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mardi, 24 août 2021

Courants identitaires actuels en Amérique latine

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Courants identitaires actuels en Amérique latine

par Alexander Markovics

Lorsque l'érudit allemand Alexander von Humboldt a entrepris son grand voyage en Amérique latine en 1799, personne n'aurait pu deviner qu'il marquerait le début de l'enthousiasme européen pour la culture du continent - et non pour ses matières premières. À cette époque, l'idée persistait encore que, culturellement parlant, le continent occuperait la dernière place après l'Europe, l'Asie et l'Afrique. Le voyage d'exploration de Humboldt a mis fin à ce préjugé, faisant connaître à un plus large public non seulement la nature fascinante du continent, mais aussi la culture de ses habitants indigènes.

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À partir de ce moment-là, les habitants du continent, qu'ils soient autochtones ou d'origine européenne, ont également commencé à développer une conscience de soi - le libérateur du continent, Simon Bolivar, est même allé jusqu'à appeler Alexander von Humboldt le véritable "découvreur du Nouveau Monde". Aujourd'hui, l'Amérique latine est souveraine au niveau étatique, en théorie, mais depuis que les États-Unis ont commencé à considérer l'Amérique du Sud comme leur "arrière-pays" dans le cadre de la doctrine Monroe, cela doit être considérablement relativisé et le continent n'a pas pu connaître la paix face aux innombrables interventions, opérations de renseignement, changements de régime et influences économiques de l'Oncle Sam.

Mais comme l'ont montré les événements récents, non seulement au Venezuela et en Bolivie, selon le journal Deutsche Stimme, la lutte des latino-américains pour leur souveraineté se poursuit.

Deux des exemples les plus récents de cette lutte pour l'autodétermination se trouvent au Salvador et au Pérou. Pendant plus de 20 ans, le Salvador, pays de plus de 6 millions d'habitants, n'a pas eu sa propre monnaie. Au lieu de cela, il s'était arrimé au dollar en 2001, se mettant ainsi à la merci du système monétaire fou de la dollarisation - qui ne peut être maintenu que par les sept flottes des États-Unis, les bases militaires dans le monde entier et les guerres sans fin. Mais le président Nayib Bukele, un populiste qui combine les approches de gauche et de droite, veut défier cette dépendance de son pays par une démarche spectaculaire.

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Le Salvador est le premier pays au monde à introduire le bitcoin comme monnaie officielle aux côtés du dollar. Immédiatement, la Banque mondiale a annoncé qu'elle ne voulait pas soutenir le petit État dans cette entreprise et a vivement critiqué cette décision en raison de la volatilité du bitcoin et de sa forte consommation d'énergie. Mais M. Bukele ne cherche pas à plonger son pays dans le chaos : il souhaite au contraire que cette mesure aide sa population pauvre, dont 70 % n'a pas accès à un compte bancaire.

En outre, plus de 2 millions de citoyens vivent à l'étranger et leurs envois de fonds vers leur pays d'origine représentent 20 % du produit intérieur brut. Le bitcoin peut réduire considérablement les frais de transfert, au grand dam des États-Unis. Qui plus est, M. Bukele souhaite utiliser l'énergie thermique volcanique de son pays - de nombreux volcans y sont régulièrement actifs - pour extraire des bitcoins et satisfaire ainsi la soif d'énergie de la crypto-monnaie.

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Ainsi, ce qui peut sembler aventureux au premier abord prend tout son sens en y regardant de plus près. Bukele lui-même a récemment réussi à réduire de moitié le taux d'homicides dans cet ancien pays en guerre civile. On peut espérer pour lui et son peuple que ses mesures de lutte contre la pauvreté seront également couronnées de succès.

Alors que le Salvador se bat pour sa souveraineté économique, les Péruviens ont fait un pas vers leur indépendance politique. Là, le catholique fervent et socialiste Pedro Castillo a étonnamment gagné contre la candidate libérale de droite Keiko Fujimori. Le populiste de gauche a remporté la campagne électorale d'un cheveu avec une avance de 44.000 voix. Son cri de guerre : "Plus de pauvres dans un pays riche !" Il a conquis les masses non seulement par sa lutte contre la corruption - Fujimori est accusé de blanchiment d'argent - mais aussi par son plaidoyer pour l'éducation et la famille.

