (The lesson here for all of us, Evola says, is to find the meaning in adversity, and to take hardships as calls upon our nobility.) The warrior regards as comrades only those he can respect; he has a passion for distance and order; he has the ability to subordinate his passions to principles. The warrior’s relations with others are direct, clear, and loyal. He carries himself with a dignity devoid of vanity, and loathes the trivial.

Above all, however, Evola emphasizes the importance of  detachment:

detachment towards oneself, towards things and towards persons, which should instill a calm, an incomparable certainty and even, as we have before stated, an indomitability. It is like simplifying oneself, divesting oneself in a state of waiting, with a firm, whole mind, with an awareness of something that exists beyond all existence. From this state the capacity will also be found of always being able to commence, as if ex nihilo, with a new and fresh mind, forgetting what has been and what has been lost, focusing only on what positively and creatively can still be done. [p. 137]

Evola offers us a vision of life as a member in a spiritual army. The standard, liberal view of the military is in effect that it is a necessary evil, and that the military and its values are not a suitable model for individual lives or societies. Evola argues instead that true civilization is conceived in heroic and “virile” terms. Readers of Evola’s other works will be familiar with his concept of “spiritual virility.” Mere physical virility is the element in the man that he shares with other male animals. But this is not true or absolute manhood. True manhood is achieved in the spirit, in developing the sort of hardness, detachment, and perspective on life that is characteristic of the warrior. Rene Guenon (a major influence on Evola) called the modern age “the reign of quantity.” It is typical of our time that we have come to see manhood entirely in terms of quantities of various kinds: how many pounds one can bench press or squat; numbers of sexual partners; inches of height; inches of penis; the number of zeros in one’s bank balance; the number of cylinders in one’s engine, etc. Just as in Huxley’s Brave New World, our masters have striven to create a society without conflict; a “nice” and “tolerant” society. And women have invaded virtually every arena of competition that used to be exclusively male, and ruined them for everyone. Under such circumstances, how is spiritual virility to develop? It is no surprise that our conception of virility is a purely physical and quantitative one. Evola evidently saw in fascism a means to awaken spiritual virility in the Italian male. He says that the starting point for fascist ethics is “scorn for the easy life” (p. 62).

Unlike other thinkers on the right, Evola never was particularly interested in biological conceptions of race, because he believed that human nature as such was irreducible to biology. He opposed reductionism, in short, and believed in a spiritual (i.e., non-material) component to our identity. Evola articulates his views on race in much greater detail elsewhere. Here he reminds us of his belief in a “super race” of the spirit: a race of men who are like-souled, and not necessarily like-bodied. Nevertheless, Evola realized the connection between the body and the spirit. He did not believe that all the (biological) races are equally fitted for achieving heroism. What Evola was most concerned to combat was a racialism that reduced heroism or mastery to simple membership in a race defined by certain biological characteristics. For Evola, heroism is really achieved in a step beyond the biological, and in mastery over it.

One will also find little in Evola that celebrates “the nation.” Evola’s ideal of heroism transcends national identity. This comes out most clearly in his discussion of the Crusades: “In fact, the man of the Crusades was able to rise, to fight and to die for a purpose which, in its essence, was supra-political and supra-human, and to serve on a front defined no longer by what is particularistic, but rather by what is universal” (p. 40, italics in original). Having written this, however, Evola immediately realized that the powers that be might see this (correctly) as implying that it is the achievement of heroism as such that is important, not merely the achievement of heroism in service to one’s people. A further implication of this, of course, is that the hero is raised above his people. And so Evola writes in the next paragraph, “Naturally this must not be misunderstood to mean that the transcendent motive may be used as an excuse for the warrior to become indifferent, to forget the duties inherent in his belonging to a race and to a fatherland” (pp. 40-41). Evola is not really being disingenuous here. Taking a cue again from the Bhagavad-Gita, one can say that it is the performance of one’s duty to race and fatherland that is the path to liberation. But as the wise man once said, when the raft takes us to the other shore, we do not put it on our backs and carry on with it. As Rajayoga teaches, there is no god (and certainly no country) above an awakened man. Evola is a fundamentally a philosopher of the left hand path, not a conservative. This individualistic element in him is troublesome for many on the right, and it is one of the primary reasons why he was unable to wholly reconcile himself to fascism.

