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jeudi, 26 mars 2015

Hikikomori : La vie cloîtrée des ados en retrait

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Hikikomori : La vie cloîtrée des ados en retrait

Ex: http://fortune.fdesouche.com

Ce phénomène qui voit des adolescents s’enfermer dans leur chambre pour ne plus en sortir, parfois pendant des années, est très connu depuis la fin des années 1990 au Japon. Il se répand partout dans le monde y compris en France.

Un jour, Hiroshi rentre chez lui et s’enferme à double tour dans sa chambre, dont il ne ressortira que deux ans plus tard. Ce lycéen de la banlieue de Tokyo, qui vit avec sa famille, est le héros quasi invisible du film De l’autre côté de la porte, qui relate ces longs mois d’isolement à travers le regard de ses parents et de son jeune frère, qui  continuent à mener une existence presque normale pendant qu’il s’est transformé en ermite.

Au Japon, ils sont au moins 260.000 comme Hiroshi à décider soudain de se couper physiquement du monde pour une durée indéterminée. On les appelle les hikikomori, un phénomène de société qui atteint les adolescents mais aussi les jeunes adultes et qui a intéressé le réalisateur américain Laurence Thrush, dont le film vient de sortir dans les salles françaises près de cinq années après son tournage.

Choisissant l’angle de la fiction pour aborder le problème sans sombrer dans l’explicatif, le cinéaste relate les deux années d’enfermement de Hiroshi, à travers le point de vue de sa mère et son jeune frère, qui ne comprennent pas les raisons de cette décision radicale.
Thrush n’expliquera jamais pourquoi Hiroshi a un jour choisi de mettre sa vie sociale entre parenthèses: il semble davantage intéressé par les conséquences d’un tel enfermement sur l’existence des proches (incompréhension, sentiment de culpabilité et de honte) et par les façons éventuelles d’y mettre un terme (menacer, négocier, ou tout simplement laisser faire).

Aucune ambition, envie de rien

Maïa Fansten, Cristina Figueiredo, Nancy Pionnié-Dax et Natacha Vellut ont dirigé l’écriture d’un ouvrage intitulé Hikikomori, ces adolescents en retrait, paru en août 2014. Quinze spécialistes (psychanalystes, pédopsychiatres…) y analysent des cas concrets et apportent des éléments d’explication visant à mieux cerner le phénomène –et à étudier son arrivée possible en France.

Le terme hikikomori est apparu au Japon au début des années 1990, une succession de cas ayant d’abord mis à la puce à l’oreille du gouvernement avant que le phénomène finisse par être médiatisé. Dans certaines grandes villes, et en particulier Tokyo, on signalait le cas d’adolescents ayant fini par se murer dans leur chambre le plus calmement du monde, passant leur journée à lire des mangas et à jouer aux jeux vidéo.

Aucune ambition, envie de rien, aucune préoccupation vis à vis de l’avenir: ces jeunes gens se distinguaient des autres adolescents, certes fréquemment apathiques, par un désintérêt total pour le monde réel.

Un ouvrage publié par le psychiatre Tamaki Saito en 1998 en faisait alors un véritable sujet de société. Depuis cette date, tous les Japonais savent ce qu’est un hikikomori: près d’un jeune japonais sur cent serait désormais concerné, selon les chiffres avancés dans le livre français.

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Un problème très masculin

70 à 80% des hikikomori seraient des hommes, la plupart âgés de 15 à 35 ans. Selon Thierry Guthmann, professeur de sciences humaines juridiques et économiques à l’Université de la préfecture de Mie (Japon), les garçons seraient particulièrement touchés en raison de l’incapacité des pères japonais à communiquer avec leurs enfants. Il explique à Slate par mail:

« Lorsque l’enfant est un garçon, son père a tendance à se montrer plus sévère et de communiquer avec lui de façon plus autoritaire. Tandis que les filles se mettent à disposition de leur mère, les garçons ont souvent un fort problème de construction identitaire ».

Terrifiés par ce père qu’ils ont choisi par défaut comme leur référent masculin, les jeunes Japonais semblent ne pas supporter la pression et finissent par s’enfermer.

À l’inverse, beaucoup de jeunes gens deviendraient des hikikomoris après avoir été traités comme des enfants-rois, terme très employé au Japon pour décrire ces enfants, garçons et filles, élevés dans une grande permissivité. Surprotégés et faisant l’objet d’un véritable culte de la part de leurs parents-monstres, ils décident de s’enfermer dans leur chambre autant par caprice que par peur du monde extérieur.

Il y a dans le rapport entre enfants-rois et parents-monstres cette idée que c’est l’enfant qui sait le mieux ce qui est bon pour lui, y compris quand ses décisions semblent aberrantes. D’où le fait que certains de ces parents entrent sans mal dans le jeu des nouveaux hikikomori, qui peuvent alors prolonger leur réclusion à l’envi, sans aucune pression extérieure.

Outre le problème de relation aux parents, ce désir de mise en retrait peut aussi provenir de l’école. La société japonaise est à la fois obnubilée par la réussite scolaire, et en proie à un problème de harcèlement scolaire de certains élèves japonais.

Le problème de l’ijime

Au Japon, le harcèlement scolaire a un nom, l’ijime, qui désigne ce qui se produit lorsqu’une classe entière choisit une bouc-émissaire et multiplie sur lui brimades et humiliations. Les victimes d’ijime n’ont guère le choix elles sont poussées à l’exil, au suicide ou à l’enfermement volontaire. Très populaire au Japon et disponible en France, le manga Life s’empare de ce phénomène qui ravage le pays,.

Sans forcément parler de harcèlement, les spécialistes décrivent ce qu’ils appellent le «mal du mois de mai». Le mois d’avril correspond au Japon à notre rentrée des classes de septembre, ainsi qu’à la prise de fonction de beaucoup d’employés dans les entreprises: après quelques semaines à tenter de s’acclimater ou à découvrir ses nouvelles conditions de travail, les futurs hikikomori craquent sous la pression du travail ou de l’école, et finissent dès le mois de mai par céder au burn-out.

Pour les hikikomori, il s’agit avant tout de rompre toute communication verbale, afin de ne plus se sentir jugé ou évalué.

Questions pratiques

Concernant les jeunes adultes, le phénomène reste l’apanage des grandes villes, pour des raisons pratiques: dans certaines zones, il reste bien difficile de se faire livrer de la nourriture au quotidien.

Beaucoup font leurs besoins dans des seaux et des bouteilles

Les adolescents, eux, n’ont pas ce problème: ils sont souvent choyés par leurs parents, qui refusent évidemment de les laisser mourir de faim, et leur fournissent même de quoi s’assurer un minimum d’hygiène au sein de leur chambre.

Des systèmes complexes sont parfois mis en place, notamment pour ceux qui n’ont pas accès à des toilettes ou à un point d’eau dans la geôle qu’ils se sont choisis. Beaucoup font leurs besoins dans des seaux et des bouteilles, dont ils se débarrassent avec les déchets du quotidien.

Les hikikomori sont prêts à beaucoup de sacrifices pour parvenir à rester coupés du monde: se vautrer dans l’irrespect d’eux-mêmes n’a plus grande importance, l’important étant qu’aucun regard extérieur ne puisse se poser sur eux.

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De l’otaku à l’hikikomori

À travers des forums ou des jeux en ligne, ils gardent un mince contact avec l’extérieur, certains continuant à se tenir au courant des actualités et à se gaver de culture. La démocratisation de l’Internet les a évidemment aidés dans leur tâche: passer des années dans sa chambre sans connexion, c’était risquer de devenir complètement fou; aujourd’hui, grâce au web, les hikikomori peuvent conserver l’illusion d’appartenir encore à notre monde, tout en faisant passer le temps.

Le phénomène hikikomori ressemble à une maladie contagieuse: les nombreux forums disponibles sur le sujet donnent souvent envie aux otakus (équivalent de nos nerds) les plus hardcore de suivre ce modèle qui ressemble pour eux à une vie idéale. Passer ses journées à jouer aux jeux vidéo et à se nourrir de pizzas livrées devant sa porte: sur le papier, cette existence peut ressembler à un rêve pour une certaine catégorie de la population.

Dans le segment du film Tokyo! réalisé par Bong Joon-ho, un hikikomori tombe amoureux de sa livreuse de pizzas, avant d’apprendre un peu plus tard qu’elle-même est devenue hikikomori, probablement par sa faute.

Selon l’ouvrage collectif, le phénomène semble toujours prendre davantage d’ampleur, d’autant qu’il est extrêmement difficile à enrayer. Le gouvernement japonais n’ayant pas réellement pris le problème à bras le corps, des ONG tentent de gérer au cas par cas en aidant les familles désireuses de mettre fin à la réclusion de leurs enfants.

Dans De l’autre côté de la porte, Sadatsugu Kudo interprète son propre rôle: celui d’un médiateur spécialisé dans les hikikomori. Durant toute la seconde moitié du long-métrage, on le voit venir régulièrement chez Hiroshi et lui parler à travers la porte pour le convaincre de sortir enfin.

La négociation peut prendre des mois, voire des années, d’autant que le hikikomori refuse généralement tout usage de la parole, ce qui rend les échanges légèrement limités.

Encore faut-il que la famille, quand il s’agit d’un ado qui vit avec elle, assume d’héberger un hikikomori: au Japon plus qu’ailleurs, le regard des autres est extrêmement important, ce qui pousse certains parents et proches à se murer eux aussi dans le silence plutôt que de rendre publique la situation inextricable dans laquelle ils se trouvent.

Les happy end sont rares

La plupart finissent par sortir, au bout de quelques mois ou de quelques années (le record est de près de 20 ans, explique l’ouvrage), parce qu’ils finissent par avoir besoin de l’extérieur ou parce qu’ils ont pris le temps de chercher un but à leur vie; mais la réadaptation est extrêmement délicate, tant il est difficile pour eux de se réadapter aux règles de vie en communauté.

La rechute est fréquente et les happy ends sont rares, contrairement à ce qui se produit dans la jolie comédie Des nouilles aux haricots noirs, présentée au festival du film asiatique de Deauville en 2010 sous le titre Castaway on the moon et diffusée en mars par Arte. Une hikikomori sud-coréenne y fait la rencontre (à distance) d’un naufragé urbain, prisonnier d’une île déserte en plein Séoul.

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La France menacée

Pour le sociologue Andy Furlong, qui l’explique dans le livre Hikikomori, ces adolescents en retrait, toutes les conditions semblent réunies pour que ce phénomène typiquement japonais s’étende au reste du monde.

Des artistes en dehors du Japon se sont d’ailleurs déjà penché sur la question, comme le réalisateur mexicain Michel Franco avec Después de Lucía.

Surtout, des psychiatres ont déjà rapporté des cas dans des pays comme les États-Unis, l’Australie, l’Italie ou l’Espagne selon Furlong. En 2012, Le Monde évoquait le travail du docteur Alan Teo, psychiatre à l’université du Michigan à Ann Arbour, qui avait publié cette année-là, dans l’International Journal of Social Psychiatry, un article sur le premier cas d’hikikomori aux États-Unis: un jeune adulte (30 ans), enfermé pendant trois ans dans son appartement. Le Monde citait:

«La première année, il est resté dans un cabinet de toilettes assez spacieux, se nourrissant de plats qu’on lui apportait. Ne se lavant pas, déféquant et urinant dans des seaux et des bouteilles, il passait son temps sur Internet et devant des jeux vidéo. Il avait déjà vécu un semblable épisode de retrait social qui avait duré plusieurs années quand il avait 20 ans. A chaque fois, il souffrait de dépression sévère.»

La France commencerait également à être touchée: le docteur Marie-Jeanne Guedj-Bourdiau, pédopsychiatre, chef de service des urgences psychiatriques de l’hôpital Sainte-Anne, affirme dans l’ouvrage collectif que des dizaines de cas ont été constatés dans notre pays, concernant non seulement des adolescents, mais également de jeunes adultes qui aurait eu du mal à terminer leurs études supérieures.

Le taux de chômage chez les jeunes ainsi que le nombre croissant d’accros à Internet et aux jeux vidéos n’aidera pas à endiguer le phénomène.