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Contrairement aux gauchistes des États-Unis et d'Europe, l'enseignant d'une petite ville péruvienne est contre toute forme de culte du genre et de l'homosexualité: il rejette fermement la légalisation de l'avortement et des mariages homosexuels, ainsi que l'euthanasie. La famille et l'école sont les deux institutions que M. Castillo veut promouvoir le plus fortement à l'avenir, une demande que l'enseignant engagé, organisateur d'une grève nationale des enseignants et père de famille peut défendre de manière crédible.

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Une autre préoccupation importante pour lui est la souveraineté du Pérou. Abordant les ressources minérales naturelles de l'État andin - en 2018, d'importants gisements d'uranium et de lithium ont été découverts dans le pays -, il veut changer la situation actuelle, établie par les entreprises occidentales et le néolibéralisme rampant dans le pays au détriment de la population. Alors qu'à l'heure actuelle, 70 % du produit de l'extraction des ressources vont aux entreprises internationales et seulement 30 % aux Péruviens, il veut inverser cette situation en renégociant les accords internationaux. Enfin, il prône également la fin des bases militaires américaines au Pérou et une plus grande coopération entre les États d'Amérique latine.

Son grand objectif après avoir été élu président est de faire adopter une nouvelle constitution par référendum : grâce à elle, le néolibéralisme, qui fait du pays la proie des entreprises internationales, devrait être mis à bas. Il sera intéressant de voir s'il y parviendra. 

 

 

jeudi, 20 février 2014

The Salvadorian Elections and Beijing’s Rise Star in Central America

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The Salvadorian Elections and Beijing’s Rise Star in Central America

Mahdi Darius NAZEMROAYA

Ex: http://www.strategic-culture.org

 
The Salvadorian corruption scandal involving Francisco Flores, who was president of El Salvador from 1999 until 2004, has opened the door for the diplomatic recognition of the People’s Republic of China by the next government in San Salvador, which the FMLN failed to ascertain under the term of President Mauricio Funes. The graft involving Flores has created the appropriate political opportunity for El Salvador’s Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) to formally cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan (formally known as the Republic of China)), if an FMLN president is elected in March 2014. 

This diplomatic question additionally exposes the behind the scenes coordination that is taking place between Beijing and Taipei. This paints a picture of a cordial path towards Chinese unification between Taiwan and mainland China and not one of rivalry. Neither Beijing nor Taipei has put major obstacles in the other’s way, recognizing that ultimately there will be one China.

Francisco Flores and the Salvadorian Oligarchy

sv-seal.gifFrancisco Flores was president of El Salvador when the Nationalist Republican Alliance, mostly commonly called by its Spanish acronym ARENA, was ruling the Central American republic. He is a member of the corrupt US-aligned Salvadorian oligarchy that cheapened El Salvador by reducing it to the de facto status of a US colony by following orders from Washington, DC. Exemplifying this relationship, it was under the presidential term of Flores that El Salvador would send hundreds of troops to help the United States and the United Kingdom during their illegal occupation of Iraq.

The Salvadorian oligarchy has for all purposes operated as a comprador elite class, which means that they have ultimately served as the local representatives or managers of foreign corporations, governments, and interests. In this case the Salvadorian oligarchy has acted collectively as a comprador elite class serving the elites of the United States, which themselves are more precisely described as parasitic elites due to the fact that they have siphoned off most the local wealth and resources of the countries they have subverted to their influence. Historically, these US elites penetrated the power structures and hierarchies of Latin America once the influence of the original Spaniard parasitic elites at the top of the economic hierarchy in the Western Hemisphere was eroded. Many Latin American countries even had a US official or minister overseeing their government and daily affairs.

Under Flores and ARENA, El Salvador lost its monetary sovereignty. The colon, El Salvador’s national currency, was removed by order of Flores and his ARENA government. They replaced the colon with the US dollar as the official currency of El Salvador. Thus, El Salvador joined the ranks of the various territories of the US, East Timor, Panama, and Ecuador as a place where the US dollar is official currency.

