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dimanche, 05 juin 2016

Argentine, Brésil, Uruguay, Pérou, Vénézuela: les USA à la manœuvre

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Argentine, Brésil, Uruguay, Pérou, Vénézuela: les USA à la manœuvre

Michel Lhomme, politologue

Ex: http://metamag.fr

L’Amérique Latine est en pleine recomposition. De l’Argentine au Vénézuela en passant par le Brésil et le Pérou, la contre-offensive du néo-libéralisme bancaire est en marche. Dans un contexte marqué par la récession et la crise des matières premières, les États-Unis tentent de reconquérir par tous les moyens leur ancien « pré-carré » latino-américain.

L’Argentine dans le rang

Lors de ses cent premiers jours au pouvoir, le président argentin Mauricio Macri a reçu le premier ministre italien Mateo Renzi, le président français François Hollande  et enfin le président Barack Obama. Tous trois sont les premiers serviteurs du gouvernement mondial. Le Président argentin a satisfait ce beau monde occidental : il a abandonné aussitôt les efforts du gouvernement précédent pour promouvoir l’intégration régionale. Il y a un changement, une inflexion pro-américaine très nette de la politique extérieure de l’Argentine même si le gouvernement Kirchner n’était pas sans défaut dans son instinct de prédation populaire et de corruption oligarchique.

Les gouvernements Kirchner avaient pourtant toujours entretenu de très bonnes relations avec le Venezuela, avec Cuba, avec la Bolivie, avec  la gauche populiste d’Amérique latine. La politique extérieure argentine a donc aujourd’hui profondément changé. Lors de la conférence de presse à la Casa Rosada, le Palais Présidentiel argentin, les présidents Obama et Macri ont clairement évoqué la possibilité de signer un accord de libre-échange entre le Mercosur et les États-Unis, anticipant déjà un nouvel ALCA (Zone de libre échange des amériques) et ce, alors que le pays va certainement finir par rejoindre l’Alliance pour le Pacifique.

En Europe, la Commission européenne vient de faire pression la semaine dernière sur Paris pour signer le traité transatlantique . Alors que la Russie s’embourbe un peu en Syrie, les États-Unis avancent leurs pions et profitent du ralentissement chinois pour avancer en Amérique latine, reprendre le dessus et faire pression sur les gouvernements locaux pour qu’ils adoptent des mesures de libre-échangisme radical. L’Uruguay et son gouvernement qualifié par la communauté internationale de « « progressiste » » est lui-aussi en train de signer ces traités, tout comme le Chili  de Michelle Bachelet.

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Le Brésil sous contrôle

Restait donc l’os brésilien. Il était nécessaire et urgent de déloger Dilma Rousseff, la seule maintenant rétive à signer les grands traités de la grande reconfiguration libérale du monde en cours. Mais comment pouvait-on faire tomber une Présidente élue dans le modèle démocratique du consensus de Washington ? Par la République des Juges.

Avec le Brésil, on sait ainsi que les coups d’état du vingtième siècle ne seront plus militaires mais judiciaires et l’ambassade des États-Unis au Brésil n’a pas cessé de recevoir les visites des opposants à Dilma dans le processus d’impeachment (destitution). On raconte au Brésil qu’aujourd’hui, cette ambassade  ressemble à celle aux temps d’Allende au Chili. C’est le lieu où se sont préparés tous les projets de déstabilisation visant la chute programmée de Dilma Rousseff.

Ainsi, en s’emparant de l’Argentine, du Brésil, de l’Uruguay, du Chili et du Paraguay, demain peut-être du Pérou avec Kuczynski , les États-Unis sont en passe de réaliser le grand schlem, la prise en main complète du Cône Sud. Rafael Correa, le Président équatorien a réagi sur les événements au Brésil et a parlé d’un nouveau Plan Condor (alliance des armées des pays du Cône Sud pour éliminer à l’époque la subversion communiste et maoïste) qui serait en train de frapper le continent, un Plan Condor non plus strictement militaire mais avant tout économique et judiciaire, piloté en quelque sorte par les multinationales mondiales.

Le 17 avril 2016 marquera l’histoire politique. Pour la première fois, une démocratie est entachée par un procès politique sans fondement juridique qui viole le précepte constitutionnel. C’est un coup d’État juridique sans respect de la souveraineté populaire, le point de départ d’une période de chaos et de violence par la seule volonté des puissants. La Chambre des députés du Brésil n’a ainsi pas tenu compte de l’accusation de la présidente de crime de responsabilité, l’argument de « pédalage fiscal » a été laissé de côté. A  aucun moment ce sujet n’a été abordé par les députés qui ont voté « oui à la destitution ». Dans ce contexte, il est parfaitement naturel de dire qu’il y a bien eu un coup d’état parlementaire au Brésil. On a ainsi vu le Président de la chambre des députés Eduardo Cunha, un véritable gangster politique présider la session alors que lui-même était mis en examen pour corruption passive et blanchiment d’argent et cité dans la liste des Panama Papers, en tant que propriétaire d’une société off-shore suspectée d’évasion fiscale.  Tous les députés en croisade contre Dilma Rousseff ont été élus avec l’argent de la corruption politique, soutenue par les grandes entreprises. C’est une alliance médiatico-politico-juridique qui est à l’origine du chaos politique et économique du  Brésil. La presse a construit et développé un discours ultra partisan contre les gouvernements du Parti des Travailleurs désigné comme le seul responsable de la corruption au Brésil, alors mêmes que les scandales de corruption touchaient l’ensemble des partis politiques de droite. Les secteurs juridiques conservateurs ont transformé les affaires juridiques de l’opération « Lave-Jato » (l’opération « mains propres » brésilienne) en opération de règlements de compte politique avec le soutien médiatique des grands journaux conservateurs comme « Estadao », « Folha de Sao Paulo ».

Le Venezuela la chute avant l’été ?

Au Venezuela, le bras de fer entre le président Maduro et l’opposition qui avait remporté les élections législatives de décembre continue. Le Haut-commissaire de l’ONU aux droits de l’homme a pris position pour l’amnistie des opposants politiques emprisonnés. La situation est très délicate comme le révèlent le surprenant plan d’économie d’énergie – dans un pays pétrolier qui sur le papier dispose d’importantes réserves dans le delta de l’Orénoque – et qui se retrouve pourtant contraint de rationner l’électricité dans la partie la plus densément peuplée du pays. A Caracas, ce sont maintenant des queues interminables de plusieurs heures pour acheter les denrées alimentaires de base (farine, riz…)  et tous les rayons des supermarchés sont vides. La situation sociale est explosive alors qu’il faut se souvenir qu’avant le bolivarisme, le Venezuela était l’un des pays les plus industrialisés du continent latino-américain.

Le président Maduro pourrait donc être l’objet d’une révocation pour incapacité à diriger le pays à l’issue d’un reférendum que souhaite organiser au plus tôt l’opposition qui affirme avoir déjà collecté pour ce faire environ un million de signatures. En attendant, faute de ressources, les députés ne seront plus payés.

Le secrétaire général de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) Luis Almagro a réclamé lundi 30 mai une réunion urgente de ses États membres pour évoquer la « crise institutionnelle » au Venezuela. Dans une lettre de 132 pages au président du Conseil permanent de l’OEA, M. Almagro affirme que le Venezuela connaît une « altération de son ordre constitutionnel » qui affecte la démocratie dans le pays. Il demande une réunion des 34 États membres de l’OEA du 10 au 20 juin, affirmant que « la crise institutionnelle au Venezuela exige des changements immédiats dans les agissements de l’exécutif » et soulignant que le pays « risque de tomber immédiatement dans une situation d’illégitimité ».  Luis Almagro avait déjà accusé ces derniers mois le président vénézuélien Nicolas Maduro de devenir un « dictateur », fin inéluctable de tout le processus révolutionnaire bolivarien.

Début mai, une coalition d’opposition a déjà réuni 1,85 million de signatures réclamant un référendum sur le départ de Maduro que celui-ci conteste, l’accusant de fraudes. Il paraît donc évident que la population excédée par une crise économique qui la prive d’électricité plusieurs heures par jour, entraîne la fermeture des services publics cinq jours par semaine, et vide les rayons des supermarchés sortira très prochainement dans la rue à moins que le Venezuela ne décide de se couper définitivement du monde par la force  ce qui est peu probable. Le Vénézuela n’est pas la Birmanie !