Nine of these essays were written during the Second World War, and it is interesting to see how Evola situates his understanding of the conflict within his philosophy. In one essay written on the eve of the war, Evola states that “If the next war is a ‘total war’ it will mean also a ‘total test’ of the surviving racial forces of the modern world. Without doubt, some will collapse, whereas others will awaken and arise. Nameless catastrophes could even be the hard but necessary price of heroic peaks and new liberations of primordial forces dulled through grey centuries. But such is the fatal condition for the creation of any new world–and it is a new world that we seek for the future” (p. 68). It is doubtful that the war’s outcome either surprised or demoralized Evola. As noted earlier, he believed strongly in a cyclical view of history, and saw our age as a period of inevitable decline. It could not have surprised him that the combined forces of bourgeois and Bolshevik prevailed. In the final essay of in this volume, published five years after the end of the war, Evola reflects that “what is really required to defend ‘the West’” against the forces of barbarism “is the strengthening, to an extent perhaps still unknown to Western man, of a heroic vision of life” (p. 152).

Evola makes it clear that his position is not an unqualifiedly pessimistic one. The Kali Yuga is not the final age; history is cyclical, and a new and better age will follow this one. In each period, the stage is set for the next. The actions of those who resist this age set the stage for what is to come. Hence, though speaking and acting on behalf of truth may seem futile given the degradation that surrounds us, ultimately our resistance is part of the mechanism of the great cosmic wheel which will, in time, swing things back to truth and to Tradition. In the act of resisting, heroism is born in us and instantly we become creatures who no longer belong to this age, who “come from afar.” We become beacons pointing the way to the future, and simultaneously back to a glorious past. Evola writes that “a teaching peculiar to the ancient Indo-Germanic traditions was that precisely those who, in the dark age, in spite of all, resist, will be able to obtain fruits which those who lived in more favorable, less hard periods could seldom reach” (p. 61).

The Metaphysics of War is required reading for all those interested in the Traditionalist movement. But it will be of special appeal to a certain sort of man, who scorns the easy life and seeks to give birth to something noble and heroic in himself.

Note: The Metaphysics of War is available for purchase here.

Renato del Ponte: Mes souvenirs de Julius Evola

Mes souvenirs de Julius Evola

Renato Del Ponte

Ex: http://www.centrostudilaruna.it/

Renato del Ponte est une figure incontournable de l’évolisme européen. Fondateur du Centro studi evoliani à Gênes en 1969 et éditeur des revue Arthos, il anime aussi le Mouvement traditionaliste romain. Il nous a fait l’amitié de nous accorder l’entretien qui suit.

Question: Renato del Ponte, votre nom est étroitement lié à celui d’Evola, pourriez vous vous présenter à nos lecteurs et préciser ce qui vous a amené à Evola et quels ont été vos rapports avec lui?

Réponse: Je suis simplement une homme qui a toujours cherché à donner à sa propre vie, sur les plans existentiels, politiques et culturels, une ligne d’extrême cohérence. Il est normal que sur cette voie mon itinéraire ait rencontré celui d’Evola qui avait fait de la cohérence dans sa vie comme dans ses écrits son mot d’ordre. Naturellement pour des raisons conjoncturelles – Evola est né en 1898 et moi en 1944 – la rencontre physique n’a pu se produire que dans les dernières années de sa vie.

Les circonstances et les particularités de nos rapports sont développés en partie dans les courriers que nous avons échangé à partir de 1969 et jusqu’en 1973 (Ndlr: Édité dans le livre Julius Evola, Letttere 1955-1974, Edizioni La terra degli avi, Finale Emilia, 1996, pp. 120-155).

Il s’est toujours s’agit de rapports très cordiaux, emprunts pour ma part de la volonté de créer un réseau organisationnel qui fasse mieux connaître sa pensée en Italie et à l’étranger.

