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dimanche, 20 août 2017

Erkenbrand: Naar een nieuwe gouden eeuw

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lundi, 07 août 2017

Postmodernism vs. Identity - Greg Johnson’s talk at The Scandza Forum

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Scandza Forum Oslo, 2017

Postmodernism vs. Identity

Greg Johnson’s talk at The Scandza Forum in Oslo, July 1, 2017.

mardi, 28 octobre 2014

“Giambattista Vico and Modern Anti-Liberalism”

Counter-Currents Radio
Vico & the New Right

This is Greg Johnson's lecture

“Giambattista Vico and Modern Anti-Liberalism”

delivered at the London Forum on Saturday, September 27, 2014. 

 

Vico.jpgTo download the mp3, right-click here [2] and choose “save target or link as.”

To subscribe to our podcasts, click here [3].

 


 

Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

 

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2014/10/vico-and-the-new-right/

lundi, 10 février 2014

Greg Johnson’s New Right vs. Old Right

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Foreword to Greg Johnson’s New Right vs. Old Right

By Kevin MacDonald

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com

Perhaps it’s best to start off with what New Right vs. Old Right [2]is not. Greg Johnson does not assail his readers with statistics to prove the Jewish role in the decline and impending fall of whites in America and elsewhere. He does not discuss the corruption of the media and the academic world and how they got that way. He does not discuss data on race differences in IQ and criminality to explain the behavior of non-white America. He doesn’t aim to refute the current mantra that race is nothing more than a social construct designed to provide white people with unearned privilege.

Those intellectual battles are over, and we have won, although the mainstream media and academic world continue to promulgate cultural Marxist blather as if it were a set of truths set in stone. The starting point for NRvOR is that the media, the academic world, and the political process are hopelessly corrupt. So where do we go from here?

Greg Johnson’s basic point is that we must work to create a metapolitics of explicit white identity—that is, a movement that will develop “the intellectual and cultural foundations for effective White Nationalist politics in North America, so that we can ultimately create a white homeland or homelands on this continent.”

Greg is one of the reasons why I think this is a feasible project. A very great reason for optimism is that there are so many intelligent, well-spoken people who “get it”—who understand that whites around the world are in decline and that there will be dire consequences if whites are unable to establish white homelands. People like Greg Johnson are part of a hugely important trend. I have recently met a great many young, intelligent, well-educated, and well-spoken people at conferences dedicated to activism on behalf of the interests of white America—the exact opposite of the image of uneducated, violent males sporting swastikas and missing a couple of teeth that has been so carefully crafted by our hostile elites.

Despite growing up with a constant barrage of multicultural, anti-white propaganda beginning in elementary school, these individuals understand that at this point America is an unfolding disaster as whites are increasingly displaced throughout the economic and political spectrum. They are acutely aware that whites are a minority of births in America and that whites will be a minority within their lifetimes—a minority with diminished prospects and increasingly victimized by the non-white majority, many of whom retain historical grudges against white America. It is very likely that the America of the future will be beset with chronic conflict among different racial/ethnic groups. The idea that America or the West can avoid such conflicts as their societies become ever more factionalized is magical and utopian.

The goal, therefore, is not, a “supremacism” that is in any way invidious. Rather, “the best way to ensure peace and good will among peoples and preserve human racial, cultural, and religious diversity is to give each distinct group a homeland where it can live and develop according to its own distinct nature and destiny.”

This is an attitude that seems to me to be pervasive in the white advocacy movement. It at once defuses a very effective bit of rhetoric of the Left—repeated with predictable regularity by organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center. We are white advocates, people who, as Greg phrases it in several places following Michael Polignano, “take our own side” in issues of racial/ethnic conflict. And in taking our own side, we are doing exactly what racial/ethnic groups have done from time immemorial. No one accuses the Koreans of “Korean supremacism” for adopting policies aimed at retaining Korean demographic and cultural predominance. And imagine the horror by Western elites at a proposal to flood African countries with whites so that native Africans cease to be a political majority.

Make no mistake about it. The policies that are making whites minorities in lands they have dominated for hundreds or (in the case of Europe) thousands of years are not driven by utopian dreams of a raceless future, except among gullible, intimidated whites. The non-whites who are so enthusiastically embracing the decline of white political and cultural power are driven by hatred toward whites as a people and as a culture. This is a major theme of my writing on Jewish influence, and apparent as well in a host of non-white intellectuals and activists.

Greg Johnson received his Ph.D. in philosophy, and it shows. His forte is the well-developed argument presented in a lucid, easily understood style. There will be no complaints about this book being filled with turgid prose. And I can’t find any major disagreements.

I was particularly struck by several points. For example, unlike the European New Right, Greg is an advocate of white racial nationalism:

insofar as the breakdown of European national identities and the blending of European stocks in our North American context forces us (1) to give greater place to biological race and other deep roots of common European identity, and (2) to put greater emphasis on the Jewish question, given the role of American Jewry in promoting anti-white policies both in the United States and in white countries worldwide.

Right. As a biologist, there is always the tendency to see matters like race as a decontextualized matter. DNA, after all, is DNA. But American whites are indeed a very intermixed lot—a successful example of a European melting pot. In effect, we have created a new biological reality not present in any European country.