On risque donc d’entendre parler du Venezuela ce mois de juin même si pour Cuba, Maduro reste le modèle parfait du bon démocrate populaire.

mardi, 03 mai 2016

Chachapoya

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Chachapoya

By

Ex: https://www.lewrockwell.com

On the eastern slopes of the Andes Mountains, in the remote San Martin Province of Peru, lie the abandoned ruins of a mysterious civilization. Modern Peruvians tell us that a people whom they call the Chachapoya, “the cloud people,” built these structures. The most notable of these is the massive Kuelap Fortress, which contains more stone than even the pyramid of Cheops in Egypt. The Chachapoyan civilization, which according to the carbon-14 dating method dates at least as far back as 400 AD, existed until around 1500 AD. At that time, it succumbed to two external forces that arose in short succession. First, the expanding Incan Empire, which conquered the Chachapoyan civilization around 1490 after 20 years of fierce resistance, and next, diseases that the Europeans introduced after 1492 and which started showing up among the Chachapoya around 1535, diseases to which the Chachapoya had no immunity.

The principal mystery of the Chachapoyan civilization lies in is its origin. The Chachapoyan ruins give evidence of an advanced civilization that must have required centuries to develop. Yet none of this development appears to have taken place in South America. Culturally the Chachapoyan civilization seems to have borrowed nothing from other South American civilizations and geographically the Chachapoya were not even near any of them. The Chachapoyan civilization, therefore, most likely arose in ancient times somewhere outside of South America, and then, still in ancient times, dropped down out of nowhere in Peru.

giff.jpgProfessor Hans Giffhorn of Germany has made studying the Chachapoyan civilization his life’s work and has advanced an interesting theory regarding its origin.  After many years of research starting in the 1990’s, Professor Giffhorn published a fascinating German language book in 2013 entitled Wurde Amerika in der Antike entdeckt? (“Was America discovered in antiquity?”)

Professor Giffhorn draws on scientific evidence to demonstrate that the Chachapoya probably came from the Old World. Medical examinations of Chachapoyan mummies starting around ten years ago at Quinnipiac College near New Haven, Connecticut have proved that some of the Chachapoya suffered from the disease of tuberculosis. Now tuberculosis is a disease that human beings ordinarily contract from cattle. Inasmuch as there were no cattle in the New World prior to 1492, it is logical to suspect that the ancestors of the Chachapoya contracted tuberculosis somewhere in the Old World where cattle were present and then brought the tuberculosis with them to South America.

Professor Giffhorn draws on cultural evidence to pinpoint Europe in general and the Mediterranean Sea in particular as the specific region in the Old World where the Chachapoyan civilization most likely arose.  Giffhorn drew this conclusion after noting many similarities between the Chachapoyan civilization and two civilizations of ancient Europe, the Carthaginian civilization of the Balearic Islands in the western Mediterranean Sea and the Keltic civilization of northern Spain. Among these are similarities in burial customs, religion, art, pottery, and the weaving of textiles. There are several pieces of evidence, however, that deserve special mention.

First, both the ancient Kelts and the Chachapoya kept the skulls of enemies that they had defeated in battle and then publicly displayed these skulls in and around their homes and other buildings. Moreover, both the Kelts and the Chachapoya customarily drilled holes in these skulls using an unusual technique requiring the use of conical drills.

Secondly, both the Chachapoya of Peru and the Kelts of ancient Spain customarily built round buildings out of stone rather than rectangular or square buildings out of wood, as was the custom throughout most of pre-Columbian South America. Separate teams of archeologists have reconstructed both sets of round stone buildings, and, as is obvious even from their photographs in Professor Giffhorn’s book, they are almost identical, in spite of the fact that the European and South American teams of archeologists were unaware of each other until after they had completed their reconstructions.

Thirdly, the Chachapoya used slingshots as military weapons. Moreover, the slingshots used by the Chachapoya resembled in many details those used by the ancient Carthaginian warriors in the Balearic Islands. Slingshots of were common weapons throughout the ancient Mediterranean. For example, recall the Old Testament story of David and Goliath.

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Professor Giffhorn tries to make sense of all of this by starting with proven facts about antiquity and then connecting them with some educated guesses. In this way he has provided a speculative but by no means impossible scenario that traces the migration of certain ancient peoples all the way from Europe to Peru.

It is known that the ancient Carthaginians were bold explorers who, starting roughly around 700 BC, mounted a series of maritime expeditions that started from the Mediterranean Sea, passed through the Straits of Gibraltar into the Atlantic Ocean, and then sailed a long way down the coast of Africa. Their Mediterranean neighbors, including even the Romans, had little interest in exploring the Atlantic Ocean, partly out of superstitious fears of monsters and other dangers that lurked beyond Gibraltar. This gave the Carthaginians free reign to continue their explorations without interference from rivals. Moreover, there is evidence that the ancient Carthaginians not only traveled a great distance to the south but also a great distance to the west. In 1749, Carthaginian coins were discovered on the island of Corvu in the Azores Islands. The location of Corvu at the far western end of the Azores suggests that whoever left these coins had probably been traveling from west to east when they stopped at Corvu.

Two ancient writers provide some tantalizing details regarding the Carthaginians’ explorations: Diodor of Sicily, who lived about a century before Christ, and Pseudo-Aristotle, a mysterious man whose writings were included in the works of Aristotle but who was probably someone other than the famous Greek philosopher. These ancient writers tell a similar story, some of it based on the still earlier writings of Timaios of Tauromenium, Sicily (c. 345‑250 BC). According to these ancient writers, around 400 BC Carthaginian explorers sailing along the coast of Africa lost control of their ships during a fierce storm and eventually landed far to the west on what they called the “Great Island.” Now the Carthaginians’ main interest had always been in trade, but they saw no possibility for developing a trading relationship with a land that they assumed to be uninhabited. So after the Carthaginians recovered from their misfortunes, they made their way back to their homeland without leaving any colonists behind.  At the same time, they did at least take note of the precise location of the Great Island and carefully kept it to themselves. In the event that their Mediterranean homeland were ever overrun, the Carthaginians had a safe haven whose location only they knew and where they could start afresh without interference from any of their former neighbors.

But this still leaves open the question of just where the Carthaginians had landed.  Historians have usually assumed that the Great Island was most likely Madeira, but could also have been either one of the Cape Verde Islands or one of the Canary Islands. Professor Giffhorn, however, points out that if these historians had taken the trouble to visit these islands, they might have had second thoughts before so quickly identifying any of them as the Great Island. According to the Carthaginian descriptions that have come down to us second­-hand from the ancient writers, the Great Island was a bountiful land filled with navigable rivers, fruits, wild animals, wide plains, and many species of trees. By contrast, the above‑mentioned Atlantic islands were desolate islands with no navigable rivers, few plains, and not much to offer in the way of wild game, fruits, or vegetables. Most of what they do have today was imported by modern Europeans and could not have been visible to ancient explorers.

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Might the Great Island have been a Caribbean island, perhaps one of those that Columbus discovered in 1492? It is not likely. According to the ancient writers, the Carthaginians reached the Great Island in far less time than would have been required to reach any of the Caribbean islands.

The only land that really fits the description of the Great Island is, surprisingly, the stretch of South American coast between what are now the Brazilian cities of Fortaleza and Recife. Now the reader might reasonably object that if the Great Island had really been northeastern Brazil, then that would imply that the Carthaginian sailors had been blown from the west coast of Africa all the way across the Atlantic Ocean to the east coast of South America. Could such a thing have been possible? As implausible as it may seem to us, this is precisely what did happen in 1500 AD to Portuguese explorer Pedro Cabral, the modern discoverer of Brazil. We should bear in mind that the eastern tip of Brazil is only about 1800 miles away from the Western Bulge of Africa, roughly the distance between New York City and Denver. Even today, objects like worn-out refrigerators tossed into the Atlantic Ocean by West Africans have been known to wash up on Brazilian beaches.

For a long time, the Carthaginian civilization thrived to the extent that the Carthaginians had no need to worry about the future of their homeland. Eventually, however, they found themselves up against a powerful new enemy in the Romans. In 146 BC, the Romans captured and destroyed the city of Carthage on the north coast of Africa in what is now the nation of Tunisia. Although the Romans had conquered Carthage, the Carthaginian colonies in the Balearic Islands continued for the time being to remain free of Roman control. But their inhabitants were undoubtedly aware of the downfall of their mother-city of Carthage and may have concluded that it was only a matter of time until they suffered the same fate. Rather than stand by and wait until their turn came, the more enterprising persons among them made plans to move permanently to the half-forgotten Great Island. Before setting sail, however, the Carthaginians brought in their old friends and allies from northern Spain, the Kelts, as junior partners. It was a far-sighted move. The Kelts had considerable experience in agriculture, something that might prove handy on the Great Island and something that the Carthaginians themselves sorely lacked. For their part, the Kelts might not have needed much persuasion to join the Carthaginians on their journey to the Great Island. The Kelts despised the Romans as much as the Carthaginians did and might have shared their fears as to what would happen to them if they too fell under Roman control.