Q.: C’est vous qui avez déposé dans une crevasse du mont Rosé l’urne contenant les cendres d’Evola. Pourriez vous nous dire dans quelles circonstances ?

R.: C’est effectivement moi et d’autres amis fidèles qui avons assuré le transport et le dépôt des cendres d’Evola dans une crevasse du Mont Rosé à 4.200 mètres d’altitude, à la fin d’août 1974. Pour vous dire la vérité, je n’étais pas l’exécuteur testamentaire des dernières volontés d’Evola, mais je lui avais promis ainsi qu’à notre ami commun Pierre Pascal, que je serais vigilant à ce que les volontés concernant sa sépulture soient correctement exécutées.

Comme le craignait Evola, il y eut de graves et multiples négligences qui m’obligèrent a intervenir et a procéder à l’inhumation avec l’aide d’Eugène David qui était le guide alpin d’Evola lorsqu’il fit ses ascensions du Mont Rosé en 1930. Il m’est impossible de raconter toutes les péripéties, certaines particulièrement romanesques, mais vous pouvez vous reporter à l’ouvrage collectif Julius Evola: le visionnaire foudroyé (Copernic, Paris, 1979) ou certaines sont relatées.

Q.: Vous animez le Mouvement traditionaliste romain. Qu’est-ce ?

R.: Le Movimento tradizionalista romano est une structure essentielle­ment culturelle et spirituelle qui se propose de mieux faire connaître les caractéristiques de la Tradition romaine, laquelle n’est pas une réalité historique définitivement dépassée, mais une entité spirituelle immortel­le capable d’offrir encore aujourd’hui un modèle opératif existentiel et une orientation religieuse basée sur ce que nous définissons comme la «voie romaine des Dieux». Dans ce but, le mouvement agit sur un plan interne et communautaire, très discret, voué à la pratique de la pietas, et sur un plan externe voué à faire connaître la thématique traditionnelle de la romanité au travers de manifestes, de livres – par exemple ma Religione dei Romani (Rusconi, Milano, 1992) qui a obtenu un important prix littéraire – et de revues. Pour le reste des particularités vous devez vous référer à mon intervention faites à Paris en février dernier au colloque de L’originel sur le paganisme et qui sera probablement publiée en français dans la revue Antaios.

Q.: Pour certains, la période du groupe Ur est la plus intéressante d’Evola. Il nous semble qu’elle mélangea politique para-fasciste, occultisme et art moderne dans un étonnant et fascinant cocktail. Est-ce exact? Comment analyser cette phase de la vie d’Evola?

R.: Je ne peux pas parler de manière brève du groupe d’Ur et de ses activités. Je vous renvoie à mon livre Evola e il magico Gruppo di Ur (Sear Edizioni, Borzano, 1994).

Je me limiterai à dire gué c’est la période la plus engagée de la vie d’Evola.

Cela parce que ce fut la période où certains courants ésotériques, qui pour une bonne part se revendiquaient de la tradition romaine, avaient quelques espérances concrètes d’influencer le gouvernement de l’Italie.

Mais aussi cette phase de la vie d’Evola peut être interpétée comme une tentative, caractéristique de toute son existence, de «procéder autre­ment», de dépasser les limites des forces qui conditionnent l’existence, pour créer quelque chose de nouveau, ou de meilleur, de revenir à des conditions plus «normales» d’une vie selon la Tradition.

Q.: Comment concilier évolisme et engagement politique?

R.: Si vous me parlez de possibles actions politiques d’orientation une fâché plus limitée, réservée à une minorité qui est de tenter d’influencer certains groupes ou certaines ambiances, mais au niveau individuel et sans espérance concrète de publication de revues et d’édition.

Nous allons bientôt recommencer à publier Arthos à un rythme trimestriel. Il est naturel que l’initiative italienne soit accompagnée par la naissance de groupes et de mouvements analogues en Europe et surtout en France où l’œuvre d’Evola est bien connue. L’année a venir verra sûrement la réalisation d’initiatives concrètes dont vous serez bien sur informés puisque nous comptons naturellement sur votre active contri­bution.

Note
Article tiré de «Lutte du Peuple», numéro 32, 1996.