Slate

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Menaces sur les croisières en Méditerranée

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MENACES SUR LES CROISIÈRES EN MÉDITERRANÉE
 
Derrière les barbares, les barbaresques!

Jean Bonnevey
Ex: http://metamag.fr

Ce sont des croisiéristes à terre qui ont été attaqués en Tunisie. Mais comment ne pas se demander, si les croisières elle-même, en méditerranée notamment, ne seront pas bientôt des cibles. Cette hypothèse est de plus en plus évoquée par les spécialistes de la sécurité, même si elle n’est pas médiatisée pour ne pas provoquer d’affolement.


Ce sont des amiraux, ayant eu de hautes fonctions dans l'Otan, cités par Le Point, qui ont pointé du doigt la menace. «Si j'avais un yacht de plaisance et l'intention de naviguer cet été en Méditerranée, je serais inquiet pour ma sécurité», a ainsi déclaré l'amiral britannique Chris Parry. «Les côtes italiennes, les rivages européens les plus proches de la Libye, vont devenir des endroits à haut risque», a renchéri l'amiral américain Jim Stavridis. Pour lui, il n'y a aucune raison pour que la Méditerranée ne devienne pas, après l'océan Indien, le golfe de Guinée ou le détroit de Malacca, un nouveau terrain d'action pour la piraterie.


C’est vraie, il n’y a aucune raison, surtout finalement que ce ne serait que revenir à une situation antérieure. Retour possible donc à la case piraterie barbaresque. La prise d'esclaves serait simplement remplacée par la prise d’otages.


Barbaresque est un terme qui désignait les pirates opérant dans le bassin méditerranéen après la conquête musulmane. La durée de leur activité en mer Méditerranée est telle qu'elle peut être décrite depuis les premiers temps de l'Islam, alors associée à la conquête musulmane sur le continent européen, qui, une fois la péninsule ibérique prise, se prolonge par des incursions en Septimanie jusqu'à des prises de villes en Provence.


C'est par la seconde phase de l'ère coloniale que les puissances européennes vont mettre fin aux raids des pirates barbaresques, opérant depuis des cités de la côte sud de la Méditerranée, entre-temps passées sous domination ottomane.


Sur le plan géographique, le terme barbaresque correspond approximativement à l'aire du Maghreb actuel, connue sous le nom de côte des Barbaresques ; sur le plan historique, les siècles barbaresques recouvrent la période ottomane qui, pour l'Algérie par exemple, court de 1516, année de l'arrivée des frères Barberousse à Alger, à 1830 ; sur le plan démographique, le barbaresque désigne aussi bien les corsaires et marins originaires de cette aire géographique que les habitants du Maghreb.


Ce terme peu précis est péjoratif, à l'instar du terme sarrasin qui désignait aussi bien, au Moyen Âge européen, les Arabes que les Berbères d'Espagne. Il évoquait la réalité du sort très peu enviable fait aux chrétiens victimes de la traite des esclaves de Barbarie qui tombaient entre les mains des pirates lors des razzias et finissaient leur vie comme esclaves ou dans les bagnes d'Alger ou de Tunis. Un pan de l’esclavage peu mis en évidence, on se demande bien pourquoi ?


Au tout début du XVIème siècle, Khayr ad-Din Barberousse, amiral de l'Empire ottoman, est utilisé par François Ier dans sa lutte contre l'Italie Cependant, à la suite de l'échec de cette politique et de la Bataille de Lépante, les puissances européennes sont progressivement confrontées à l'impossibilité de naviguer en Méditerranée, soit à cause de rançonnement des marchandises, ou bien à cause de la prise d'esclaves, parfois rachetés.


Aussi, de nombreuses batailles navales ont lieu comme la Bataille du cap Celidonio en 1608 suivie d'une autre en 1616, la Bataille de Valona en 1638, le Bataille de Cherchell en 1665, la Bataille de Bougie en 1671. En France, Colbert entreprend de les combattre méthodiquement à partir de 1662.


Parallèlement, des ordres religieux comme les Trinitaires ou l'Ordre de Notre-Dame-de-la-Merci, déjà fondés depuis plusieurs siècles, tentent de racheter des esclaves chrétiens, aide qui s'intensifiera sous Louis XIV, libérant des centaines de prisonniers après parfois des décennies de captivité. Mais l'immense majorité reste captive: 600 000 à 1 000 000 au Maghreb sur la période 1530-1640.


Cette période prendra fin avec la prise de contrôle hégémonique des puissances européennes correspondant à la seconde phase de l'ère coloniale, au cours de laquelle ces pays installent sur les pays du Maghreb une tutelle coloniale. Associés à ces opérations militaires, les États-Unis connaissent deux épisodes de leur histoire militaire navale dénommés : "guerre de la côte des barbaresques" (Première guerre barbaresque), (1801–1805) et Seconde guerre barbaresque (1815). Ces opérations restent dans la mémoire comme un des premiers faits d'armes du corps des Marines.


Alors bien sûr pas d’amalgame…. Mais tout de même avec ce qui se passe, on a  le droit de se dire que la pax  européa imposée par la colonisation qui n’avait pas que des mauvais côtés, est aujourd’hui en danger et avec elle notre manière de vivre, ce qui inclut le tourisme et…. les croisières.


Le danger est réel …. Et le temps des barbaresques pirates musulmans n’est pas si ancien.

Michael Torigian’s Every Factory a Fortress

Michael Torigian’s Every Factory a Fortress

By Eugène Montsalvat

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com

tor1ARSVm+yTL._UY250_.jpgMichael Torigian
Every Factory a Fortress: The French Labor Movement in the Age of Ford and Hitler
Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1999

Michael Torigian’s Every Factory a Fortress: The French Labor Movement in the Age of Ford and Hitler chronicles the rise and decline of the French Labor movement from the years surrounding the First World War to the outbreak of the Second, culminating in a storm of labor agitation from 1934-1940.

It tells the story of how the working class responded to the social changes introduced by the Fordist-Taylorist model of production that became prevalent during World War I. The rise of the labor movement in these decades lead to the establishment of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) as a major political force. They faced a great deal of challenges that manifested as strife on the factory floor, within the unions, against the various other factions in French politics, and internationally.

Torigian focuses particularly on the most powerful and radical element of the labor movement, the metal workers, termed métallos in French. These workers were involved in the various trades of steel making, shipbuilding, re-forging, mechanical manufacturing, electrical manufacturing, airplane, automobile, and defense manufacturing, and other miscellaneous metal fabrication. They would play a pivotal role in the wave of strikes and factory occupations that occurred in the years immediately preceding the Second World War.

In addition to the labor struggle, the threat of a Fascist coup in 1934 and the impending war with Germany, made the labor movement a part of the left wing French resistance to Fascism, yet the tension between the international political concerns and economic issues facing the workers would prove to deleterious to the unions and the PCF as the nation lurched towards the Second World War.

Every Factory a Fortress begins with an overview of the transformation of the French metal industry in the years surrounding the First World War. Perhaps the most drastic of all the changes was the adoption of the Fordist-Taylorist mode of production. In the years before the First World War, the metal industry was essentially based in craft workshops, which required a certain amount of skilled labor, and some familiarity with mathematics and drafting as well as manufacturing. It was an essentially artisanal trade.

The First World War would be the beginning of the end for the small workshop. Industrial production would be concentrated in large factories, often employing thousands of workers, which would utilize mechanized, standardized mass production techniques as developed by Henry Ford and Frederick W. Taylor. These would be detrimental to the conditions of the worker. In the old workshops, the craftsman enjoyed a degree of independence and the respect of the foremen. Management rarely intervened in the day-to-day life of the worker.

The Fordist-Taylorist system would replace much of the skilled labor needed with machines, and their operators would be subjected to dehumanizing “scientific management.” Engineers and management would dictate the most effective means of production to the workers, who were reduced to performing repetitive and often dangerous industrial routines as part of an assembly line, often timed by a stopwatch. Failure to keep pace would result in the dismissal of the worker, thus making employment less secure.

This was compounded by the fact that the bosses, termed the patronat, viewed themselves as rulers of the workers, and refused to recruit higher level positions from the laborers, preferring to hire engineers and managers from outside. This lack of social mobility would compound the divide between the workers and the patronat.

The conditions of the war furthered the problems inherent in the system. The fact that many men were out at the front, and would die as a result of the war, meant that women, immigrants, and boys were brought in to fill their roles in the war years and those following. Paid less and easily replaced, this furthered the degradation of skilled labor.

The high turnover in the metal industry following the First World War would have serious social consequences as well. The lack of job security and the flux of employment that resulted from workers constantly leaving factories in search of higher wages led to a fairly nomadic existence. The rooted communities based upon the skilled workers of the workshop ceased to exist and workers crowded into hastily constructed suburbs, which lacked adequate electricity, sanitation, and other basic amenities. Tuberculosis, diphtheria, and other communicable diseases took their toll, and child mortality increased.

The decline of the traditional working communities and the rise of atomized life in the slums provided an opening for mass, consumer culture to replace the organic bonds of society. Sports, radio broadcasts, and cinema became popular diversions French culture became Americanized, Hollywoodized, as one trade unionist noted, “Today, life inside and outside the factories is similar to life in America and has no other aim than the pursuit of crass material satisfaction . . . To achieve this satisfaction people seem willing to accept any kind of servitude.” Moreover, the rise of consumerism distracted the working class from political and economic goals.

The labor movement in France was descended from the ideology of revolutionary syndicalism, which held that the workers would rise up and seize control of the workshops. In the aftermath of the First World War, it proved to be antiquated, as it focused on the concerns of skilled workers in the atmosphere of the workshops that dominated before the rise of the mass industrial system.

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Represented by the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), they adopted an anarchist position and refused to negotiate with political parties or form their own to represent themselves, codifying their beliefs in the 1906 Charter of Amiens. Opposed to negotiation with bosses and politicians, the CGT used wildcat strikes, boycotts, and sabotage to advocate for worker control. However, membership remained low, and poor organization stifled its ability to pursue extended strikes.

Divergences between the more reformist and the revolutionary wings began to arise and were furthered by the First World War, as the working class was unequivocally patriotic in their support of the war effort. This lead the CGT to reject direct action in favor of negotiation. However, the new workers in the war industry did not take to the CGT, preferring more mass movement-oriented action over the skilled labor elite of the CGT.

In 1917 there was a round of strikes, opposed by CGT representatives, who sought to protect the interests of skilled laborers from the demands of the masses. In March 1918, another round of strikes lead by anti-reformist dissident stewards broke out. Furthermore, the Russian Revolution had piqued the interest of the more revolutionary segments of the labor movement.

In the waning months of the war, reformist elements sought to codify some of the state-directed socialist aspects of the war economy to mitigate the threat of revolution, proposing nationalization, collective management, and state resolution of contract disputes. However, the end of the war restored the full free market, and the unions lost whatever leverage they enjoyed during the war.

This strengthened the hand of revolutionary syndicalists and the new Soviet-oriented groups. In June 1919, anarchist stewards lead nearly 180,000 workers in a month long strike, where a Soviet was proclaimed in Saint-Denis. The refusal of the CGT leadership to endorse the strikes only exacerbated tensions between the revolutionaries and the reformists. This led to creation of the PCF from a split in the Socialist Party in 1920, and workers began to rally to this new “worker’s party.”

The reformist leadership began to purge the revolutionaries aligned with the PCF, who formed the Confédération Générale du Travail Unitaire (CGTU) in 1922. The CGTU experienced infighting between syndicalists, anarchists, and communists, but by 1923 had enough control to bring the CGTU into the Soviet backed Red International of Labor Unions and organize the union according to Bolshevism. The Unitaires, as CGTU members were called, in the metal industry were used as the political laboratory of the CGTU, where “every change of line, every new directive, every political imperative cooked up by the French and international communist movement would thus find its way into the union’s daily operations.”

One particular organizational change used by the CGTU was to shift the base of operations from the section locale, which represented union by neighborhood, to the section syndicale, which represented workers directly on the factory floor, thus implanting the CGTU into the daily workings of the factory. Unfortunately, the factory sections were hampered by management intimidation and logistics. Both the CGTU and the “confederal” CGT failed to achieve much progress throughout the twenties in terms of concrete gains for their members.