Under ARENA’s rule numerous unfair private business monopolies were established by law for ARENA members and supporters. It was illegal and next to impossible to buy medication from anyone except Alfredo Cristiani, the oligarch who was the ARENA president of El Salvador prior to Armando Calderón Sol and later Funes. Cristiani not only initiated the neoliberal economic restructuring of El Salvador, but also used his private monopoly on medication to always overcharge users and to even sell expired medication with impunity. It was the same with fertilizer and other agricultural products too, which were placed under Cristiani’s private monopoly. The ARENA government would allow no competition whatsoever. Moreover, Cristiani privatized the Salvadorian banking system letting his family use Cuscatlan Bank, which is now owned by Citibank, to expand their influence across Central America.

Albeit political corruption still lingers in El Salvador, the criminal basis of the previous ARENA governments is explicitly acknowledged by the reports and files of their own police administrations. Police intelligence files testify that every president, justice minister, and police director was tied to organized crime until the FMLN took over the government in San Salvador. Moreover, Alfredo Cristiani, the sweetheart of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, is widely recognized as the father of organized crime in El Salvador.

The Authors of the Salvadorian Option

Before ARENA was officially formed, these oligarchs used the Salvadorian military and police to wage a vicious war, with the outright involvement of the US government and Pentagon, against El Salvador’s indigenous people, peasants, poor, intellectuals, unions, Roman Catholic Church, and anyone demanding democracy and equal rights. The brutal repression and consequential civil war in El Salvador was part of the Salvadorian oligarchy’s efforts to maintain control over Salvadorian society. 

It was under the rule of these oligarchs that the infamous Salvador Option was spawned by US-aligned death squads that would exterminate whole villages in slow, cruel, and grotesque ways. Ice picks would be used to stab out eyes and deform faces while limbs would be systematically torn by horses or vehicles. The murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero, the head of the Roman Catholic Church in San Salvador, who was killed while giving a mass, is one of their most well-known acts. The man behind Romero’s murder, Major Roberto D’Aubuisson, would become the founder of ARENA.

The murder of Archbishop Romero, however, was merely one of the many atrocities that these oligarchs committed with Washington’s full knowledge, support, and involvement. Salvadoran military leaders were trained by the infamous School of the Americas and by the Pentagon and many of the torture and murder techniques that the death squads had used were taught to them by the US military. Moreover, countless Salvadorian guerilla fighters remember fighting US troops and hearing US orders on the radios to bomb the jungle and villages of El Salvador in English or Spanish.

Almost all of El Salvador’s indigenous population would be exterminated by these oligarchs. Entire families would be murdered while their properties would be plundered or destroyed. Not even children and animals would be spared. Both rape and the desecration of graves would be systematic and common practices.

One of the worst massacres was committed on December 11, 1981. This massacre took place in the village of El Mozote in the Department of Morazan. Eight hundred unarmed civilians, including children, were systematically tortured, humiliated, raped, and killed by a US-trained special operations unit.

Washington would send people like James Steele and John Negroponte to Anglo-American occupied Iraq to recreate the reign of terror that the US helped author in El Salvador. The exact same patterns and tactics of murder and torture would emerge in occupied Iraq, exposing the US as the source behind the death squads in both El Salvador and Anglo-American occupied Iraq. 

Taiwanese Bribery?

While the National Assembly or Legislative Assembly of El Salvador was conducting an investigation on past corruption it discovered that 10 million US dollars had personally gone to bank account of Francisco Flores. When Flores was questioned by the National Assembly about the large amount of money his responded by saying that the money had come from the Taiwanese government and that he had actually taken more than 10 million dollars from Taiwan. It was after this that Flores tried to flee El Salvador or tried to make it look like he had fled. Flores did this after he was ordered to reappear in front of the National Assembly again on the eve of the first round the 2014 Salvadorian presidential elections.

The funds that Francisco Flores had taken were actually part of a set of secret payments being made by Taiwan annually. Taiwan has very close ties to El Salvador and Central America. Aside from the US-sponsored states of Latin America, the Taiwanese government also joined the US and Israel to support the oligarchs in El Salvador against the FMLN during the Salvadorian Civil War. 