After crossing the Atlantic Ocean, the Kelts and the Carthaginians probably landed near what is now the city of Recife. Instead of being content to settle right where they landed, however, the Europeans began looking for an opening into the interior of South America. The newly arrived Europeans might have been motivated by fears that Roman pursuers were hot on their heels and ready to drag them back to a life of slavery in the Roman Empire. Such fears might not have been entirely unfounded. The ancient writers tell us that shortly after the destruction of Carthage, the Romans sent a naval expedition, led by one of the military commanders involved in the destruction of that city, down the coast of Africa to approximately the latitude of the Cape Verde Islands. After not finding what they were looking for, the Romans turned around and sailed back to the Mediterranean empty‑handed. Just what the Romans had been looking for was not recorded, but perhaps it was runaway Kelts and Carthaginians.

In their search for a suitable opening into the interior, the Kelts and the Carthaginians proceeded north along the Brazilian coast and eventually bumped into the mouth of the mighty Amazon River. They might have been initially tempted to settle there permanently. Agriculture was possible there, and at least the Kelts had experience in agriculture. But the Kelts’ experience had been in Europe, so they might not have had the skills to succeed in the lower Amazon, where different conditions might have required a different set of skills. Moreover, remaining in the lower Amazon would have meant facing hostile and numerically superior Indian tribes. So the Kelts and the Carthaginians started up the Amazon River and just kept going and going. Eventually after years of working their way up the river, they found the homeland they had been looking for in Peru. In addition to providing them with a somewhat familiar climate and an opportunity to practice a form of agriculture that they did understand, the new land offered them security. Distance protected them from the brutal Indian tribes to the east and the towering Andes Mountains protected them from any potential enemies to the west. So here the Kelts and the Carthaginians settled down after their heroic odyssey and started a new life that lasted until around 1500 AD.

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Although the Carthaginians probably conceived the plan to migrate to the Great Island, in the end, it was the Kelts who put the greater stamp on the civilization that emerged in Peru. Professor Giffhorn has provided a medical explanation for this disparity. When the Carthaginians teamed up with the Kelts in their joint move to the Great Island, they did not realize that the Kelts, who had mainly been farmers, had a long history of contact with cattle and exposure to tuberculosis. Now by this time the Kelts themselves had developed immunity to tuberculosis, but the Carthaginians, who had not been farmers, had had no such contact and had developed no such immunity. So the intermingling of the Kelts and the Carthaginians might have hit the Carthaginians very hard, with many of them succumbing to tuberculosis that they contracted from the Kelts even as the Kelts themselves remained healthy.

The Chachapoyan civilization is long gone and the conventional view has it that the Chachapoyan people died out without leaving any descendants. In three remote Peruvian villages, however, there live people who look remarkably like Europeans. Having fair complexions, freckles, often red or blond hair (combined, oddly enough, with brown rather than blue eyes), the Gringuitos, as they are called by the Peruvians, resemble Irishmen more than they resemble South Americans. According to local lore, the Gringuitos had already been in Peru centuries before Columbus and are not descended from any of the Europeans who arrived after 1492. We can find a possible explanation for the origin of the Gringuitos in the writings of Spanish soldier and poet Garcilaso de la Vega (1501-1536). According to the latter, around the time that the Chachapoyan civilization was beginning to crumble, some of the Chachapoya saw the handwriting on the wall and fled into remote regions for their own safety. Such a flight might have protected them from both Incan warriors and from European diseases and enabled them to continue their lives and culture in another location, even down to the present day.

Modern DNA technology might throw some light on this subject. Archeologists would like to use DNA analysis on the above-mentioned Chachapoyan mummies, but the Peruvian Government up to now has not permitted such testing, perhaps out of fear that the results might offend Peruvian pride by showing that the Chachapoyan civilization was only European in origin. Professor Giffhorn and his team, however, were at least able to conduct DNA testing of saliva samples provided by a small number of the Gringuitos. The results of this random testing show a strong resemblance to the pattern of DNA found in northern and northwestern Spain, precisely the regions controlled long ago by Kelts. It would appear possible, therefore, that the Gringuitos are descended from the Chachapoya, who in turn were descended from the Kelts and the Carthaginians. If that is indeed the case, then the Gringuitos would have to be reckoned among history’s greatest survivors. Twice in their history, they escaped extinction in the nick of time. The first time, around 150 BC, they fled their Mediterranean homeland to escape from the Romans. Then after about 1500 BC, they fled their Chachapoyan homeland to escape from the Incas and the Europeans.

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jeudi, 28 mai 2015

La Cina risponde al Pivot degli Stati Uniti in Asia con il proprio perno

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La Cina risponde al Pivot degli Stati Uniti in Asia con il proprio perno

Ex: http://www.lantidiplomatico.it

Il premier cinese Li Keqiang è in visita in Sud America, e ci si aspetta che formalizzi la versione regionale della Via della Seta, la Ferrovia Interoceanica, durante il viaggio, scrive Andrew Korybko per Oriental Review. Un ampio progetto per costruire una ferrovia di 5300 km dal Brasile al Perù, attraversando alcuni dei territori più difficili e delicati del mondo. Lungo la strada, tuttavia, affronterebbe certe minacce asimmetriche emergenti, come il potenziale assalto di gruppi ambientalisti indigeni violenti o il riemergere dell’organizzazione terroristica Sendero Luminoso. Se il progetto dovesse essere costruito e attivare il proprio potenziale economico, tuttavia, potrebbe risolvere la rivalità tra Alleanza del Pacifico e Mercosur che minaccia di dividere il continente e impedirne l’integrazione multipolare.
 
Grandi ambizioni

La grande strategia della Cina è facilitare il commercio globale attraverso progetti infrastrutturali strategici, credendo che la libertà economica offra ai partner la possibilità di liberarsi dal quadro unipolare occidentale e facilitare la transizione verso il sistema multipolare emergente. Assieme a questa visione, sono annunciati i progetti Fascia economica della Via della Seta e Via della Seta Marittima, diffondendo questa visione in Eurasia e Africa orientale. Informalmente, però, ha anche lo scopo di lcolegare l’America Latina a questo sistema tramite i più recenti impegni verso il continente (America Centrale e Sud America). La Cina risponde al Pivot degli Stati Uniti in Asia con il proprio perno, sia pure verso l”emisfero occidentale, e l’ultimo programma ferroviario è un’indicazione della scommessa cinese su una presenza prolungata nella regione. Il Dialogo Chino è un’ottima didascalia interattiva delle specifiche della Ferrovia interoceanica, spiegando la natura tramutante del progetto. Dovrebbe partire da Porto Do Acu, vicino Rio De Janeiro, e correre direttamente a nord-ovest fino al confine settentrionale con la Bolivia, dopo di che serpeggiare attraverso le Ande e terminare a Puerto Ilo in Perù. Lungo il percorso, attraverso il cuore industriale, carbonifero, agricolo (soprattutto soia e manzo), minerario (fosfati) e del legname del Brasile, ne trasporterebbe i prodotti oltre le Ande avvicinandoli all’affamato mercato cinese. L’obiettivo immediato è integrare le economie dei due Paesi BRICS, più vicini che mai, nonché dare a Pechino un punto d’appoggio sulla costa pacifica del Sud America, attraverso la porta peruviana, completandone la strategia emisferica assieme al Canale Transoceanico in Nicaragua, finanziato dai cinesi, con i due grandi progetti infrastrutturali che creano gli ancoraggi nord e sud del perno della Cina in America Latina.
 
Le minacce emergenti alla Ferrovia Interoceanica

Mentre il piano della Via della Seta sudamericana della Cina suona bene sulla carta, potrebbe in realtà essere piuttosto difficile attuarlo sul campo. A parte gli ostacoli geografici come montagne vertiginose e giungle impenetrabili, vi sono anche minacce socio-politiche e militari che potrebbero ritardarne o fermarne completamente la costruzione in alcune aree. Ecco ciò che potrebbe ragionevolmente incontrare la Ferrovia Interoceanica o essere fabbricato.

Resistenza ambientalista indigena
 
Anche se la rotta ufficiale della ferrovia deve ancora essere resa pubblica, le stima di ciò che probabilmente attraverserà preoccupa alcuni per le conseguenze ambientali e sociali. Più precisamente, importanti tratti di foresta pluviale, fauna selvatica e comunità indigene (alcune delle quali rimangono volontariamente isolate) probabilmente rischierebbero di essere disturbati dal progetto, e questi due temi, ambiente e diritti degli indigeni, notoriamente creano coalizioni di sostenitori nazionali ed internazionali. Il rischio è che la resistenza da tali due gruppi (soprattutto da comunità indigene e sostenitori) potrebbe divenire uno scandalo per le pubbliche relazioni, creando un caso di politica interna e dibattito nazionale, consentendo ai movimenti di opposizione anti-multipolarismo in Brasile e Perù di capitalizzare sui sentimenti negativi e sfruttarli nelle loro campagne per il potere.
 