It was the onset of the Great Depression that would strengthen the hand of labor in France. The contraction in the labor movement would end the high turnover in the factories. Immigration, migration from the countryside, and female labor participation decreased, and skilled workers and family men were given priority. This essentially stabilized the environment on the factory floor, which would allow the labor movement to take root. Moreover, the conditions inside the factory worsened in terms of stagnating wages, production speedups, and longer hours. The stabilization of the workforce, combined with more unpleasant conditions lead to a greater need for labor activism.

The CGT tried to organize within the communist dominated suburbs, but were hampered by the union locale mode of organization where unions were represented by locals outside the factory, which led to a lack of contact between the worker and union. The unitaires were better prepared to unionize the métallos, using the section syndicale to reach workers directly on the factory floor. The PCF also utilized factory cells to recruit.

In 1930, direct orders from the Soviet Union forced the CGTU and PCF to reduce their revolutionary rhetoric and focus more on the day-to-day struggles of the workers, which helped end the marginalization they suffered in the preceding years. In 1932 the CGTU started making more concrete demands than full scale revolution like the 40 hour week, guaranteed minimum wages, collective bargaining, and health and safety guarantees. However, the revolutionary core was still present in the party, though reigned in. These radical activists would prove useful in leading future agitation. An increase in strike activity by the CGTU from 1931 to 1933 would result from the turn towards the concerns of the common worker. The CGTU took on the prominent French auto manufacturer, Renault, in November 1931 after a large wage cut was announced. The strike broke out on a shop by shop level, leading to a two month struggle with management. While the strike failed, it raised the credibility of the CGTU in the eyes of the workers. In 1933, the CGTU fomented a massive strike at the plant of Citroen after wage cut announcements were made. After a work stoppage by 300 craftsmen, CGTU agitation eventually caused Citroen to lockout 18,000 workers. Strike committees were formed as intermediaries between union leadership and the workers. Citroen eventually reopened its factories and the promised a mitigation of the wage cut, and the workers returned in blocs, who would engage in slowdowns to force the factory to keep their promises and rehire strikers. While the strike did not bring Citroen to heel completely, it solidified the role of the CGTU as the leader of labor activism in the metal industry.

The events of February 1934 France would have a major impact on the labor movement. The Stavisky Affair, which revealed that several members of the cabinet were connected to the Jewish swindler Serge Stavisky, inflamed the passions of the far right, and led to a series of demonstrations in January 1934 by organizations like Action Française and Croix de Feu of a generally an anti-democratic character.

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On February 3rd, Premier Daladier dismissed the right-wing prefect of the police, leading to massive demonstrations on the 6th. 100,000 rightists marched on the Chamber of Deputies, and police opened fire, killing 18 and leaving 18,000 wounded. Fearing impending civil war, the government resigned.

Maurice-Thorez.jpgThe initial response of the communists was indifferent. PCF leader Maurice Thorez stated that there was “ no difference between bourgeois democracy and fascism. They are two forms of capitalism . . . Between cholera and the plague one does not choose.” On the 7th of February, the PCF rejected a socialist overture to form a united front against what was widely perceived as a Fascist coup attempt.

Interestingly enough, it was PCF member and future Fascist Jacques Doriot that broke ranks with the party leadership to propose an alliance with the Section Française de l’Internationale Ouvrière (SFIO) against the anti-republican forces. In response, Thorez announced a demonstration on February 9th against fascism and Daladier’s cabinet. The demonstration was banned, but it went ahead anyhow, resulting in street fighting that left six dead. In response a general strike was called on February 12th, mobilizing four million workers across the country.

In this action, the strikers saw themselves not as agents of revolutionary class struggle, but as defenders of French democratic institutions derived from the French Revolution. This in turn would lead to the formation of alliances between the PCF and the less revolutionary factions of the French left. The PCF joined the SFIO to formulate a “united action pact.” With German rearmament posing a threat to Soviet Union, the PCF was forced to abandon its criticism of French democracy and seek alliances with potential allies against a future German assault within the political sphere. Steps were taken to reunify the CGT and the CGTU, but they had yet to produce any results. The new-found moderation of the PCF and CGTU and their symbolic defense of the republic proved to be quite successful in convincing workers to join, swelling the ranks in the metal union enough for them to put out a weekly paper, Le Métallo.

The Franco-Soviet Pact of Mutual Assistance in May 1935 forced further rapprochement between the PCF and the French state, which opened the way for an alliance with the Radicals, the bourgeois liberal party. The PCF increasingly appealed to French patriotism against the threat of Germany, wrapping themselves “so tightly in the French flag that the hammer and sickle would barely be visible.” The May 1935 election would also see the formation of a People’s Front observing “republican discipline,” where voters would vote for the strongest Left-wing party on the second ballot. This lead to massive gains for the PCF, moving the number of cities and towns under PCF control from 150 to 297.

In June 1935, the Comité de Rassemblement Populaire was formed to bring together the PCF, SFIO, CGT, CGTU, and Radicals to organize a pro-republican Bastille Day rally. However, it decided to maintain itself afterwards and align with the People’s Front in support of republican defense. However, the various factions were in dispute on a number of issues, and it would take until January 1936 for them to codify a program, based around international defense against fascism, suppression of the right-wing leagues, and some fairly vague promises of restoring the worker’s purchasing power harmed by the depression through a fairly Keynesian program. A GCT-CGTU merger would follow in March of 1936.

The political gains and consolidation of the left would help support and organize labor activism in the future. In 1935, the first major successes of the CGTU soon followed, the Gnome-et-Rhône aircraft works granted labor demands after the threat of a strike, and similar victories in the Panhard-Levassor auto plant, the Chausson auto works, Hispano-Souza, and the aircraft plants of Bloch, CAMS, and Loiré-Olivier soon followed.

The 1936 parliamentary elections would intensify the momentum of the French labor movement, the Communists growing from 10 to 72 seats. However, parties of the extreme right had also made significant gains. The atmosphere of polarization grew as the moderate bourgeois liberal parties were reduced in strength. 120,000 workers rose in a May Day strike. The Bréguet aviation plant fired two militants in reprisal for their role in the May Day strike, which triggered an occupation. When police arrived to evict them, they barricaded themselves into the workshop bearing the company’s prototypes. The management recalled the police and opened negotiations when they refused to leave. The striker’s demands were satisfied. Another strike broke out, possibly encouraged by the PCF’s Toulouse branch, in the Latécoère aviation plant and it was settled in the workers favor in a manner similar to the Bréguet strike. The wave of factory occupations struck the capital region, notably at the Bloch plant, where a strike aided by PCF deputies and the Communist mayor of Courbevoie succeeded in granting a new contract with a large raise to the workers.

However, the leadership of the PCF, was not entirely pleased by these actions, as they had joined the People’s Front to maintain the force of the French government against the rising power of German Fascism. PCF organ L’Humanité urged the workers to “refrain from wild revolutionary gestures.” However, the new People’s Front government had buoyed the worker’s hope for economic reform, and they would go ahead with or without Communist support.

A demonstration in memory of the Paris Commune of 1871 on May 24th drew 600,000 workers, furthering the fervor of the movement, as syndicalist Pierre Monatte remarked, “When you feel strong in the streets, you can no longer feel like a slave in the factory.” The Tuesday following the commemoration of the Commune, 4,000 workers occupied six metal plants. This strike would spread, on Thursday 33,000 Renault workers would join. Attempts to resolve the strikes on June 1st failed when the employers refused to sign a contract. On June 2nd, 60 factories were occupied, and the strike had spread to other regions of France. The union leaders who had advocated caution in order to maintain their political position were ignored as the movement gained a life of its own.

On June 7th, an agreement, dubbed the Matignon Accords, was reached, which promised recognition of the union, a 7 to 15 percent raise, and a system of shop stewards. Other demands would be resolved later. However, the employers immediately had reservations, and the most of the striking workers saw no reason to leave, believing the accords were too loose. By the 9th of June, four million workers remained on strike.

Fear of a revolution reached fever pitch as labor delegates rejected the employers’ concessions, demanding four non-negotiable things: a serious wage increase, paid vacation, payment for the days on strike, and satisfaction of the striking technicians’ demands. The government, fearing civil war, hurriedly passed a forty-hour week, paid vacation, and collective bargaining. Thorez, fearing that that the strike would break the People’s Front, called on workers to bring the strikes to an end, and on the 12th of June, the union signed a contract with the employer’s collective, the UIMM, which granted paid vacation, raises, and shop stewards, and the union was recognized as the sole bargaining agent of the workers. Further bargains between individual factories were struck on the 13th and 14th, and work resumed on the 15th. The workers viewed this as a great triumph, and the strikers evacuated the plants to great fanfare.

The employers responded to the new system with a series of indirect attacks on the Matignon Accords, firing stewards, reclassifying categories of workers, and delaying the implementation of the contract. The employers’ actions intensified the workers’ defiance, augmented by the fact that many of the new union recruits were inexperienced in dealing with the formalities of negotiation and came to unionism in the surge of labor radicalism. The union leadership was presented with problems from the confrontational attitude of the new stewards, who sought to flex their new found power at the least provocation from management. The PCF worried that further conflicts with the patronat would damage the political strength of the People’s Front. CGT leader Jouhaux urged employees to ignore “employer provocations” and wait for the government to arbitrate disputes.

The advent of the Spanish Civil War would further the rifts developing in the People’s Front further. The Blum government bowed to public pressure and refused to aid the loyalists in the conflict. For the PCF and the CGT this was akin to the endorsement of fascism. A one-hour general strike in protest of France’s non-intervention was called for on the 7th of September. While supported by the Communists, it had the effect of inflaming the tensions between them and the syndicalists and socialists opposed to further warfare in Europe, and the SFIO announced its opposition to the strike on the grounds that it would threaten the People’s Front government.

To counter the Communist influence in the factories, the SFIO formed the Amicales Socialistes d’Enterprise, a rival union. Some former confederals in the CGT also took an anti-communist, pacifist line spread through their organ Syndicats. About a third of the CGT, sympathetic to revolutionary syndicalism supported the Syndicats group. At the first meeting of the Metal Federation’s congress after CGT-CGTU reunification, attempts were made to preserve the spirit of unity, and two of six executive positions were reserved for confederals. However, following the passage of a compulsory government arbitration bill for strikes, which the CGT accepted, and Blum’s increasingly conservative policies in the midst of financial crisis, workers became increasingly disgruntled with the union’s willingness to support the government, and anarchist and Trotskyites formed the Cercle Syndicaliste “Lutte de Classes” in opposition to CGT.

tract-sfio-1936-1.jpgWorker support for the People’s Front government was further eroded in 1937 following the rise of the fascist Parti Sociale Français (PSF). Following the fatal shootings of six workers by policemen in an anti-fascist demonstration at Clichy on March 16th, which lead to a call for a half-day strike in protest of the killings, Blum threatened to resign if the strike went ahead, and then failing to do so, ordered the police to crackdown on the workers who allegedly instigated the violence at Clichy.

Worker anger at the PCF’s collaboration with Blum was unabashed; one Communist stated, “They massacre the workers, they let revolutionary Spain perish, and it’s L’Humanité and the party that makes us swallow it all.” Violent protests erupted in factories throughout the Paris metal industry. In response, employers increased their repression of the unions, locking out workers and firing militants, even refusing to abide by settled contracts in some cases.

The resignation of Blum, who was replaced by Chautemps, only diminished the workers’ faith in the People’s Front and increased the anger they felt towards the union leadership for collaborating with it. The Amicales, Cercle Syndicaliste, and Syndicats, as well as Catholic and Fascist unions attracted workers. Following the failure of the unions and the employers to agree on a new contract after the expiration on the 31st of December 1937, and the failure of the government to arbitrate new terms, the stage was set for another major wave of conflict between labor and management.