The secret payments made by Taiwan to Flores were originally established to prevent El Salvador from recognizing the government in Beijing as the legitimate government of China. While the payments may have originally been anti-Beijing or a Taiwanese award for the recognition of Taiwan instead of the government in mainland China, they appear to have been sustained with less and less anti-Beijing sentiments. The continued Taiwanese payments were maintained to sustain advantageous treatment of Taiwanese business interests and to win economic concessions in El Salvador, including a monopoly over the Salvadorian geothermal sector that is completely owned by Taiwan.

It is also worth noting that the Salvadorian government and Taipei have been exchanging information over the corruption scandal. This is in part due to the fact that Chen Shui-bian was the Taiwanese president whose government sent Flores the funds. Shui-bian and his wife are now in jail due to corruption convictions in Taiwan and there is probably a parallel probe in Taipei examining the role of Shui-bian and his associates. 

China’s Rising Star

The People’s Republic of China is an increasingly important player in Latin America. One important project that involves China is the creation of a mega canal connecting the Atlantic Ocean with the Pacific Ocean, like a second Panama Canal. This second Panama Canal, however, will be based in Nicaragua and called the Great Canal of Nicaragua… The Nicaraguan government even signed an agreement in 2012 with a freshly formed Hong Kong-based company, called the Nicaragua Canal Development Investment Company Limited, run by a Chinese telecommunications businessman magnet for attracting international investments for building the canal. The project is due to start in a matter of months.

When the FLMN had Mauricio Funes elected as president, they had him immediately establish diplomatic relations with Cuba when he was inaugurated on June 1, 2009. The previous ARENA government refused to have ties with Havana and was helping the US blockade Cuba and to oppose Venezuela and its regional allies. The FLMN additionally established diplomatic relations with Vietnam, Cambodia, and Russia. They failed to do so, however, with the People’s Republic of China due to multiple factors. 

The failure to recognize Beijing was due to opposition by President Funes, who is now the outgoing president of El Salvador. Mauricio Funes, a former CNN employee and popular local broadcaster, was merely endorsed by the FLMN. Funes is not a member of the FMLN as some outside of El Salvador assume. Under the agreement that Funes had with the FMLN, the portfolios of the Salvadorian cabinet were divided between the FMLN and non-FMLN individuals (popularly called the “Friends of Funes”) selected President Funes. Under this power sharing agreement, Funes would control strategic issues, national economics, and the secretariat for political reforms while the FMLN would manage the portfolios responsible for healthcare, education, and security. It was under this framework that Funes was able to stall recognition of the People’s Republic of China and to hinder the economic and political reforms that the FMLN wanted. 

By the time that the Salvadorian government did reach out to officials in Beijing, the Chinese government was cool to the idea of establishing diplomatic ties. This was most probably because of the delay, which the Chinese government could have viewed as an insult to Beijing’s dignity. Although the FMLN as a political party has direct links to the People’s Republic of China through the FMLN’s international affairs office and has delegations invited to Beijing, the FMLN will look at ways to establishing formal diplomatic ties with Beijing when the FMLN win the 2014 presidential elections in March’s second round of voting. In this context, a second FMLN presidential term provides the opportunity for the FLMN to rectify the mistake and recognize Beijing quickly under a new chapter when Vice-President Salvador Sanchez becomes El Salvador’s next president.

The Salvadorian government and the FMLN have made it clear to Taiwan that El Salvador ultimately intends to recognize the Beijing as the legitimate government of China. What is interesting to note is that there has been no opposition from Taiwan against this decision. Nor will the severing of diplomatic ties between San Salvador and Taipei end Taiwan’s trade ties with El Salvador. There is even some type of silent coordination between Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China in regards to this trajectory that falls into the framework of Chinese unification. 

Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya is currently travelling in Central America. Presently he is in the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) stronghold of León inside Nicaragua. He was an international observer in El Salvador during the first round of the presidential elections in February 2014 and held discussions with Salvadorian officials about Salvadorian economics and foreign policy.