Opposizione armata

L’evoluzione dello scenario delle minacce già citato per la Ferrovia interoceanica, è possibile se gli attori citati infine passassero all’opposizione armata. Dopo tutto, non sarebbe del tutto peculiare, dato che una guerriglia che in generale sostiene tali movimenti è recentemente spuntata in Paraguay. L’Esercito Popolare Paraguaiano (PPE) è un presunto gruppo di guerriglieri marxisti con legami con FARC ed organizzazioni di narcotrafficanti sudamericani, ed usa l’ambientalismo militante come suo ultimo grido di battaglia. L’ultimo attacco del PPE, ad aprile, ha visto la presenza di opuscoli di propaganda accanto a tre vittime uccise, denigrando la coltivazione di “soia, mais e altri prodotti che richiedono pesticidi” (prevedibilmente in risposta al controllo della Monsanto sul Paese), così come l’armamento delle milizie antiguerriglia degli agricoltori. Invano esso cercò il favore della popolazione indigena Mbya Guaraní in passato, ma ciò non significa che le mosse precedenti lo portino in futuro ad abbandonare completamente tale strategia. Pertanto, come si vede nel suo intenzionale (ma non necessariamente riuscito) uso di ambientalismo e diritti dei popoli indigeni, nell’ambito degli sforzi per sensibilizzare la comunità, il PPE presenta la violenta fusione di due temi principali che un giorno potrebbero riunire i principali come massa organizzata i gruppi d’interesse che si oppongono alla Ferrovia interoceanica. Non si prevede che il PPE espanda le attività in Brasile o Perù, ma movimenti simili potrebbero svilupparsi attorno a tali principi, e il fatto stesso che il PPE le utilizzi nell’ambito della propria attività d’informazione, crea il presupposto per futuri gruppi violenti nascosti dietro di essi.
 
Campagne terroristiche

L’apice dell’opposizione alla Via della Seta sudamericana vede gruppi ambientalisti e indigeni unirsi in una campagna terroristica contro i governi brasiliano e peruviano. Mentre il Brasile non ha una storia di terrorismo rurale, finora, il Perù sì ed è possibile che tale problema possa rispuntare ‘convenientemente’ con la Cina che porta la Ferrovia interoceanica nel Paese. Sendero Luminoso, riconosciuto come gruppo terrorista da Stati Uniti e Unione europea, mostra piccole scintille di una rinnovata attività negli ultimi due anni (per lo più traffico di droga), facendo pensare che un giorno possa acquisire una seconda vita. Se il movimento si rianima (forse anche con supporto esterno (occidentale)), potrebbe rappresentare un disastro per la costruzione della Via della Seta sudamericana, soprattutto perché il gruppo ha un passato operativo nelle giungla e montagne che la ferrovia dovrebbe attraversare. C’è anche lo scenario inquietante che tattiche terroristiche e motivazioni di Sendero Luminoso ed Esercito Popolare Paraguaiano si diffondano nell’Amazzonia brasiliana, creando una grave crisi interna che potrebbe impantanare il bastione sudamericano dei BRICS.
 
UNASUR più forte?

La costruzione della Ferrovia interoceanica collegando le coste atlantica e pacifica del Sud America attraversa il centro del continente, rappresenta un’impresa ingegneristica storica dalle profonde implicazioni economiche e politiche. Uno dei segni più importanti del completamento del progetto potrebbe benissimo essere la mitigazione delle tensioni tra i blocchi commerciali Alleanza del Pacifico e Mercosur e il rafforzamento del gruppo integrativo continentale UNASUR. Il ragionamento dietro questo ottimismo è semplice, l’economia cinese ha dimensione e forza tali che Pechino potrebbe usarla ‘mediando’ tra i due blocchi, e ciò ancora di più se i progetti ferroviari (l’unico dei grandi progetti infrastrutturali che li collega) venissero completati. Se l’Alleanza del Pacifico e il Mercosur convergono, come è stato già detto, il risultato logico sarà la creazione di una zona di libero scambio pan-continentale fornendo la base economica essenziale a una maggiore integrazione in altri campi. Dovrebbe essere un dato di fatto che la maggiore integrazione renderebbe il Sud America più resistente all’egemonia degli Stati Uniti; e con la Ferrovia Interoceanica quale motore del processo multipolare, ci si può aspettare che gli Stati Uniti mobilitino i loro agenti in qualsiasi modo possibile, per sabotarla ad ogni costo.

Traduzione di Alessandro Lattanzio – SitoAurora 
 

mardi, 26 mai 2015

La Chine , le Brésil et le Pérou brisent le monopole du Canal de Panama

voie-ferree-transcontinental.png

La Chine , le Brésil et le Pérou brisent le monopole du Canal de Panama

Auteur : Station Zebra
Ex: http://zejournal.mobi

En visite au Brésil le Premier-Ministre Chinois Li Keqiang a signé pour plusieurs milliards de dollars d’accords économiques dont le plus important est le financement d’une voie ferrée transcontinentale qui va relier le Brésil au Pérou c’est à dire l’Océan Atlantique à l’Océan Pacifique et à l’Asie .

S’il s’agit dans un premier temps de favoriser les exportations brésiliennes de produits agro-alimentaires comme le soja et la viande , cette voie ferrée va devenir un nouveau corridor entre les deux océans . Cette voie ferrée concernera aussi des exportations minières, des produits industriels et des dérivés pétrochimiques produits à partir des gisements off-shore de la façade Atlantique du Brésil .

Toutefois cette voie ferrée génère déjà des polémiques : le Président Bolivien , le camarada socialista – ethno socialiste – Evo Morales , s’insurge contre le choix du Pérou pour espace de transit unique vers l’Océan Pacifique et affirme qu’une voie ferrée désenclavant la Bolivie aurait été moins chère à construire et plus rentable à exploiter

Comme de bien entendu des associations indigènistes soutenues par des ONG’s occidentales sont sorties de leur silence comme les champignons ( vénéneux ) après la pluie pour manifester leur opposition au projet . Parmi les opposants au projet on retrouve les  » habituels  » comme Paulo Adario, directeur des campagnes Amazonie de Greenpeace.

Du point de vue géopolitique cet accord est une victoire de l’école Méridionaliste qui préconise le développement des relations sud-sud . Son principal penseur est le géopolitologue , professeur d’université en géographie , André Martin .


- Source : Station Zebra

jeudi, 18 décembre 2014

Les Celtes ont-ils découvert l’Amérique 1.500 ans avant Colomb?

Les Celtes ont-ils découvert l’Amérique 1.500 ans avant Colomb?

Aux confins des Andes et de l’Amazonie, des archéologues ont trouvé les traces d’un peuple depuis longtemps disparu, plus ancien que les Incas et dont l’origine reste un mystère : les Chachapoyas.

De leur passage restent quelques vestiges, notamment des nécropoles et la plus grande citadelle connue du continent américain, à Kuelap, au Pérou.

Depuis des années, le chercheur allemand Hans Giffhorn collecte des indices tendant à prouver que les Chachapoyas descendaient des Celtes. D’étonnantes analogies lient en effet les deux civilisations : constructions en pierre de forme ronde, symboles religieux, représentation des divinités, techniques de trépanation médicales ou cultuelles, ou même certaines armes comme les lance-pierres.

Une thèse étayée par les écrits de l’historien grec Diodore de Sicile, au Ier siècle avant J.-C., affirmant que les Carthaginois connaissaient des terres mystérieuses très loin à l’ouest de l’Atlantique. Auraient-ils affrété des navires dans cette direction en embarquant des Celtes dont ils prisaient les qualités de soldats d’élite ?

De nombreux descendants des Chachapoyas du Pérou ont aujourd’hui la peau claire et les cheveux blonds : seraient-ils des Celtes arrivés avec les Carthaginois ?

mercredi, 12 novembre 2014

Perú mueve ficha y se acerca a Rusia para construir una alianza estratégica

La asociación estratégica entre Rusia y Perú ha centrado el encuentro bilateral entre Vladímir Putin y Ollanta Humala. El presidente peruano ha llegado a Moscú en una visita histórica, la primera en 45 años de relaciones diplomáticas. Los mandatarios tienen previsto abordar también temas relativos a la cooperación económica, científica y militar.