1938 saw the reinstatement of Blum as premier following Chautemps’ resignation. This in turn gave the union leadership impetus to demand an anti-fascist foreign policy in addition to their contractual demands. Blum would increase defense spending to counter Germany’s rearmament, but he demanded the unions make a concession concerning the forty-hour work week. The union was willing to abide by this, provided they received a new contract, but the proposed deal fell through. This failure strengthened the hand of the anti-CGT, anti-PCF groups like the Amicales, Cercle Syndicaliste, and Syndicats, who claimed that the union was overtaken by “war psychosis” to the extent that it ignored the economic objectives close to the workers. The metal unions attempted to convince the Blum government that the employers were sabotaging war production through their treatment of the workers. In twenty metal plants workers struck in 20- to 90-minute waves for a new contract and the opening of the Spanish border. However, this in turn lead to large scale strikes, shutting down Citroen’s seven Paris plants, which did not mention foreign policy concerns at all. The union leadership was unprepared for an intensification of the strike activity, but they had no choice but to allow them to continue if they want to maintain the respect of the laborers. However, when the sections syndicales initiated more strike activity, under orders from the central leadership, the leadership then refused to take responsibility or seize the initiative to guide them, torn between the demands of the workers and the political imperatives of maintaining the government against German rearmament. The indecision of the union leadership, combined with their failure to adequately provide strike pay, soup kitchens, or elect strike committees, left the strikers feeling abandoned, which in turn provided an opportunity for Trotskyites to demonstrate leadership of the strike and agitate for further work stoppages. The PCF response was violent and decisive, and PCF thugs beat any Trotskyite agitators approaching the factories. To compound issues, Catholic and Fascist unions were also attempting to turn the workers against the union leaders, and this resulted in several violent confrontations. In the face of mounting divides in the strikers, the employers saw no reason to soften their stance towards them and adamantly refused to entertain their demands. An offer by union leaders to end the strike following government arbitration and a token wage increase was rebuffed by the employers. This failure only spurred further strikes, by April 8th it consisted of 68,000 workers occupying 40 factories. Blum once again resigned in the face of mounting pressure after failing to obtain special powers to end the strikes.

The Daladier succeeded in gaining the special powers denied to Blum and he ordered troops to occupy Paris. A deal called the Jacomet Sentence was struck for workers in the nationalized aviation sector, providing a 45-hour week and a 7 percent wage increase. This was extended to private sector plants on April 13th, and ratified on the 14th. The entire Paris metal industry returned to work on the 19th.

However, workers began to notice how much the agreement curtailed their rights, effectively destroying many of the gains won with the Matignon Accords. Section meetings, posting of union information, and the collection of dues were restricted or prohibited. Furthermore, employers used punitive firings against labor militants, in express violation of the contract they agreed to. Membership in the metal unions declined by nearly a third. In response to criticism among the ranks, CGT leadership labeled unruly members Trotskyites, fascists, or provocateurs.

Further pressure on the unions arose when the Daladier government appointed center-right politician Paul Reynaud as Finance Minister. His decrees proved particularly intolerable, raising taxes, imposing new pro-employer mechanisms to resolve industrial strife, reestablishing the six-day work week, and giving employers the right to fire or blacklist employees for refusing overtime. These decrees would give the CGT a reason to strike against the Daladier government, with the intent of forcing its resignation. A series of strikes on November 21st to the 24th broke out and raised further pressure of a general strike, forcing police to use violence to remove the occupying strikers. They police succeeded in evicting the strikers from all the plants but Renault, whose management further inflamed tensions by announcing an increase in hours. Union leaders attempting to defuse the situation were ignored and workers prepared a last stand, barricading the doors, and gathering pieces of metal to use as projectiles in the face of a coming police onslaught. 6,000 police faced down 10,000-15,000 workers. The ensuing “Battle of Renault” saw the police deploy tear gas to clear the factory and resulted in serious injury to 46 police, 22 workers, hundreds of lesser injuries, and 500 arrests. Renault locked out 28,000 workers the next day and declared their contract null and void. Between the 25th and 30th, union leadership wavered, giving the government time to prepare further measures against future unrest. A general strike planned for the 30th of November was impeded by the government’s deployment of troops and its requisitioning of workers necessary to the basic functioning of national infrastructure. It is estimated around 75% of the Paris region metal industry participated in the strike, but the end result was total defeat. Entire factories were locked out or had their workforce dismissed, union stewards were fired, 500 strikers were sentenced to prison. Rehired workers had to deal with significantly less protections than the ones they had earned two years earlier, and the non-socialist factions of the state shunning cooperation with the unions and communists.

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Following the March 1939 annexation of the remainder of Czechoslovakia by the Germans, repressive conditions in the factories only intensified as a result of hurried military production. However, labor leaders following the Comintern anti-German line, were loath to interrupt the militarization of France against Germany. Then the Molotov-Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact between the Soviet Union and Germany threw the leadership into chaos. Daladier accused the PCF of being unfaithful to France and CGT leader Johaux condemned the pact, but resisted calls to remove communists from the CGT. The PCF was thrown into even worse disarray than the CGT, as a third of its elected officials resigned in protest, and the government seized their publications. The German invasion of Poland, forced PCF leader Thorez to accept the war effort, but a direct Soviet order demanded that the PCF denounce the war and sabotage the French war effort. The CGT responded by purging the Communists from its ranks. The PCF was proscribed and forced to go underground. The Communist- dominated metal union was disbanded on the 26th of September. The government’s polices towards labor once again became more repressive, banning collective bargaining, strikes, and freezing wages. Those who objected were interned.

However, government concerns about the threat of labor unrest let to an agreement between labor and management to collaborate in the war effort, called the Majestic Agreement. Yet this collaboration failed to deliver any concrete benefits to the workers. Finally, German victory over France in May 1940 would put the factories at the disposal of the victors, thus ending the period of labor strife that had lasted for six years.

Lessons for White Nationalists

The rise and fall of the French labor movement provides many lessons for any budding political movement. Those on the right should not be afraid of learning from the successes and failures of a supposedly left-wing movement. Indeed, many of the concerns articulated by the labor movement were inherently conservative, if not reactionary, as Torigian notes in his Epilogue.

The rise of the unions had its origin in the reaction to the social dislocations caused by mass production and industrialization. Economic events tore asunder the traditional communities centered around the craft workshop; the spirit of camaraderie that craft workers enjoyed was replaced by mechanized drudgery. The strikes provided the first opportunity in years for workers — who stood shoulder-to-shoulder, bound to machines — to form bonds with one another. During the six years of labor unrest, the unions set up schools, concerts, and vacation homes for their members, giving them some semblance of a community they had lost in the preceding years. The goal of restoring the historical ties of a community severed by modernity shows the deep conservatism beneath the outward trappings of leftist unionism.

Another conservative facet of labor’s rise was the fact that it was jolted from its previous malaise by an appeal to patriotism. It was the call to defend the Republic, and the heritage of the French Revolution, that started the six years of struggle in 1934. As Alain Soral states in “Class Struggle Within Socialism: 1830-1914 [2],” “It is historically demonstrated that the people are always patriotic,” noting that even the Communards of 1871 were reacting against the defeat of Sedan and the Prussian occupation agreed to by the bourgeois government. It was the leadership’s willingness to follow the foreign dictates of Comintern, at the expense of economic and social concerns dear to the average worker, that destroyed the benefits they had achieved through the Matignon accords.

The failure of the People’s Front should also be a lesson to any radical political movement about the dangers of mainstreaming. The willingness to sacrifice the gains the union had achieved for the survival of a political party proved disastrous. The equivocation and willingness to compromise demonstrated by the CGT and PCF in the years following Matignon weakened the resolve in the ranks, diminished membership in the movement, and opened the door for more radical elements to outflank them. The concerns of the people within the movement should take priority over any desire for political expediency. The idea that some politician will be the savior of any particular extreme struggle, left or right, has been disproved time and time again. Those who fail to grasp that would greatly benefit from reading Every Factory A Fortress.

Furthermore, anyone wishes to see how a mass movement can become strong enough to challenge the entrenched interests of the political and economic elite should read Every Factory a Fortress. As the struggles of labor continue in the face of globalization, multiculturalism, unchecked immigration, and other consequences of untrammeled neo-liberalism, the need for a movement to raise its banner against this brazen exploitation grows daily. Only by assimilating the lessons of the period from 1934 to 1940 will it emerge victorious.


Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2015/03/michael-torigian-every-factory-a-fortress/

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[1] Image: https://secure.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/EveryFactoryaFortress.jpg

[2] Class Struggle Within Socialism: 1830-1914: http://openrevolt.info/2012/03/23/alain-soral-class-stuggle-within-socialism-1830-1914/

La mise en place d’un système de propagande au niveau européen

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La mise en place d’un système de propagande au niveau européen

 

 

 

 

Il y a quelques mois, le média EUobserver signalait l’existence d’un document informel à l’initiative de la Grande-Bretagne, de la Lituanie, de l’Estonie et du Danemark, appelant à doter l’UE de moyens d’informations communs destinés à « déconstruire… la propagande hostile » que représenteraient les médias russes dans le cadre du conflit ukrainien. L’affrontement du bloc américano-occidental et de la Russie, a en effet permis de mettre à jour l’embrigadement des grands médias occidentaux sur les sujets géopolitiques et stratégiques et a permis à de nombreux citoyens européens à la recherche d’une information réaliste et factuelle de s’informer hors de la sphère d’influence américaine par le biais des grands médias russes, comme Russia Today, qui dispose maintenant d’une édition en langue française. La simple comparaison entre les informations déployées à l’intérieur du bloc OTAN et celles circulants hors de la sphère d’influence américano-occidentale, permet effectivement de prendre conscience de la propagande de guerre à l’oeuvre dans les médias européens et de leur manipulation de l’information.

Le document, probablement d’origine états-unienne, prévoyait donc la mise en place au niveau européen d’une « plate forme permanente au sein de laquelle l’UE et l’OTAN pourraient échanger leurs points de vue sur la communication stratégique » et appelait les producteurs médiatiques à « encourager les échanges entre les productions des différents pays (divertissements, films, documentaires) afin de fournir des alternatives compétitives à la production russe sur le marché européen de la télévision. »

Le conseil européen des 19 et 20 mars derniers, a adopté à cet effet une « feuille de route » concernant la mise en place des mesures préconisées par ce document, sous la supervision de la chef de la diplomatie européenne Federica Mogherini, dans le but « de superviser le nouveau programme d’envergure pour contrecarrer le travail des médias russes. »

Cette dernière a notamment déclaré le 19 janvier : “Nous travaillons sur la mise en place d’une stratégie de communication pour faire face à la propagande en langue russe“.

A cet effet, il est prévu de lancer un grand média en langue russe destiné à promouvoir la vision atlantiste dans la sphère d’influence de la Russie et à contrer Russia Today, sur le modèle des anciens médias opérés par la CIA du temps de la guerre froide, comme Radio Liberty ou Radio Free Europe. Le document, qui n’a pas été rendu public et serait classé « secret défense », mais dont certains éléments ont fuité, invite également les journalistes d’investigation à se rapprocher de structures telle que la European Endowment for Democracy, opérée par la CIA.

Russia Today, en tant que premier média international russe, est la cible privilégiée de cette campagne. En Grande-Bretagne, l’Office of communications, la structure de régulation des médias, a formulé en décembre un avertissement à Russia Today en menaçant de lui retirer sa licence si la chaîne ne tenait pas compte de ses remarques.

En début d’année, le rédacteur en chef du quotidien américain The Economist, Edward Lucas, a qualifié les employés de RT « d’excentriques et de propagandistes » et a appelé à leur boycott. Il a notamment affirmé : « Quiconque déposera son CV sur mon bureau et que je vois que cette personne a travaillé chez RT ou Sputnik ou quelque choses comme ça, alors ce CV sera jeté à la poubelle. Nous devons être capables d’humilier ces chaînes, ces personnes et les personnes qui les ont nommés, les producteurs qui les ont lancés et de les repousser en marge du monde des médias pour qu’on ne les considère plus comme de vrais journalistes ou de vraies chaînes mais comme des excentriques et des propagandistes. »

Un premier pas dans la mise en place d’une stratégie européenne de propagande de masse vient d’être effectué avec la signature d’une alliance entre sept grands quotidiens nationaux qui comprend Le Figaro, pour la France, La Republica pour l’Italie, El Pais pour l’Espagne, Le Soir pour la Belgique, La Tribune de Genève et Tages-Anzeiger pour la Suisse, et qui sera dirigée par Javier Moreno, ancien directeur de la rédaction d’El País. Les objectifs officiels sont « la mise en commun des compétences ainsi que la promotion du journalisme de qualité. »

Cette alliance a été nommée Leading European Newspaper Alliance  (LENA) et elle s’est donnée pour objectif opérationnel de mettre en place une « plateforme d’entraide entre éditeurs pour partager leurs expériences à l’ère numérique« , c’est à dire qu’elle proposera une plateforme de mutualisation des contenus. Cette mutualisation aura pour conséquence une réduction de la diversité éditoriale et une uniformisation des contenus à l’échelle européenne, ce qui facilitera l’imposition et la circulation de la propagande atlantiste à l’échelle du continent. L’objectif affiché est ainsi de « faire émerger une opinion publique en Europe« …

Guillaume Borel

Au-delà de Bruxelles, un État européen souverain!

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Au-delà de Bruxelles, un État européen souverain!

par Georges FELTIN-TRACOL

C’est devenu une banalité d’affirmer que l’Union européenne va mal. La crise de sa monnaie unique, la mise en tutelle d’États membres, la multiplication de nouveaux traités supposés améliorer les précédents, leur ratification rapide hors de tout débat public, la généralisation de normes qui, comme dans l’hôtellerie, assassine les hôtels familiaux au profit de grandes chaînes hôtelières, l’ouverture imminente de négociations avec les États-Unis afin de constituer une aire transatlantique de libre-échange occidentale ruineuse pour les ultimes secteurs compétitifs européens, etc., renforcent chaque jour un peu plus la défiance légitime de populations désenchantées par une construction administrative qui aboutit au cauchemar.

 

Montrant par leur inaction coupable un comportement de nabots, les européistes officiels sont comme tétanisés par la montée en puissance dans les opinions publiques d’un très vigoureux sentiment eurosceptique quand il n’est pas carrément anti-européen. L’actuel projet européen court à son échec final. Faut-il s’en féliciter ? Certainement pas assure Gérard Dussouy, professeur émérite à l’Université de Bordeaux qui a consacré une grande partie de ses cours à traiter des relations internationales et de la géopolitique. À l’encontre de la tendance dominante, le professeur Dussouy s’oppose à la fois aux souverainistes nationaux et aux européistes officiels, car il propose que les peuples et les États d’Europe fassent un « saut décisif » et cofondent une République européenne souveraine.

 

Comme d’autres auteurs avant lui, Gérard Dussouy part du constat que le monde européen doit relever plusieurs défis vitaux. Il perçoit une « convergence des crises en Europe (p. 25) » et pense, contrairement aux optimistes béats qui estiment la crise de l’euro derrière nous, que « les prochaines décennies vont voir les crises s’accumuler; une crise pouvant cacher une autre (p. 25) ». Leur succession rapide risque de tuer l’Europe comme idée civilisationnelle.

 

Pour le professeur Dussouy, la plus inquiétante demeure l’effondrement démographique. « Avec le taux de natalité actuel, en 2050, l’Union européenne comptera entre 401 millions d’habitants et 470 millions (p. 27) ». Cette population sera généralement âgée du fait du vieillissement constaté. Or ce phénomène « sclérose l’économie du continent, et […] amoindrit l’esprit de défense des Européens (p. 26) ». Le Système veut compenser cette pénurie humaine par un « recours toujours plus grand à l’immigration extra-européenne [qui] apparaît alors comme la solution de facilité pour compenser la déflation démographique. Mais elle entraîne une forte hétérogénéisation des populations et une décohésion des peuples européens par l’inclusion inévitable de diasporas multiples qui finissent par constituer des communautés territorialisées (p. 26) ». Il en résulte une nette paupérisation des États européens et accélère leur instabilité intérieure.

 

Par ailleurs, la désindustrialisation va se poursuivre. Quant au  risque de banqueroute des États du Vieux Continent, son déclenchement provoquera à coup sûr une crise politique et sociétale de grande ampleur dont l’aboutissement logique serait une « nouvelle Guerre de Trente Ans » (expression de l’universitaire suisse Bernard Wicht). Ce bouleversement majeur signifierait la fin de l’exception historique européenne et donc son exclusion définitive. Déjà en raison du « renversement du monde » (Hervé Juvin), notre continent se retrouve en périphérie d’un nouveau monde dont le « centre de gravité […] [est] le Grand Océan, c’est-à-dire l’espace maritime formé par la réunion de l’océan Pacifique et de l’océan Indien (p. 63) ». En cours de marginalisation géographique, l’Union européenne peut rater, suite à de petits calculs politiciens, sa mutation tandis que s’affirment dans le même temps les États-continents. Or de tels ensembles sont les seuls capables d’encadrer une mondialisation déchaînée. L’auteur constate que « la marge de manœuvre de la politique économique de l’État-continent est d’autant plus grande qu’il dispose de grandes réserves de main d’œuvre, de personnels qualifiés, et d’un vaste marché intérieur. Il peut, selon le contexte, changer de politique commerciale (p. 65) ».

 

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Un « duopole américano-asiatique (p. 68) » est en train de se mettre en place, ce qui marque la fin de l’hégémonie unipolaire des États-Unis qui conservent néanmoins toute leur puissance militaro-technologique. L’auteur ne le mentionne pas, mais le déclin de l’attractivité européenne pourrait à terme les inviter à retirer leur « parapluie » militaire et nucléaire qui protègent pour l’heure leurs vassaux colonisés. Ceux-ci se retrouveraient alors désarmés face à de terribles menaces dont un islamisme à visée mondialiste et une submersion migratoire africaine.

 

Dans ces conditions – Gérard Dussouy évoque aussi la crise climatique génératrice de tensions probables et le spectre de la pénurie des ressources naturelles énergétiques (on suppose qu’il ignore les travaux des décroissantistes en faveur d’une révolution économique et sociale à rebours du mythe mortifère de la croissance) -, « les Européens, s’ils entendent être partie prenante au jeu multipolaire qui s’organise entre les États-Unis et les puissances asiatiques, n’ont d’autre choix que de se réunir dans un État continental (p. 94) ».

 

Cet État européen doit impérativement se donner des frontières précises qui nient enfin l’intention mondialiste – cosmopolite de certains chantres d’une construction européenne bâclée, néfaste et « économicocentrique ». Gérard Dussouy pense que la Turquie n’est pas destinée à rejoindre le concert européen. Ce cas réglé, « le problème des frontières de l’Europe est immédiatement résolu par la géographie. Car ses frontières sont naturelles : à l’Ouest, l’océan Atlantique; au Nord, l’océan Arctique; au Sud, la Méditerranée, la mer Noire et le Caucase. À l’Est, potentiellement l’océan Pacifique, bien que beaucoup d’Européens voient l’Europe s’arrêter à la frontière de la Russie (p. 113) ». L’auteur n’adhère pas à ce dernier point de vue. Il ne rejoint pas non plus la thèse pour laquelle la Russie serait une civilisation spécifique, eurasienne. Pour lui, « l’option eurasiste (la Russie comprise comme un entre-deux mondes et autarcique) est un leurre, destiné à faire réfléchir les Européens. Car, agrémentée d’une alliance avec le monde musulman, elle semble très hypothétique et particulièrement aventureuse (p. 116) ».

 

Considérant plutôt qu’il y a « une complémentarité géo-économique totale (p. 118) », Gérard Dussouy envisage « une alliance, puis une union, entre l’Union européenne et la Russie, […] vitales, à toutes les deux, pour peser ensemble sur la répartition des forces mondiales (p. 117) ». Mais cela suppose en amont l’existence d’un État européen viable, cohérent et puissant.

 

« Il n’existera jamais “ une Europe ”, puissance internationale garante de la survie des nations culturelles qu’elle englobe, tant que n’existera pas un État européen (p. 137). » L’auteur réclame une « révolution supranationale fédéraliste » afin de susciter une souveraineté politique propre à l’Europe. Pour y arriver, il faut garantir à cet espace continental une forte cohésion sociale et territoriale rendue effective grâce à « une grande politique de cohésion et d’aménagement du territoire européen (p. 124) ». Abandonnant le dogme libéral, cette politique ambitieuse couplée à « l’harmonisation des fiscalités, des rémunérations et des conditions de travail (p. 125) » réaliserait enfin « de grands couloirs de communication : autoroutes et TGV transeuropéens, grands axes de voies navigables (axes Rhin – Danube, Rhin – Vistule – Dniepr, avec des “ barreaux ” de liaison intermédiaires) (p. 125) ».

 

On ne doit cependant pas se méprendre. La République européenne de Gérard Dussouy n’est pas un État centralisateur. Si la présence de communautés étrangères extra-européennes doit se résorber par l’organisation de leur retour dans leurs pays d’origine, la « multiculturalité » enracinée européenne, véritable diversité polyphonique et polymorphique du continent, exige des autorités de la République continentale la promotion de « la formule du fédéralisme régional, parce qu’elle intègre et respecte cette multiculturalité, [qui] nous semble, dès lors, la plus adaptée pour faire vivre ensemble tous les peuples européens dans un même cadre politique (p. 111) ». Gérard Dussouy a bien compris que « le principal défi de l’État supranational est […] de réaliser l’intégration en fondant une culture politique partagée qui ne s’oppose pas aux cultures et aux histoires nationales, mais qui les transcende dans un même mouvement communautaire. Le ressort de celui-ci est la survivance, tout simplement (p. 142) ».

 

bdtheories_rel_inter_t2_L12.jpgHostile aux États-Unis d’Europe ou à une Europe intergouvernementale, l’auteur préconise un État européen, « fédération de régions (p. 148) ». Notons au passage qu’il méconnaît ou dévalorise le concept traditionnel d’Empire dont il fait un contresens évident. C’est regrettable, car son approche de la Res Publica europensis coïncide largement avec l’idée impériale européenne.

 

Favorable tant au plurilinguisme enraciné qu’au latin comme langue officielle de la République européenne, Gérard Dussouy soutient une fédération continentale de fédérations intermédiaires de régions qui se regroupaient suivant des affinités géographiques, culturelles, ethniques, linguistiques, voire économiques. Jugeant en outre que « l’unification complète et simultanée de toute l’Union européenne n’est pas concevable (p. 161) », il reprend les propositions de 1994 des conservateurs atlantistes allemands Karl Lammers et Wolfgang Schäuble, puis du gépolitologue Henri de Grossouvre en faveur d’« un “ noyau dur ” ou une “ Avant-garde ”, comprenant la France, l’Allemagne, la Belgique et le Luxembourg (p. 162) ». Il préférerait néanmoins que ce noyau dur se constitue à partir de la zone euro et de son fédéralisme budgétaire.

 

L’auteur observe finalement que « la France a toujours refusé les plans d’unification politique de l’Europe (p. 163) ». Afin de l’« européaniser », il entend la régionaliser grâce à une réforme administrative radicale. Il supprime les départements, réduit à quinze le nombre des régions au pourtour modifié (rattachement à la Bretagne de la Loire-Atlantique, unification de la Normandie, réunion des deux Bourgognes dont la Franche-Comté…), impose aux élus le mandat unique et limite l’hypercentralisation parisienne. Ces mesures osées permettraient à cette nouvelle France, dégagée d’un Outre-mer pesant, d’intégrer pleinement l’État souverain européen. Celui-ci développerait par conséquent non pas un soi-disant « patriotisme constitutionnel », mais plus vraisemblement un « patriotisme géographique (p. 176) ».

 

Promouvoir les régions autonomes d’une France libre dans une Europe indépendante et souveraine est une belle ambition. On comprend pourquoi Dominique Venner a accepté de préfacer de manière excellente ce livre.

 

Georges Feltin-Tracol

 

• Gérard Dussouy, Contre l’Europe de Bruxelles. Fonder un État européen, Tatamis, 2013, 187 p., 10 €.

Article printed from Europe Maxima: http://www.europemaxima.com

URL to article: http://www.europemaxima.com/?p=4162

Le bouddhisme, ce n’est pas forcément la fête du slip tous les dimanches

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Le bouddhisme, ce n’est pas forcément la fête du slip tous les dimanches

Journaliste, écrivain
Ex: http://www.bvoltaire.fr

Finalement, il n’y avait guère que les Beatles et le fils de Jean-François Revel, le type habillé de doubles rideaux orange, avec son sourire niais, ses conseils de bien-être à la con et son nom d’apéro, pour laisser croire à l’Occident tout entier, et à la vieille Europe en particulier, que le bouddhisme, c’est cool.