La Embajada de Rusia en Lima subrayó el caracter histórico de la visita afirmando que es un paso importante para el posible establecimiento de una asociación estratégica bilateral. "Damos mucha importancia a esta visita. Vemos que la agenda bilateral se amplía cada año y hoy llegamos al momento en que pensamos en dar pasos hacia el establecimiento de una asociación estratégica entre Rusia y Perú", afirmó a Andina Vladímir Belinski, ministro-consejero y encargado de Negocios de Rusia en el Perú. 

Las relaciones comerciales entre ambos países se ha desarrollado activamente y presentan buenas perspectivas. El intercambio comercial entre Rusia y Perú ha aumentado 7 veces en los últimos 10 años, superando los 500 millones de dólares en 2013.

La mayor parte de las exportaciones rusas a Perú corresponden a petróleo crudo y derivados químicos, con más del 41% del total. Les siguen suministros de productos minerales como abonos, fertilizantes o pienso compuesto, con un 27%. Y un 21% de las exportaciones son maquinaria y vehículos, que abarcan aviones, helicópteros, y equipos de perforación.

En cuanto a las importaciones desde Perú, la gran parte, más del 85%, las ocupa el sector agrícola y alimentario (como frutas, café o productos de pescado). 

En opinión de la directora de la Asociación de Gremios Productores Agrarios (Agap), Ana María Deustua, cuyas palabras recoge la agencia de noticias Andina, en Rusia existe un enorme potencial por lo que Perú puede aumentar sus envíos nacionales, tanto de frutas como de hortalizas en los próximos años. 

"Los resultados van a ser positivos para los siguientes años. Los envíos se duplicarán si mantenemos la promoción y logramos hacer una buena distribución de la oferta. Se han hecho algunas aproximaciones y hemos comprobado que existe una demanda muy interesante; solo necesitamos desarrollar los vínculos en estos momentos de crecimiento y con productos de alto nivel", sostuvo María Deustua.

En esta mañana de viernes ya se ha celebrado la reunión entre Humala y el presidente de la Empresa Estatal de Transporte Ferroviario de Rusia, Vladímir Yakunin. La parte rusa expresó su interés por participar en el proyecto ferroviario que uniría Brasil y Perú, así como en proyectos para el Plan Ferroviario Nacional. 

Durante la visita del mandatario peruano a Rusia se firmarán varios convenios bilaterales de comercio, promoción turística, cooperación en medio ambiente y lucha contra las drogas. Además, tanto Rusia como Perú buscan reforzar su cooperación en la esfera técnico-militar.

Analista: Putin busca estabilidad multipolar ante la agonía de Occidente

El presidente ruso, Vladímir Putin, busca estabilidad y predictibilidad en su aspiración a un mundo multipolar y esto es la antítesis del liberalismo moderno occidental, opina el analista internacional Bryan MacDonald.

Refiriéndose al discurso del mandatario ruso en el Club de Debates Valdái, el periodista y escritor señala que el problema de Occidente es que no quiere aceptar que su tiempo "ya ha pasado y los fundamentos del orden mundial antiguo llevan años desmoronándose".

Citando las estadísticas del Fondo Monetario Internacional, hace 20 años seis de las mayores economías mundiales eran parte del bloque liderado por EE.UU. Ahora EE.UU. ya no puede considerarse la primera economía del planeta, ya que China lo supera en el PIB. La India, Rusia y Brasil también están entre las economías más fuertes.

MacDonald subrayó que Putin ve a su país como parte de una nueva alternativa internacional y se une a otras naciones del bloque BRICS para restringir la agresión estadounidense en donde sea posible. "Es un sendero hacia la estabilidad, según Putin", dijo el analista.

Los conservadores clásicos europeos, como el alemán Konrad Adenauer y el británico Harold MacMillan, se pondrían de acuerdo con Putin, pero los actuales líderes europeos y norteamericanos no lo entienden, siendo "emborrachados por su dominación del mundo de los últimos 20 años".

Ante la elevación de Rusia y otros países del BRICS será esencial cómo EE.UU. reaccionará a la nueva realidad.  "El juvenil discurso de Washington necesita un 'hombre malo'. En una década este ha sido Bin Laden, Saddam y ahora es el tiempo de la rusofobia", dijo. 

El analista concluye que si la élite estadounidense sigue comportándose así, la transición a un mundo multipolar no podrá ser pacífica.

mardi, 04 novembre 2014

Chachapoya of Peru Are Probably Carthaginians and Celts Who Fled from Rome in 146 BCE

PBS: Chachapoya of Peru Are Probably Carthaginians and Celts Who Fled from Rome in 146 BCE

Ex: http://www.jasoncolavito.com 
 
See also: ARTE's Broadcasting: http://www.arte.tv/guide/de/048610-000/karthagos-vergessene-krieger
 
9783406645204_large.jpgHoly crap! PBS has become America Unearthed. In an episode of the PBS series Secrets of the Dead running on local PBS stations this week and available online for streaming, the venerable public broadcasting channel asserts that blonde-haired, blue-eyed Celts and also some incidental Carthaginians discovered the Americas in Antiquity. (The blue eyes don’t make the show but show up on the show’s web page.) “Carthage’s Lost Warriors” was produced by ZDF, a German television production company associated with the long-running series Terra-X, which traffics in all manner of fringe theories, and the large number of dubbed German interviews testifies to the recycling of a German program. Archaeologist K. Krist Hurst called the show “baloney.”
 
The show opens with a “Celtic-style bronze axed” found “deep in the Amazon” and the narrator, Jay O. Sanders, asks if—heaven help us!—the Chachapoya are truly the blond, Caucasian descendants of prehistoric superhero warriors (martial prowess specified explicitly) who crossed the Atlantic at some unspecified date to penetrate the continent with their manly thrusts until they fertilized Peru with the glory of Old World culture.

The program is based on the work of the show’s chief expert, Hans Giffhorn, a professor emeritus of cultural studies at the Universities of Göttingen and Hildesheim and documentary filmmaker. Griffhorn’s dissertation on aesthetics outlined his belief that science is dogmatic and rigid and excludes evidence and theories that fail to conform to paradigms, and that a lack of cross-disciplinary interaction has led to erroneous findings and conclusions.

Griffhorn wrote a German book, still untranslated, on his belief that the Chachapoya are white Europeans in 2013.He believes that the Carthaginians did not “simply vanish” after the Carthaginians were defeated by the Romans in 146 BCE, and he refuses to believe Roman accounts that the city’s population was enslaved or killed under Scipio Aemilianus. He wants to know where they went. To find the Carthaginians—and here he is looking for just one boatload—he starts at the Balearic Islands, where Carthage found its fiercest soldiers. Giffhorn feels that the Carthaginians were not enslaved in their entirety, so for him it is only logical that they fled to Kuelap, the Chachapoya fortress in Peru. He believes that in the western Mediterranean the Carthaginian exiles teamed up with Celtic people from Iberia to escape the Romans, who were also taking over the Carthaginian territories of what is today Spain.

Celtic prowess combined with Carthaginian sailing skills to cross the Atlantic.

culture-civilisation-chachapoyas-266x280.pngGriffhorn believes the Diodorus Siculus proves that the Carthaginians reached the Americas. Diodorus (Library of History 5.19-20) first describes an island, not a continent, “over against Libya”—meaning off the African coast—and states that it contains stately towns and fruitful plains when the Phoenicians discovered it:
The Phoenicians therefore, upon the account before related, having found out the coasts beyond the pillars, and sailing along by the shore of Africa, were on a sudden driven by a furious storm afar off into the main ocean; and after they had lain under this violent tempest for many days, they at length arrived at this island; and so, coming to the knowledge of the nature and pleasantness of this isle, they caused it to be known to everyone; and therefore the Tyrrhenians, when they were masters at sea, designed to send a colony thither; but the Carthaginians opposed them, both fearing lest most of their own citizens should be allured through the goodness of the island to settle there, and likewise intending to keep it as a place of refuge for themselves, in case of any sudden and unexpected blasts of fortune, which might tend to the utter ruin of their government: for, being then potent at sea, they doubted not but they could easily transport themselves and their families into that island unknown to the conquerors. (trans. G. Booth)
ubicacion chachapoyas.GIFHe, of course, leaves out the information Diodorus—and, crucially, pseudo-Aristotle three centuries earlier, unacknowledged here—gave about the location of this mysterious island, which regular readers will of course remember quite well from when these same texts were used by Harry Hubbard to claim ancient knowledge of North America, and also from America Unearthed, when Mark McMenamin used the same text from Diodorus to claim that the Phoenicians, not the Carthaginians, discovered America.