Bangkok avril 034.jpgCelui qui l’a appris à ses dépens, c’est un Néo-Zélandais, gérant de bar en Birmanie (Myanmar, SVP), un certain Phil Blackwood, condamné à deux ans et demi de prison pour avoir portraituré Bouddha avec des écouteurs sur la tête, juste histoire de faire de la publicité pour son bar, « lounge », évidemment. Eh oui, le bouddhisme, ce n’est pas forcément la fête du slip tous les dimanches. Le Phil Blackwood en question a eu beau s’excuser, battre coulpe et montrer patte blanche : pas de remise de peine et case prison direct.

Peut-être parce qu’en face, il y a du lourd. Un certain Wirathu, moine bouddhiste au nom de Yoda, façon Guerre des étoiles, particulièrement sourcilleux en la matière, toujours prompt à taper sur la minorité musulmane locale – environ 5 % des 53 millions de Birmans – et n’hésitant pas à traiter l’envoyée locale de l’ONU de « prostituée », parce que trop encline à défendre la minorité mahométane en question.

Il est un fait que le terrorisme bouddhiste est plus qu’une simple vue de l’esprit. En 2013, un numéro du Times (institution hebdomadaire américaine) a été interdit au Sri Lanka pour avoir titré en une : « La face terroriste du bouddhisme ». Tandis que, depuis 2012, 240 personnes ont été massacrées, pour leur simple appartenance à la religion musulmane. Et l’on vous épargne le chiffrage des personnes « déplacées ». Ça se compte en centaines de barcasses, façon Lampedusa.

Il est un fait que, vu d’ici, tout cela a de quoi laisser perplexe. Et que du bouddhisme, nous n’avons que la version dalaï-lama, lequel déclarait récemment, à en croire La Croix : « Ayez à l’esprit l’image du Bouddha avant de commettre ces crimes. Le Bouddha prêche l’amour et la compassion. Si le Bouddha était là, il protégerait les musulmans des attaques des bouddhistes. »

Seulement voilà, quand on se reporte à l’indispensable Petit lexique des idées fausses sur les religions, opuscule signé de l’excellent Odon Vallet, on y apprend également ceci : « Le dalaï-lama ne représente que 2 % des bouddhistes. » Le reste ? Des hommes comme les autres, en proie à des positions plus nationalistes que spirituelles. Des problèmes tant sociétaux que territoriaux ; avec, en arrière-fond, l’éternelle guerre du pétrole.

Pour le reste, cette autre éternelle question consistant en la représentation du divin. Elle est partout prégnante et se résout, selon le degré d’imprégnation spirituelle du lieu, de manière plus ou moins violente. Que l’on n’y croie ou pas, la question est loin d’être réglée. Et nous y avons les deux pieds gauches en plein dedans.

Bill Hopkins: Ways Without a Precedent

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Bill Hopkins (1957)

Ways Without a Precedent

By Bill Hopkins 

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com

Editor’s Note:

One of the aims of the North American New Right is to promote a revival of the Right-wing artistic and literary subculture that gave us such 20th-century giants as D. H. Lawrence, Gabriele D’Annunzio, F. T. Marinetti, Knut Hamsun, W. B. Yeats, Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis, Henry Williamson, Roy Campbell, and H. P. Lovecraft (all profiled in Kerry Bolton’s Artists of the Right [2]). 

A group that showed some promise in this direction was the Angry Young Men of the 1950s, although the movement fizzled. Or perhaps it just came too soon. With that possibility in mind, I am reprinting Bill Hopkins’ 1957 Angry Young Men manifesto “Ways Without a Precedent” as an aid to reflection on the role of the artist in the current interregnum. For more on Hopkins and the Angry Young Men, see our articles by Jonathan Bowden [3] and Margot Metroland (part 1 [4], part 2 [5]) and our tags for Bill Hopkins [6] and Colin Wilson [7]

The literature of the past ten years has been conspicuous for its total lack of direction, purpose and power. It has opened no new roads of imagination, created no monumental characters, and contributed nothing whatever to the vitality of the written word. The fact that the decade in question has shown the highest ratio of adult literacy in British history makes this inertia an astounding feat. So astounding, indeed, that the great majority of readers have turned their attention to the cinema, television and radio instead. Their reading talent has been commandeered by the more robust newspapers.

The truants can hardly be blamed for seeking livelier entertainment, since most writers have reduced themselves to the rank of ordinary entertainers, and for the most part, have failed to be even this. Writers see the shadow of the mass mortuary too clearly to provide good, knock-about entertainment. The same shadow prevents them from producing more enduring work by making nonsense of posterity.

All writers must accept this shadow across their consciousness as an occupational hazard, and its surmounting divides them cleanly into the camps of optimism or pessimism, allowing no shades of neutrality between. The negative acceptance has the strongest following just now, and for this reason the bulk of serious novels today almost inevitably offer victims as their cast and senseless brutality as their business. These works do not educate us a scrap, nor do they offer any great insights into the tumult of our time. The writers dwell instead on the horror of anything changing—man, mood or scene—and reveal that the precise value of all and everything is that it is here at present. The understanding is that Man is too frail and imperfect for violent change. It is a poor argument for literature, progress and health.

Unless there is a radical change in this outlook literature will continue its drift into negativism.

Many people have their own ideas of what a creative writer’s job should be. The popular conception is that he should provide stories that are an escape from life. The slightest whiff of reality is regarded as an intrusion of the diabolical and an act of treachery. The ideal path amounts to improbable love yarns closing upon chaste kisses. If there is invariably an impoverished odour about these fabrications, the accolades of best-seller returns do not hint at it.

This view is not taken by the more intelligent, who demand a measure of truth with their entertainment. This again is asking for too little. The measure of truth dealt out is generally confined to obscene language in kitchen squalor and the dreary divesting of the heroine’s virginity. Now unalloyed sex is a tedious business when it is repeated too often. But this is not borne out by the positive glut of literary prurience that has come our way over the past few years. As it shows no sign of stopping we must conclude either that the percentage of perverts is much higher than is imagined, or that there is nothing more pornographic than a half-truth. But, whichever it is, the fact remains that when it is only a small measure of truth that is requested, the result merely mirrors appearance. It never delves to the cause behind appearance. It is better to offer no truth at all than make this kind of compromise.

There are only a few who demand all the truth a writer possesses. Over the past twenty years, this demand was sufficient to encourage the development of Hermann Hesse and Thomas Mann, but few others of major creative stature. If the demand were extended to a larger and more perceptive audience it would doubtless encourage the emergence of even greater writers. Certainly it would produce a literature capable of vigorously advancing our present half-hearted ideas of living to an unprecedented level.

There is no likelihood of such an ideal audience coming into existence for the philanthropic purpose of encouraging a vigorous literature. This would be asking for a healthiness that does not exist among most intelligent people today. The same malady that prevents a vital literature from developing and becoming a regenerative force to our society, disposes of the idea of a sick audience transcending its condition and calling for chest expanders. Contemporary literature, whether on the printed page or declaimed from the boards of the theatre, shows its bankruptcy by confining itself to merely reporting on social conditions. It makes no attempt at judging them. Literature that faithfully reflects a mindless society is a mindless literature. If it is to be anything larger, it must systematically contradict the great bulk of prevalent ideas, offer saner alternatives, and take on a more speculative character than it has today. I am optimistic enough to think that immediately the results prove positive and exciting, the more conformist brands of literature will lose most of their following.

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But the failure of literature is only a small part of a much wider catastrophe. When I refer to a lack of health among the intelligent, I touch upon what threatens the whole of our civilization with imminent collapse. The truth is that Man, for all his scientific virtuosity, cannot defeat his own exhaustion. To do so means drawing upon unused strengths that once would have been described as religious. Unfortunately, Man has become a rational animal; he rejects any suggestion of religiosity as scrupulously as an honest beggar denounces respectability. I say unfortunately, because it is mental and physical exhaustion that is the principal malady of our civilization. The very people who should be the leaders of our society are the most affected, so the disillusionment, despair and social revolt of our age has been allowed to grow unchecked.

All the problems and struggles that confront the growth of our civilization depend entirely on whether we can get an exhausted man back upon his feet and keep him there. If the answer is a negative one, our past counts for nothing: it has proved insufficient to preserve our future.

The reasons for this exhaustion are all documented and detailed in the archives of the past fifty years. Rationalism, Communism, Socialism, Labourism, Fascism, Nazism, Anarchism; the honest penny-ha’penny thinking that human happiness was an adequate goal, the quest for social equality; two world wars and a couple of dozen local blood-lettings; poison gas, tanks, aircraft, flame-throwers, atomic, hydrogen and cobalt bombs, bacteriological warfare; depressions, inflations, strikes . . . the documents are quite explicit and well known.

Altogether they amount to the exhaustion of a man with asthma having run a marathon race and found there were no trophies or glory at the end of it. That is exactly our own position. With every decade since the turn of the century we have intensified our endeavours while our condition has deteriorated. Now it seems that despite all our efforts, knowledge and hopes, besides the lives jettisoned in their millions, we have achieved nothing. The dry taste of futility lingers in the mouth of all. The energy of any flying spark is in itself enough to arouse popular amazement. The supineness of the intelligent is the tragic paradox of the Atomic Age. Only the insulated specialists, bafflingly capable of drawing the blinds against all other realities, remain enthusiastic about tomorrow.

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James Dean

The evidence of exhaustion stares out from the columns of the daily newspapers. The references to ‘Angry Young Men’ for ex-ample, record a general astonishment at the vigour of simply being angry. Another instance is the hero-worship of the late James Dean, who posthumously remains as the embodiment of Youth’s violent rebuttal of a society grown pointless. That the rejection is equally pointless does not appear to matter; the sincerity redeems it. There is the idolization of such simple men as Frank Sinatra and Elvis Presley, the respective champions of wistful sentimentality and the stark voluptuousness of knowing one thing that’s good, anyway. Which, after all, is one advantage of being a farmer’s boy.

Significantly, the more thoughtful go only a few steps further to admire such writers as Samuel Beckett, Tennessee Williams and Arthur Miller. All of these playwrights have distinguished them-selves for creating small men and women whose unlikely poetry is in their bewilderment in an inexplicable and often tyrannical world. The heroism of the Twentieth Century Man, as currently postulated, is: (a) in winning a compassionate pair of lips that will lull him to peace after an endless gauntlet of victimizations (thus mysteriously negating the lot), (b) kicking a bullying foreman (an enemy of the people) in a conclusive place, or (c) just inhabiting a dustbin with all the pretences down and stoically waiting for the end.

This is the landscape a new writer looks upon this year. Every-thing has deteriorated from the point in the mid-1940s we optimistically imagined to be already rock-bottom. What is left is a mockery of attempt, accomplishment and greatness.

It would be too easy to be angry and join the lynching parties. But this is not a writer’s job. Nor is it for a writer to subscribe to the general bankruptcy, despair and apathy around him, whatever popularity might be obtained from it. If there is a task for the writer, it is to stand up higher than anyone else and discover the escape route to progress. His function is to find a way towards greater spiritual and mental health for his civilization in particular and his species in general. This is my own intention, and unless other writers adopt the same attitude our civilization will remain leaderless, lost and exhausted, and the chaos will continue until its eclipse under radio-active clouds.

Literature has been an accelerating factor to this state of affairs over the last decade. Instead of acting as a brake it has been intent upon glorifying the lostness, the smallness and the absolute impotence of Man under adverse conditions. This is the reverse of what its role must be in the future. It must begin to emphasize in every way possible that Man need not be the victim of circumstances unless he is too old, shattered or sick to be anything else. It is the conquest of external conditions that determines the extent of Mankind’s difference from all other forms of life; and, in turn, decides the superiority of its leaders. If this is denied, then we are indeed due for elimination. Perhaps overdue. But contemporary writing will not bring itself to this assertion until it has been wrenched clear of its embrace with a falling society. The dismaying fact is, most writers seem quite satisfied to act out their present hysterical offices to the length of disaster itself. Their conversion is enough to set any salvationist with work to last several lifetimes.