Pseudo-Aristotle (De mirabilis auscultationibus 84) writes that:
In the sea outside the Pillars of Hercules they say that an island was discovered by the Carthaginians, desolate, having wood of every kind, and navigable rivers, and admirable for its fruits besides, but distant several days’ voyage from them. But, when the Carthaginians often came to this island because of its fertility, and some even dwelt there, the magistrates of the Carthaginians gave notice that they would punish with death those who should sail to it, and destroyed all the inhabitants, lest they should spread a report about it, or a large number might gather together to the island in their time, get possession of the authority, and destroy the prosperity of the Carthaginians. (trans. Launcelot D. Dowdall)
This land was in frequent contact with Carthage before 300 BCE—not a one-time chance encounter in 146 BCE—and was only a few days’ sail from the Pillars. Brazil is about ninety days’ sail from the Pillars, according to the show’s own estimate. It’s a bit of a difference between three months and a few days.

Griffhorn suggests from such texts that the Carthaginians had had secret communication with Brazil but kept it secret. This seems rather odd considering that the Carthaginians put up in the public square a commemoration of the voyage of Hanno to central Africa, where he saw chimpanzees. Surely they would have kept that secret, too, had that been their typical practice, as Griffhorn suggests.

At this point, the Carthaginians virtually vanish from the show because they were needed solely to give the Celts something they lack—ships—for Griffhorn’s real thesis, that the Celts are the ancestors of the Chachapoya and once reigned over South America.
 

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The program tries to make the case that a boat could have crossed to Brazil using the ocean currents. Griffhorn places the discovery of Brazil by the Carthaginians and Celts at “1500 years before Columbus,” which would be about 10 BCE, long after the fall of Carthage. This makes no sense since Diodorus wrote between two and five decades earlier and pseudo-Aristotle three centuries before that—and both claimed the story reported much older events.

Griffhorn believes that the Carthaginian boat pilots traded with local cannibals (with what?) to survive, and Griffhorn believes that four symbols on the ancient petroglyphs on the rock of Ingá in Brazil aren’t just coincidentally close to geometrical shapes used in Celtiberian alphabets but are actual Celtic letters. Apparently the Carthaginian merchants were the merchant class serving the Celtic warrior elite.

Based on no evidence whatsoever, Griffhorn suggests that the Carthaginians and Celts on this voyage of discovery sailed up the Amazon. “No account exists, and we can only imagine” what they did, the narrator says, substituting early Spanish and Portuguese accounts to give an idea of what the Carthaginians “would have” seen and done. So, to recap: Everyone admits that no evidence exists, but they will nevertheless reconstruct an entire adventure based on analogies.

The narrator suggests that brightly-colored vases with geometric patterns made by the Marajoara culture of Brazil are “reminiscent” of Greek vases from the Classical period, decorated with Celtic spirals. This is a subjective judgment, and to my eyes the pots look nothing like the form of actual Greek vases, nor do the decorations bear more than a superficial resemblance to Old World patterns—no more so than any other Native geometric art. Geometric shapes tend to be the same everywhere. The trouble is that the Marajoara culture flourished after 800 CE, far too late to have anything to do with Mediterranean Greek vases from 1,000 years earlier.

We return to the metal axe from the opening that the show calls Celtic. It has no provenance, and was purchased from a merchant who said he found it in the jungle. The metal part of the axe is copper-zinc bronze, meaning that it was from the Old World, but the handle was made of Paraguayan wood. According to tests that the show says were run on the axe, the wood is 1500 years old. The most parsimonious explanation is that a Spanish, Portuguese, or African object was added to a sacred and ancient handle during the Contact period, but instead the show wants us to believe that Celts from 146 BCE dropped it en route to Peru where it was reused in 500 CE.

This brings us to the Chachapoya, and the show demands to know how mere Native people could possibly have learned how to build buildings, particularly round ones, without European help. Prof. Warren Church explains that the Chachapoya were quite able to build their own buildings, of which none date earlier than 500 CE. Griffhorn, however, sees the round buildings as unique in America and therefore of obviously Carthaginian extraction—700 years or more after the fact! He points to a carving of a face on a temple wall and says this is reminiscent of Celtic beheadings, as though no one else on earth ever drew faces or beheaded enemies. He also cites trepanation among the Celts and Chachapoya as another “connection.” Michael Schultz, a paleopathologist, makes an astonishing claim: that “Hippocratic accounts” from 500 BCE describe Chachapoyan trepanation! This is entirely untrue, and I have no idea where he got the idea that the Chachapoya were discussed in Greek literature.
 

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Griffhorn believes that Spanish fortresses that are round must be connected to the Chachapoya’s round houses, even though this is about all they share in common. The show picks out painted images of shamans with antlers in both the Amazon and among the Celts and decides this must be a connection—even though, unacknowledged here, art from Mohenjo-Daro shows the same thing, as, in fact, does shamanic art everywhere, going back to the Stone Age.

This is really going nowhere fast.

Schultz returns again to assert that pre-Contact Chachapoya mummies suffered from tuberculosis, a disease previously thought only to have come with the Spanish. This “new” fact, however, has been known since 2002, and the presence of tuberculosis in the pre-Columbian Americas has been known since 1994—it’s been found beyond just the Chachapoya—but Griffhorn takes this as a revelation that the Carthaginians brought “Classical” tuberculosis (whatever that means—he seems to think the disease was different in Antiquity) with them in 146 BCE, where it lay dormant for a thousand years. Archaeologists suggest that the disease arose from llamas, who are known to carry the bovine form of tuberculosis—or even from the Polynesians who reached South America before Columbus.

Next, various Chachapoyan traits are compared to Spanish, Majorcan, and other cultures from various time periods, as though the Chachapoyans simply adopted one trait from each of the ark of cross-cultural European outcasts from multiple time periods who sailed up the Amazon to meet them.
 

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The show points to the fair-skinned, blonde-haired Chachapoyan descendants as evidence that that some Chachapoyans are “distinctive” from the “dark haired” and “brown-skinned” Natives, and we hear what Cieza de Leon had to say about this, though the paraphrase offered by Warren Church sounds to me like he’s running together bits and pieces from both Cieza de Leon and from Pedro Pizarro, who famously wrote:
The Indian women of the Guancas and Chachapoyas and Cañares were the common women, most of them being beautiful. The rest of the womanhood of this kingdom were thick, neither beautiful nor ugly, but of medium good-looks. The people of this kingdom of Peru were white, swarthy in colour, and among them the Lords and Ladies were whiter than Spaniards. I saw in this land an Indian woman and a child who would not stand out among white blonds. These people [of the upper class] say that they were the children of the idols. (Relation of the Discoveries etc., trans. Philip Ainsworth Means, p. 430)
By contrast, Cieza de Leon (Chronicle of Peru 1.78) was rather less expansive on the particulars:
These Indians of Chachapoyas are the most fair and good-looking of any that I have seen in the Indies, and their women are so beautiful that many of them were worthy to be wives of the Yncas, or inmates of the temples of the sun. To this day the Indian women of this race are exceedingly beautiful, for they are fair and well formed. They go dressed in woollen cloths, like their husbands, and on their heads they wear a certain fringe, the sign by which they may be known in all parts. After they were subjugated by the Yncas, they received the laws and customs according to which they lived, from them. They adored the sun and other gods, like the rest of the Indians, and resembled them in other customs, such as the burial of their dead and conversing with the devil. (trans. Clements Markham)
Rather than put this down to indigenous genetic diversity (which the show briefly acknowledges as possible), the show suggests that this is due to Old World contact. The Carthaginians not being known to be blondes, I guess this is why Griffhorn proposes Celts, whose presumed red hair he wants to equate with reports of fair hair. German geneticist Manfred Kayser tests some Chachapoya hair and finds that the living individuals have some European ancestry tracing back to the Celtic areas of northern Spain, but at this point—500 years after Contact—it’s not possible to determine when the genes mixed. The homeland of the Celtic people Griffhorn fingers is the same as that of the Spanish who traveled to Peru in the 1500s; the Celts didn’t simply vanish after the Roman conquest of Spain (218 BCE to 19 BCE) but contributed to the gene pool of medieval and modern Spain, though the language and culture died out around the fifth century CE. No ancient Chachapoyan mummies were tested, which is a major omission.

The show concludes that there is no “smoking gun,” only suggestive indications that the Chachapoya are not really Native Americans on the same stripe as the brown ones but owe their culture, their art, their religion, and their very genes to a boatload of Carthaginians and Celts who sailed up the Amazon in 146 BCE and, by dint of their superior European prowess, took over to such an extent that their potent DNA still rules the region 1,868 years later, largely undiluted by the intervening centuries.

I guess this means that they’re all inbred, but the show doesn’t go there.