It is customary for young writers to condemn those who have authority and influence. For my own part, I am unable to do this because I find their exhaustion only too understandable. The leaders of our civilization have strained at hopelessly impossible tasks for too long, and instead of creating a new structure for living, they have succeeded only in producing a succession of failures. Today they have reached a standstill, and the prospect of marshalling together one more attempt has become an outrage against all reason and experience.

They are reasonable men and their conclusion is, in the light of what they have done, entirely rational. If reason or rationalism can accept exhaustion, by the same terms ruin and death are equally acceptable. But survival is our inflexible rule of health; and since survival has become a completely irrational instinct, the time has arrived when we should look to the irrational for the means to reject this reasonable but (humanly speaking) unacceptable end of our civilization.

Firm upon this premise, I predict that within the next two or three decades we will see the end of pure rationalism as the foundation of our thinking. If we are to break out of our present encirclement, we must envisage Man from now on as super-rational; that is, possessing an inner compass of certainty beyond all logic and reason, and ultimately far more valid.

The times we are entering require a far more flexible and powerful way of thinking than rationalism ever provided. Three sovereign states have been loosing hydrogen tests in the world’s atmosphere in preparation for deterrent wars. Each new explosion shadow-boxes with genetical mutations in the coming generations. Populations everywhere are multiplying daily to that frightening point in the future when the earth’s food resources will not be sufficient to supply all with one decent meal a day. The fish harvests from the oceans are diminishing. The problems of soil erosion and the reclamation of land swallowed up by water remain unattended. These are only a few of the more obvious questions that call for solutions on a new level. A level of universal planning that can only be encompassed by a supranational body like world government. Meanwhile, science advances every year a trifle further beyond the comprehension of most of the human race.

The path of a civilization in our disorders leads directly to its extermination. And, while we take it, Proustians talk about their sensitivity in dark rooms and stylists continue to manufacture their glittering sentences. This is the marrying of an illness to a deformity; a grotesque mésalliance to make even a lunatic marvel. But it will go on, as I say, until writers turn away and look objectively to another part of the horizon.

I have stated that Man is more than rational, and that if he is not, he is finished. Now I take the argument forward another step and assert that his current exhaustion is the vacuum created by an absence of belief. At the beginning of this credo I declared that only a religious strength could conquer exhaustion, and by religious strength I meant, specifically, belief: exhaustion exists only to a degree commensurate to its wane. A complete dearth of belief mathematically equates to utter exhaustion. It is no coincidence that it has struck the most responsible members of our society; they are the ones who have had the responsibility of scraping the barrel of reason and materialism. The same exhaustion will strike at the leaders of the East just as surely within a span of time roughly corresponding, no doubt, to our own venture into pure rationalism.

Through history, the men and women who have towered over their contemporaries through their achievements and struggles have had extraordinary levels of belief. They have ranged from visionaries, saints and mystics to fanatics and plain, self-professed, men-of-destiny. Whether their beliefs were in an external thing—let us say the Church—or simply in themselves, was a matter of little importance. The result in every case was sufficiently positive to make them memorable. Each of them was primarily separated from those around him by a greater capacity for belief. It took all of them high above the eternally small, grumbling, self-pitying parts that constitute personality. Belief is, and I speak historically, the instrument for projecting oneself beyond one’s innate limitations. Reason, on the other hand, will have us acknowledge them, even when the recognition is disastrous, as now.

The admission of a permanent state of incompleteness has been made by a great many people and much of the damage I have referred to is the direct result of it. But their places have to be filled. It has become imperative that, just as a new way of thinking and a new literature are needed, a new leadership must also be evolved with the aim of combating this exhaustion by the restoration of belief.

When I speak of belief in the present context, I do not mean any belief in particular, of course, but rather belief divorced from all form whatsoever. The form is an arbitrary matter, and its choice in the sense of literature is essentially a matter for the writer’s temperament. Whatever the choice, the reservoir of power within belief offers any writer the certainty of major work.

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It is obvious that this concern with belief leads inevitably to the heroic. The two are joined as essentially as flight to birds. The hero is the primary condition of all moral education, and his reality is synonymous with any great idea. He is literally the personification of the dramatic concept. But the heroic poses the possibility of people who can think and act with a magnitude close to the superhuman. The introduction of such characters and events will require a great deal of care and skill, for the ridiculous is only one step away.

The greatest difficulty overhanging this work, however, will be in the motive force itself. There has been a nonsensical confusion between belief and religion that has lasted for centuries. Instead of belief finding its separate identity, it has always been inextricably tied to religion. Churches of every denomination deliberately fostered this misconception from their beginnings, for the belief latent in men responded to hot appeal and willingly testified to the truth of any proffered set of doctrines. The nature of belief appears to be conducive to appeals. Its generosity is evident in this respect when we examine many of the childish and absurd inventions the various religions have offered worshippers at one time or another.

It is quite true that the Church has been the only vehicle for belief on any sizeable scale up to the present, and deserves credit for it, although self-interest provided its own reward. But it is absurd to regard belief on the basis of tradition as the monopoly of any organization. The Church was the first to understand the potentialities of its power and was also the first to direct it to an end; but sole proprietary rights were assumed too rigidly for the Church to pass us now as a public benefactor. Those who tried to break the monopoly were decried as heretics. Where it could, the Church had them burnt. This confiscation of belief and its isolation under the steeple brought about the Reformation and eventually the George Foxes and other champions of the right to independent belief.

Over the past fifty years there has been a general rejection of all churches with the sole exception of the strongest, Catholicism. The rejection parcelled belief with the Church and disposed of both. It was the result of a considerable amount of ignorance and a distinct lack of subtlety. Today, the same excuses do not hold, and if the mistake is repeated, it can never be done with the same blind vehemence of the first rejection.

If this social exhaustion of ours is due to the rejection of belief, how can writers reclaim it? There are three choices open, at least. The first is the establishment of a new religion. The second, to revitalize and reconstruct Christianity. The third, to trace belief to its source and turn it to a new account.

The argument against the first is that a new religion, whatever advantages it would have (supposing for a moment that it should find an ample crop of visionaries, priests, theologians and militant doctrines), would suffer from its lack of tradition more than it would profit by its modernity. Although many people talk somewhat loosely about the need for a new religion, the very impossibility of it as an overnight phenomenon rules it out for today.

However, should this particular miracle come to pass, its contribution to our civilization would be a substantial one while it was sustained by its visionaries. But as soon as the visionaries died, its hierarchy would become rigid as precedents in the history of every church show us without exception. There would be no more room for succeeding visionaries with their tradition-breaking habits in this church than in any other.

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A priest is a poor substitute for a visionary. So poor, in fact, that the plenitude of them against the paucity of visionaries has largely dissuaded many who with the right inspiration would be religious. A visionary has the prerogative of freely contradicting himself while still retaining his influence. Less flexible, because he happens to lack a visionary’s imagination and vitality, the priest conscientiously commits to paper everything enunciated by the other in case he should forget the passport of his office. Subsequent generations of priests accept the dogmas laid out for them without demur or question on the same grounds. This is orthodoxy; its strength is in its ossification. The more rigid the observance, the more virtuous the believer . . .

There can be no prospect more terrible for any prophet coming after, and this is when a church really dies. When it is attacked from without, what is sent crashing is cardboard: the Church died after the passing of its first visionaries and the hardening of its arteries to fresh truths.

As this argues against the possibility of a new religion arising, it argues equally against the impossibility of a revitalized Christianity. Any great idea, if it is perpetuated without continual reappraisals, is eventually rendered into ritualistic twaddle and shibboleths that justify the cheapest sneers (although not the spirit) of its detractors. And finally, the sad truth is that the only men courageous enough to approach great ideas and test their truth are men of equal stature to their formulators. No church that I am aware of has produced an apostolic succession of this order, so we must put aside both possibilities as impractical for anyone who hopes to work within his own times.

The last alternative is the one that, under the circumstances, is the most realistic. If we can trace belief to its origins and examine it in terms of plain, unadorned power, we have a potential weapon that will play an immeasurable part in our salvaging. I am convinced that it is an internal power comparable, when fully released, to the external explosions of atomic energy. With a complete understanding of its nature, its functions and its strength at zenith, I believe that we can not only cure Man’s many illnesses, but determine by its use a level of health never before attained. If we can learn the answers to these questions, Man may be transformed within a few years from the hardening corpse he has become into a completely alive being. The change can only be for the better.

One of the most tiring assumptions that has gained universality is that Man is completely plotted, explored and known. Dancing to the cafe orchestra of Darwin and Freud, there has been a tendency over the last fifty years to regard humanity as a fully arrived and established quantity that has little variation and no mystery to the scientist. Nothing could be more untrue. Man is so embryonic that attempting to define him today is preparing a fallacy for tomorrow. He is inchoate, only just beginning. Given unlimited belief and vitality, he is capable of all the impossibilities one cares to catalogue, including the most preposterous. Equally, without belief and vitality, he is simply decaying meat like any other fatally wounded animal. The difference will be largely decided by writers.

This is not a disproportionate claim. Writers have always influenced and led the thinking of their own times, immediately after the heads of State and Church. Sometimes, as with the Voltaires, a long way in front of either of them. The present heads of State are clearly unable to see a way through the difficulties of today, and there is no reason for us to suppose they can do any better with tomorrow. The non-existence of any influential Church leaders in Britain prohibits any criticism of their recalcitrance. The only remaining candidates qualified as leaders are writers.

eschyle-01.jpgThe Greeks, unlike ourselves, expected their literary men to be thinkers and teachers as a matter of course. This expectation was justified by figures of the stature of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. Dramatists like these preached, taught, entertained and prophesied with such vitality and authority that their judgements were taken away by their audiences and applied to all levels of civic life. That both playwrights and audiences prospered upon this didactic relationship is best shown by the intellectual versatility of the Hellenic world, which has yet to be repeated.

When Bernard Shaw demanded that the theatre should be a church, he also meant that the ideal church should be a serious theatre. So it was in the Greek world. Nobody could afford to miss a sermon of this sort, because there was nothing more intellectually and spiritually exciting to be found from Kephallenia to far Samoso. Each new drama-sermon made the Kingdom of Man a titanic affair that could not be taken casually, and if this is not a religious understanding, there is no such thing!

In addition to this laudable state of sanity, they had none of the blank one-sidedness about them that stamps the orthodox priest, because their real religion was Man, and no other. Because Man is only human when he is in movement, they were able to throw him into catastrophic dilemmas that modern religion would regard as blasphemous. But they threw him only to retrieve him, and by this method they were able to add new understandings of his darker territories and enlarge his consciousness. With the aid of such dramatists the citizens of the Greek city-states developed into creditable human beings. But the high level of the theatre was to fall, and the whole of the Greek world was not long in following it.

Seneque.jpgWhen the Roman Empire rose to take its place, Terence and Seneca, the bright lights of Latin, reflected a frightening deterioration in what was expected of a writer. Julius Caesar found it an easy matter to be both a swashbuckler and a scribe in a world that, culturally, could not even conquer sculpture. But Rome’s poverty was magnificence compared to the bankruptcy prevailing in Britain and everywhere else in the civilized world today.

However, when I call in history to augment my contentions I am beating upon a broken drum. The role I predict for writers is one entirely without precedent, and it is the better because of it. Aeschylus and his colleagues refined the Greeks, and that was quite enough for their day. But today writers must become the pathfinders to a new kind of civilization. That new civilization remains an impossibility until we extricate our own civilization from the destruction that threatens it.

The problem is that of the individual. What kind of man or woman survives cataclysmic events better than any others? What kind of people are the first to fall? What are the first disciplines necessary for a new, positive way of thinking? These questions, together with ten thousand others, fall into the kind of prophetic writing that will be needed to solve the problems that lie immediately ahead. The duty then of all writers who are concerned with tomorrow is to concentrate on defining human characters at differing stages of ideal health. From this gallery it will be possible for us to aim at men and women dynamically capable of laying the foundations of our new world. We may not be able to describe precisely the men and women we want, but at least we can provide a reasonable indication. We can narrow the perimeter of choice.