This was really terrible, and the only significant difference between this show and America Unearthed in terms of quality of evidence and the desire to find hidden white people in the Americas is that this show searched South America rather than North America, and its hero never claimed that there was a conspiracy trying to suppress his work.

Kamen die Kelten bis nach Amerika?

Chachapoyas2.jpg

Kamen die Kelten bis nach Amerika?

von FOCUS-Online-Autor

Ex: http://www.focus.de

In der Antike segelten Mittelmeerbewohner über den Atlantik und ließen sich in den Anden nieder – sagt der Forscher Hans Giffhorn und präsentiert eine Fülle von Indizien. Doch andere Wissenschaftler sind skeptisch.

Christoph Kolumbus war nicht der Erste, der von Europa nach Amerika segelte. Spätestens seit Archäologen vor einigen Jahrzehnten die Siedlung L’Anse aux Meadows an der Nordspitze Neufundlands ausgruben und damit eine alte isländische Saga bestätigten, war klar: Die Wikinger hatten den Atlantik bereits 500 Jahre vor dem italienischen Seefahrer überquert und sich zumindest für kurze Zeit in der „Neuen Welt“ niedergelassen.

Uneinig sind sich Historiker und Archäologen allerdings, ob noch anderen der Sprung über den Ozean gelungen sein könnte – möglicherweise lange bevor die Nordmänner zu ihren Entdeckungsfahrten aufbrachen. Dem irischen Mönch Brendan vielleicht, der – wie eine im Mittelalter weit verbreitete Erzählung berichtet – eine Insel weit im Westen gefunden haben soll? Muslimischen Seefahrern oder zuvor schon Griechen, Römern oder den Alten Ägyptern? „Eine Zeit lang hatten solche Ideen Konjunktur, doch inzwischen werden sie weniger und auch kritischer diskutiert“, sagt Ronald Bockius, Experte für antike Schifffahrt am Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum in Mainz.

Hochentwickelte Kultur am Ostrand der Anden


Kann nun ein neues Buchder Diskussion wieder Auftrieb geben? „Wurde Amerika in der Antike entdeckt?“ lautet sein Titel, verfasst von dem deutschen Kulturwissenschaftler Hans Giffhorn. Darin entwirft er das Szenario, karthagische Seeleute hätten im 2. Jahrhundert vor Christus zusammen mit keltischen Kriegern und Söldnern aus Mallorca den Atlantik überquert. Ziel sei es gewesen, den Römern, die damals die rivalisierende Metropole Karthago in Nordafrika zerstörten, zu entkommen. Ebenfalls per Schiff hätten die Flüchtlinge anschließend das Amazonas-Gebiet durchquert und zuletzt im Nordosten des heutigen Perus eine neue Kultur begründet: die der Chachapoya.

Bis heute wissen Forscher nur wenig über das Volk, das einst am Ostrand der Anden siedelte. Um 800 nach Christus – so der bisherige Kenntnisstand – tauchten die Chachapoya aus dem Dunkel der Geschichte auf. Die Überreste einer riesigen Stadt, eine mächtige Festung mit 15 Meter hohen Mauern, Sarkophage und Mumienfunde zeugen von einer hochentwickelten Kultur. „Nebelwaldmenschen“ nannten die Inka die Chachapoya, die angeblich sehr kriegerisch waren – trotzdem mussten sie sich im 15. Jahrhundert der neuen Großmacht geschlagen geben. Die Überlebenden verbündeten sich später mit den Spaniern und halfen ihnen, das Inkareich zu zerstören. Doch es half ihnen nichts: Ihre Freiheit erlangten sie nicht zurück, stattdessen gingen sie an aus Europa eingeschleppten Krankheiten zugrunde.
 

chachapoyas-034-copie-1.jpg


Europäische Stammväter eines Indiovolks?


Können antike Kelten und Karthager wirklich die Stammväter dieses rätselhaften Andenvolks sein – auf einem anderen Kontinent, rund 9000 Kilometer entfernt? Auf den ersten Blick klingt das nach einem phantastischen Konstrukt à la Erich von Däniken. „Früher war ich auch der Meinung, eine solches Szenario sei vollkommen unrealistisch“, sagt Giffhorn. „Aber mittlerweile – nach vierzehnjähriger Forschung zu dem Thema – halte ich es für die plausibelste Erklärung zahlloser bislang rätselhafter Phänomene.“

Bei seinen vielen Reisen sei ihm zum Beispiel aufgefallen, wie sehr die Rundbauten der Chachapoya den Überresten keltischer Wohnhäuser im nordwestlichen Spanien glichen, sagt Giffhorn. Kaum ein anderes Indiovolk habe auf diese Weise gebaut. Auch seien die Chachapoya wie die Kelten Kopfjäger gewesen. Und die kriegerischen Andenbewohner hätten mit Steinschleudern genau wie die Bewohner Mallorcas gekämpft – um nur einige Indizien zu nennen, die der Kulturwissenschaftler zur Untermauerung seiner These anführt.
 

kuelap-as-it-was.jpg

 
 

dimanche, 30 juin 2013

L’éternel débat entre modernité et déculturation

PEROU : LA ROUTE DE LA DISCORDE - L’éternel débat entre modernité et déculturation

PEROU : LA ROUTE DE LA DISCORDE

L’éternel débat entre modernité et déculturation


Michel Lhomme
Ex: http://metamag.fr/
 
La province amazonienne de Purus est située au sud-est du Pérou. Frontalière avec le Brésil, c’est le district le moins peuplé du pays, une des provinces les moins connues de l’Amazonie péruvienne. C’est dans ce district qu’ont été recensé les dernières tribus indigènes coupées de la civilisation. 

Purus est un plateau humide, convoité pour son bois précieux, et l’on suppose qu’à terme, le sol de son plateau pourrait renfermer des métaux rares. L’accès s’effectue le plus souvent à pied, en pirogue ou par hélicoptère. Mais depuis longtemps, on rêve d’y construire une route pour désenclaver le site. Ce projet souvent ajourné et contesté par les tribus locales vient d’être repris par le gouvernement péruvien. 


Depuis un an, à Lima, on s’intéresse à la région et on envisage son désenclavement et la possibilité de lancer de grands projets d’infrastructures pour son intégration économique. La population indigène s’est soulevée et s’oppose au « développement durable » proposé. Le projet de loi péruvien n°1035 a déclaré d’utilité publique la liaison routière entre les localités de Puerto Esperanza (capital de Purús) et Iñapari (capital de Tahuamanu) de la région voisine de Madre de Dios. La loi défendue par le gouvernement, le préfet de région et de nombreuses autorités locales argue que le statut de Parc national octroyé à la région (Parc National Alto Purús - PNAP et Réserve Communautaire Purús - RCP), serait devenu obsolète et condamnerait injustement à l’isolement et à la pauvreté extrême les tribus locales. C’est vrai : l’absence de liaison avec le reste du Pérou maintient isolée cette région, l’une des plus pauvres du pays. De l’autre côté de la frontière, les Brésiliens ont bitumé l’accès à la province pour l’exploiter. Le contrôle de la souveraineté péruvienne de Purus passe bien par la construction de cette route, les Brésiliens grignotant par des postes avancés la frontière et donc la souveraineté péruvienne. 


Tribu du Purus

Purus est un des derniers territoires après les îles Andaman qui pose une question anthropologique cruciale : faut-il pour protéger ces populations, les maintenir isolées ou faut-il, les ouvrir vers l’extérieur ? Ne pourrait-on envisager un autre mode d’intégration ou de relation avec notre société moderne ? Le problème de la construction de cette route existe. Elle entraînera l’augmentation de l’abattage des bûcherons à la recherche du bois précieux, la destruction de l’environnement et provoquera une émigration d’ouvriers de la capitale ou des régions avoisinantes menaçant à terme la stabilité démographique des huit peuples premiers qui composent le territoire.

Ces huit tribus se sont récemment regroupées dans des organisations représentatives de défense du parc en opposition à la route. Elles considèrent que la construction du tronçon affectera directement la forêt, leur habitat, leurs zones de chasse et de pêche. Dans de nombreux espaces boisés, on rencontre des tribus hostiles à tout contact avec la civilisation lançant des flèches contre les hélicoptères qui les survolaient et les filmaient. Les chefs de ces tribus souhaitaient rester isolés de notre monde. L’armée péruvienne avait d’ailleurs décrété à l’intérieur même du parc quatre réserves territoriales comme zones de protection de populations avec interdiction formelle d’y pénétrer au nom de la défense des peuples menacés (Réserves Territoriales : RT Murunahua, RT Madre de Dios, RT Nahua–Nanti, RT Mashco–Piro). La construction de la route, en cours de légalisation, remet en cause ce pacte de préservation. 

Au-delà du bois, des métaux rares 

La présence de l’Etat péruvien dans le district de Purús fut toujours faible. La province ne fut d’ailleurs créée qu’il y a 31 ans. Pourtant, la présence d’extracteurs de caoutchouc est attestée dès la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle (travaux historiques de Rummenhoeller en 2009) et l’Eglise catholique y envoya des missionnaires dominicains à la fin des années 50 qui réussirent à évangéliser les populations au bord des rivières mais pas celles des forêts. Sous le gouvernement Fujimori, l’armée et la police nationale installèrent des postes à Puerto Esperanza mais la protection ne se concrétisa en parc national qu’en novembre 2004 avec un certain retard. 

Pourquoi évoquer Purus ?

Le dialogue avec les indigènes a été rompu. Or, pour un tel projet aux enjeux colossaux, quelle que soit l’officine politique en action, il importe que les indigènes déterminent eux-mêmes le mode de développement et la manière de vivre qu’ils souhaitent adopter. Dans le cas contraire, tout projet de développement durable dans la région serait une catastrophe et un péril culturel. 

Pour la première fois dans l’histoire de la province, des étudiants tribaux sont inscrits à l’Université de Pucallpa. Cette évolution de jeunes de Purus a été possible sans route ! La route est-elle donc si nécessaire ? Ne va-t-elle pas accélérer un processus de déculturation et livrer les communautés à tous les trafics ? Actuellement en représailles à l’opposition violente des indigènes contre la route, les postes médicaux gouvernementaux auraient été volontairement désertés, les écoles laissées à l’abandon. Est-ce sérieux ? 


Groupes amazoniens péruviens en Congrès

Les chefs indiens d’Ucayali et Madre de Dios ont annoncé qu’ils réaliseront diverses manifestations de protestation si le parlement péruvien ne revient pas sur son projet de loi. Il y a un mois, les groupes amazoniens péruviens se sont réunis en Congrès et ont désapprouvé à l’unanimité le projet menaçant le parc national Purus. Le Ministère de l’Environnement péruvien les a rejoints ainsi que d’autres institutions académiques nationales. L’ONG WWF apporte son soutien à la contestation. Il y a peu, elle s’était prononcée pour la construction de la route. 

Un projet contesté

La route de Purus s’ajoute au différent sur l’expansion du projet gazier Camisea en Amazonie péruvienne. En avril, des manifestations, avaient eu lieu contre ce projet déjà ancien devant les Ambassades et l’ONG Survival avait remis une pétition à l’Ambassade du Pérou en France, réunissant plus de 120 000 signatures, exhortant le Président péruvien à empêcher les compagnies d’envahir la terre des tribus isolées. Camisea est situé en plein cœur de la réserve Nahua-Nanti créée pour protéger plusieurs tribus. Elle est également la zone tampon du Parc national du Manu, estimé par l’UNESCO comme « le lieu le plus riche en biodiversité au monde ».

Considéré comme le plus important projet gazier du Pérou, Camisea est exploité par les compagnies Pluspetrol (argentine), Hunt Oil (nord-américaine) et Repsol (espagnole). Les Nations-Unies ont appelé par l’intermédiaire de l’Unesco à la « suspension immédiate » des opérations pour protéger les Indiens car ces derniers sont vulnérables aux maladies transmises par les étrangers. Dans les années 1980, une opération d’exploration gazière dans le bloc de Camisea avait eu pour conséquence la mort de la moitié de la tribu nahua.

Modernité ou déculturation: une seule réponse , l'humain avant l'économie !

jeudi, 06 octobre 2011

The Fascists of Peru

The Fascists of Peru

 
Ex: http://xtremerightcorporate.blogspot.com/
One of the most prominent Peruvian leaders, often regarded as a fascist whether justly or not, was Raúl Ferrero Rebagliati. He was born on September 20, 1911 to an Italian father and Peruvian mother in Lima; Alfredo (a native of Turin, Italy) and Amelia (Rebagliati) Ferrero and was the fourth of six children. An academic and lawyer by trade he served as Dean of the Faculty of Law at the Catholic University of Peru, Dean of the College of Abogados de Lima and as a member of the Permanent Court of Arbitration of la Haya. He became known as an admirer of European fascism, not surprising considering his half-Italian roots and a supporter of Peruvian nationalism and broader national mobilization. Rebagliati was an early member of the ‘Revolutionary Union’ which was a political party founded in 1931 by Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro to support his presidential dictatorship.

When Sánchez Cerro was assassinated in 1933 Rebagliati took over leadership of the Revolutionary Union and began to move it in a more recognizably fascist direction. He worked to mobilize mass support for the movement, adopting populist nationalist oratory, the Roman salute and even organized a paramilitary force of Blackshirts such as had brought Mussolini to power in Italy. However, electoral defeat in 1936 caused public confidence in the Revolutionary Union to drop and the movement soon faded away though Rebagliati himself remained a political presence of some note, serving as Prime Minister from 1966 to 1967, during the presidency of Fernando Belaúnde Terry and later as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Shortly after his movement began to dissolve he married Yolanda Costa, daughter of Carlo and Livia (Elice) Costa, in 1937 and by whom he had three children; Maria Elena, Raul Enrique and Augusto Ferrero. He died in Lima on April 22, 1977.

The only other Peruvian fascist of note was José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma who was born on February 26, 1885. He was the descendant of one of the early revolutionary leaders of Peru who, after seizing power, was the first to use the title of “President”. He studied at the National University of San Marcos and the University of Lima where he earned a PhD and then worked as Professor of History at San Marcos. History had always fascinated him, particularly the stories of dynamic national leaders like the Holy Roman Emperors and Napoleon Bonaparte. His entry into politics came in 1915 when he helped to found the moderate Democratic National Party. In 1919 he went to Europe for a time where he met many members of the rising Catholic radical right and read the works of right-wing Catholic nationalists like Jacques Bainville and Charles Maurras. He became convinced that their ideas where the proper basis on which the country should be organized and when he returned to his homeland he endeavored to put them into effect.

In 1930 Riva-Agüero returned to Peru and in 1933 was appointed Prime Minister, Minister of Justice and Minister of Public Education during the presidency of General Oscar R. Benavides; a former Peruvian field marshal, moderate conservative and enemy of communism. This gave him some political credentials but it was still insufficiently right-wing for Riva-Agüero and so he organized his own hard-line, far-right Catholic national movement called ‘Patriotic Action’ in imitation of the movement of Charles Maurras, ‘French Action’. Delving deeper into the social-political roots of Catholic corporatism he soon changed the name of his organization to the Peruvian Fascist Brotherhood. He probably had a more broadly recognized national image than any other figure advocating for the Catholic far-right and voicing support for the fascist regimes in Europe, namely Mussolini in Italy and General Franco in Spain. Although not as imitative of these regimes as some, his was a more traditionally based fascism suited to the place of Peru in the world.

For example, Riva-Agüero was a strong supporter of Hispanidad or the community of Spanish-speaking nations that had once made up the Spanish colonial empire. The inspiring success of General Franco and the Falange in Spain had caused a new vision to arise across Latin America which imagined the formation of strong, Catholic, nationalist (call it fascist/falangist as you like) across the nations of the former Spanish Empire to form a powerful economic and political Hispanic bloc that could be a major force in the world. It was a grand and praiseworthy vision but one, alas, not destined to get very far in the realm of reality. Riva-Agüero himself, after reaching a considerable degree of support and public notoriety began, like so many other fascists, to follow more the rising star of Nazi Germany and adopt strange and extreme ideas that seemed to have nothing to do with the situation in Peru which naturally began to turn people off.

In due time Riva-Agüero became increasingly anti-Semitic in his speeches and writings, something that had never been much of an issue in Peru where most people had never seen a Jew and had no idea who or what they were; as well as becoming an outspoken supporter and defender of Adolf Hitler. Not surprisingly, most of what Peru heard about Hitler they were not inclined to like. His exaltation of Germany meant nothing to them and his praise of racial purity was not likely to attract widespread support in a country dominated by a racially mixed population. Yet, Riva-Agüero was never a real Nazi and differed with Hitler on a number of points. For instance, whereas Hitler had stated his wish to abolish all class distinctions, Riva-Agüero supported the idea of the aristocracy and revived the use of the title of Marquis de Aulestia for himself, an old Spanish title of nobility that had long since fallen into disuse in his family. Rumors of increasingly odd behavior also put people off and his support soon faded away. The fascist career of Riva-Agüero officially came to an end in 1942 when Peru nominally entered World War II on the side of the Allies though he continued to defend his support for Hitler and the Axis nations until his death on October 26, 1944.