I realize that there is as great a difference between facts and speculations in the minds of writers as in the minds of ordinary people. The great difference is that writers are particularly suited to the correlation of apparently hostile facts, often blatant contradictions, and their craft teaches them to deepen and extend thoughts to final understandings that seem almost mystical to the average person. This talent to reach down into the depths of men and find appalling corruption, and far from being ruined by the revelation proceed to conceive supreme peaks of human perfection, is common to both writer and visionary. There is no reason why they should be different in other ways, if the dedication is strong enough.

Until now most writers have concerned themselves with recording the anomalies and cruelties perpetrated by a skinflint world upon a good small man. Modern literature, for lack of a great aim, has become a Valhalla for those who shriek, beat their brows and weep more energetically than anyone else. As a device, hysteria is very useful for a writer, but as an end it becomes patently ludicrous. Any writer who resorts to such tricks without offering a ticket of destination is wasting his own time and the time of his readers, flouting the Zeitgeist in the most imbecilic fashion, and finally (I hope) cutting his own throat.

The truth of today is too plain for clear-thinking people to ignore, however uncomfortable it may be to the inherently lazy. We must grow larger . . . see further and deeper . . . think with more skill, concentration and originality—or become extinct. If we are not capable of meeting these seemingly unattainable requirements, writers such as myself will persist obstinately in trying to have things as we want them even if the words are finally addressed to the abyss rather than human faces. If the crusade is a hopeless one, it will be so only because there is nothing more impregnable than human weakness. This is an important conclusion, and its recognition offers three salient truths.

First, that a writer’s duty is to urge forward his society towards fuller responsibility, however incapable it may appear.

Second, a writer must take upon himself the duties of the visionary, the evangelist, the social leader and the teacher in the absence of other candidates.

Third, that he understands the impossible up-hill nature of a crusade and counters it by infusing in everything he creates a spirit of desperation.

This spirit of desperation is the closest approximation we can get to the religious fervour that brought about a large number of miraculous feats of previous, less reasonable, epochs. In desperation, as with religious exaltation, miracles, revelations and extraordinary personalities can be brought to everyday acceptance. The great advantage of it is that one can develop it to the point of being able to evoke it whenever there is cause for it.

I used the atmosphere of desperation in my first novel, The Divine and the Decay, very much in the way that a wind comes through an open door, throws a room into a sudden disarray, then leaves as abruptly. The wind in this case is a fanatic, and the room with an open door a small island community. As always in such cases, one is left perplexed and filled with a sense of indefinable outrage that has little to do with the disarray that must be restored to order. There is something maniacal about a really desperate man that welds him into a total unity and he becomes an embodiment of a single idea. Almost, dramatically speaking, flesh wrapped around an idea. Working for so long with desperation as my tool, I also learned about the merits of the lull, when the air vibrated with the foreboding of the next entrance. I relearned also a Greek lesson: how to turn presence into absence and absence into presence. But these details are worth mentioning only in relation to the use of desperation in contradistinction to the monotonous normality that most writers regard as the acme of reality.

Desperation is the only attitude that can galvanize us from this lethargic non-living of ours. But without a calculated direction desperation is useless. Misadventures in its application can leave us dangerously drained of further effort. This is where the dramatization of aims is expressly the writer’s function. Consider the case of Sisyphus, whom the Gods had forever rolling that gigantic boulder of his up a hill and forever having it roll down again when he neared the top. The punishment was inflicted upon only too human strength. But with enough desperation the penalized king would not have attempted to roll it up after the first couple of attempts. He would have picked it up and flung it over the impossible crest, straight into the faces of his Olympian tormentors. I can think of many contemporary equivalents of the Sisyphean plight that are incessant defeats only because each of the sufferers refuses to rear up and wreck his opposition with the fury of desperation. To me, desperation is our immediate instrument, in the absence of belief, for collapsing this damnable, subhuman recognition of one’s surface limitations. Refuse to acknowledge them and the horizon spreads wide.

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This cannot be done without examples, as I have said. The examples themselves can only be set by fanatics advancing be-yond the arena of human experience and knowledge. In a religious sense, the fanatic or writer goes into the wilderness, the first act of any visionary’s apprenticeship. Simultaneously, he becomes a social leader also, for humanity having to travel beyond the point where it now rests will only use paths already trodden.

New paths can only be created by writers with a desperate sense of responsibility. The only others capable of such a task are religious and philosophic minds, but unfortunately orthodoxy has ruined the first, and a desiccation debars the second. In resting the responsibility of human deliverance upon writers I am not calling for miraculous transitions antipathetic to their nature. Fundamentally, the writer has always been a prophet and a diviner in embryo. Centuries of ‘telling a jolly tale’ have simply caused him to let these other parts fall into disuse. I want their return, and I want them cultivated to full growth.

At the moment, the position of the writer in society is a difficult one. The good ones feel, quite rightly, that they should be antagonistic to authority; but the feeling is only a feeling and remains nothing more because few have got around to the point where they must begin wrestling with it. Because of this apprehension which is not turned into positive action, these writers find themselves nullified and abortive. They try to offset this predicament by an over-haughty pride in their isolation. More specifically they emphasize their artistic position to offset shortened powers, and offer a defensive facade of being icy intellectual pinnacles which, in actuality, spells death to their work if this attitude is carried to their desks.

To be exact, a writer is rather a ludicrous figure at work. He must be, to put himself in an arena with berserk bulls to gauge how much damage the horns can do. The gorings constitute literally the blood and tissue of his work; they are part of his empirical research into life. Perhaps research is too dignified a term for the tattered and bloody creature he becomes if he persists until he reaches the level of a good writer.

By such voluntary acts, he becomes an authority on the most fundamental subjects. Pain, for instance. It is not the politician, theologian or doctor who catalogues the depth, the range and the gamut of it, but the writer. He can state from personal knowledge that it has a hundred different pages, all written in different inks. Similarly, he is an expert in regions like agony, happiness, terror, exultation and whirling hope. These are his working neighbour-hoods.

He also knows from personal experiment the fine shades of violence; its velocity, trajectory and impact; its sources, and its quivering conclusions. When an accident is about to happen, let us say an aeroplane is plunging in a death dive, or a child is about to go under the wheels of a motor car, most eyes will be averted until it is over. But this is a luxury a writer simply cannot afford, and he will watch even if the object of study is someone he loves intensely. He has conditioned himself to observe everything that happens within his orbit with a steady and remembering eye. As his craft is produced at first-hand, constantly in positions of physical and mental hardship, for him the step towards vision and leadership is not a large one.

On the face of it, it seems ironical that a writer who goes to such lengths to learn this abnormal craft should use it only for the purpose of entertaining. But most are given little choice to be anything else with the shadow of destruction hanging over them. The few writers who would like to create heroic work are discouraged in advance, for they cannot be sure of even polite credulity on the part of readers. All ambitious contemporary writers are haunted by the thin, peaky face of the rational reader who peruses his literature with the pursed lips of a confirmed sceptic. Anything larger than his own life is anathema to this gentleman. Authors know it well and go in dread of him. This is why only a foolhardy few dare create anything but the slightest, most prosaic structures. The heroic, the bizarre, the moral and religious fabrics, have been torn down in the interests of reality. If the realities were large there would be little ground for complaint, but what is considered to be real by the normal canons of judgement is, of course, as confined as candlelight. It is not surprising that creative thinking today operates upon candle-power.

The situation is so bad that many leading writers have fallen to mocking their own ability to serve ‘fodder to pygmies’. They are proud of the ingeniousness they have developed over the course of time in feeding sly pieces of originality with every hundredth spoonful, done so skilfully it passes almost unnoticed. It is the bare remnants of creative pride. In another age a man could be a master; today he must be a midget, breathing a sigh of relief every time he gets away with his creative crime unpunished. This attitude of contemptuous hostility between writers and readers is another symptom of the need for a rupture between life and literature. The writer cannot create as largely as he wants; the reader is incapable of belief. Unless this stalemate is broken and another game started, the chess pieces will be swept to the floor . . .

Let me take you into the theatre and make an illustration of tragedy. An infinite number of creators have visited this terrain for the purpose of laying their masterpieces. It is as studded with great monuments as a war cemetery. On one you will read Prometheus Bound, next to it, Agamemnon. Close by perhaps Oedipus Rex, and, among the newer additions, Hamlet, Macbeth and Faust. Death . . . broken dreams . . . disillusion . . . There are a thousand threads in the pattern of it, and no doubt there are persons who walk the streets of London, Berlin and New York with threads still unwound and unwritten in their minds. But tragedy, with all the multiplicity of permutations before its in-evitable curtain, has one basic demand. The downfall.

My difficulty is in imagining how an object can fall in any direction other than down. However, most thinking people today appear to find more difficulty in imagining any height superior to themselves. That brings us to the dilemma. If a tragic figure is to fall he obviously cannot fall a few inches and hope to capture our awe or our pity; his fall must be a considerable one. It never is, under the present conditions. As soon as the figure of prospective tragedy begins to climb over the heads of his audience, they insist he climb down again to a height where they can believe in him. The only exception to this is Jack and the Beanstalk. And Jack only gets away with it, I surmise, because his pantomime appears in the Christian season of drunkenness and makes a swift departure before sober judgements are restored.

If a hero cannot rise, he cannot fall; on this point of order such good rationalists as Galileo, Newton and Einstein will bear me out. Such a fall would be unnatural, ungravitational and illogical; in fact, there is no fall. And yet Tragedy must have it.

Very well, what is it that sets the proper height for a tragic descent? Put in this way, it is like discussing a ballerina’s artistry in terms of ballistics! Let us assert, however, that tragedy has always demanded the greatest height conceivable as an essential condition of the downfall. A lot of levels contribute to make up this total height. The height is created by an outraged spiritual understanding, a shattered moral code and the complete social abasement of the protagonist. The downfall is darker than death; and often death is willingly chosen in preference to it, indeed as the very palliative of it when the intensity of anguish produced becomes fully manifest.

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But these platforms of consciousness are ridiculously archaic to the modern world. The religious, moral and social heights have become melodramatic and unintelligent, beside the more modern concentration on the significance of a man’s facial twitches under psychoanalysis. For that, we have banged our windows shut on Heaven and locked the cellar door on Hell. We have foreshortened our intelligence accordingly. The result is that Oedipus Rex, Prometheus Bound, Hamlet, Macbeth and Faust would not only be laughed out of our London theatres if they were written today but, in truth, would be impossible to write today unless my thesis for creating fresh belief finds more general acceptance. Until it has, our own contribution to tragedy’s magnificent cemetery is a headstone inscribed: No More Tragedies. By it, we have created a tragedy infinitely more tragic than anything by Aeschylus, Shakespeare or Goethe.

The only indulgence to tragedy on the London stage is accorded to Shakespeare, whose vintage has removed him beyond the critical appraisals of the cognoscenti. The Shakespearian seasons that continue ad nauseam in the Waterloo Road serve as final evidence that the only good writer is a dead one. While the Old Vic flourishes as a salve to the national conscience, the absence of new tragedy is concealed from all but those who love and care for the theatre. The phenomenon of the Old Vic is the story of the Orthodox Church hardening its arteries against fresh truths all over again. Just as the Church is content with past visionaries and anachronistic dogmas, the theatre brandishes dead playwrights as its testament of greatness. In either case the result is bad. The sad and obvious truth about the titans of the past is that Aeschylus did not know the meaning of world over-population; Goethe was in the dark about guided missiles; Shakespeare was a complete idiot on the question of nuclear fission. The only writers competent to deal with these present-day problems are writers who are alive!

I believe that this civilization of ours requires cement to stop its crash until a new civilization is developed. Its great need, ultimately, is for a new religion to give it strength. In the meantime we urgently need a philosophy to span the gaps in our society that grow wider every day. But a philosophy and a religion can be evolved only by a new leadership. The possibility of such leaders depends solely on whether we can produce men capable of thinking without rule or precedent. Apart from writers with phenomenal powers of dedication, I cannot see the likelihood of such men emerging in time to meet the oncoming crises.

For these reasons, I believe that literature must be the cradle of our future religion, philosophy and leadership. In this belief I see the writer filling the paramount role if our civilization is to survive.

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[4] part 1: http://www.counter-currents.com/2015/03/the-prophet-of-exhaustion-part-1/

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