Nevertheless, we must remember that Europeans are in general closely related biologically, particularly in the north and east of Europe, as recent data continue to show. Indeed,

typical pairs of individuals drawn from across Europe have a good chance of sharing long stretches of [identical genes] by descent, even when they are separated by thousands of kilometers. We can furthermore conclude that pairs of individuals across Europe are reasonably likely to share common genetic ancestors within the last 1,000 years, and are certain to share many within the last 2,500 years.[1]

The white race is indeed a biological as well as a cultural reality. This biological reality forms a powerful basis for a scientifically based understanding of a commonality of interests wherever whites are living, whether in Europe or in the European diaspora.

And, yes, although the organized Jewish community has pursued the same set of policies favoring displacement-level immigration and multiculturalism throughout the West, Jewish influence varies in different Western societies. This brings up the need for developing a good model of cultural diffusion within the West. For example, academic culture is self-consciously international. If indeed the main impetus for the leftward shift is Jewish involvement in the Left beginning in the United States with the movements described in The Culture of Critique, it is not at all surprising that this culture spread to other areas with less Jewish influence given the pre-eminence of the U.S. in the post-World War II Western world. An aspiring academic in, say, Norway or Finland, who subscribes to a White Nationalist worldview would find himself ostracized from international academic societies, while countrymen who subscribed to the reigning cultural Marxism would find international recognition.

The same phenomenon occurs in the political realm, as, for example, when Austrian politician Jörg Haider joined a coalition government in 2000. This resulted in huge international pressure, with EU member states refusing to cooperate with the Austrian government and Israel withdrawing its ambassador. The assault on the Golden Dawn party in Greece is a more recent example. Any Western government that opposed continued immigration and multiculturalism would be subjected to similar pressures.

The culture of Western suicide exists throughout the white world, and dominating the most powerful country in the West goes a very long way to dominating the entire Western world, particularly given the fact that Jews often control media even in countries with very tiny Jewish populations, as with the Bonnier family in Norway and Sweden.

Greg does not shy away from discussing difficult issues having to do with National Socialism, supporting the ideal of an organic, hierarchical, meritocratic society dedicated to advancing the interests of whites and rejecting “party politics, totalitarianism, terrorism, imperialism, and genocide.

I agree entirely. It’s a very good strategy to confront such issues head-on rather than to leave them to be discussed solely by our enemies. It’s the same with the holocaust. The holocaust is simply not important for white advocacy, and whatever happened is not the responsibility of any living whites; it’s something that must be simply “stepped over,” to use Jonathan Bowden’s felicitous phrase. Even if the holocaust were proved to have never occurred to the satisfaction of one and all, there is more than enough resentment by Jews about their past in Europe and the United States to fuel the hostility toward the West that has been such a prominent feature of the organized Jewish community and so many influential Jewish individuals. The reality of Jews as a hostile elite aiming to displace white elites throughout the West would not change at all.

I should think that it would be uncontroversial that the white advocacy movement must be metapolitical, since there is a crying need to build up a self-confident, prideful culture than can eventually become mainstream. Greg’s argument that it is premature to pursue nationalist party politics—that at this point the money can be better used in education and organizing—will be more controversial. The question is whether these are really incompatible goals and, as Greg rightly notes, “We share the same broad aims, but we differ as to the best means of achieving them. We need to acknowledge these differences frankly, then divide our camp and pursue our common aims by the various paths that seem best to us.” Different ways should be attempted in the hope that eventually something will work. In the meantime, we must be as inclusive as possible.

In fact, nationalist parties have made substantial headway in Europe, and many observers are expecting a significant representation of nationalist parties to result from the 2014 European Parliament elections. With increasing success, the messages of these parties have inevitably become more widely known. Significantly, these parties have not developed with an explicitly pro-white or pro-ethnic nationalism agenda, but have rather attempted to stay under the radar of political correctness on race and on Jewish influence, basing themselves on an implicit ethnic nationalism that opposes immigration and multiculturalism for a whole host of reasons apart from the danger of ethnic swamping that is in fact lurking in the background. Not surprisingly, these messages are often most effective with the white working class, the group that has suffered the most from the immigration tsunami.

Indeed, I believe that model of change that I think most probable is that the revolution will begin in Europe with the success of one of these parties, particularly if it occurs in a pivotal country like France where there is a clear possibility that the Front National will obtain power, and in a context where other nationalist parties have substantial representation in other areas of Europe so that an effective countermovement of isolation and ostracism cannot develop. I think we are rapidly approaching such a situation now. Compared to America, Europe has the advantage of very ancient cultures and identities that are mortally endangered by this new dispensation. Once such a party gains power, then more explicit messages of ethnic and racial interests may become more acceptable, paving the way for more the dissemination of a theoretical framework based explicitly on ethnic interests.

I worry that in the absence of near-term political goals, a purely metapolitical movement is in danger of being a detached inward-looking, even self-serving elite. For one thing, the Left is completely in control of the academic scene and very actively— indeed passionately—polices any deviation from political correctness. This is quite unlike the situation in American universities where Franz Boas was able to control academic anthropology by the early 20th century, and several of the New York Intellectuals obtained positions at elite universities well before 1960. This is a very formidable barrier to the spread of an elite culture of white identity given the close relationship between universities and intellectual life in the West. There was no complaint from the academic world when the 1965 immigration law opened up immigration to the United States to all peoples of the world. Indeed, in several Western countries, Australia comes to mind, the movement to open up immigration to non-whites originated in the universities.

Even in America, with so many barriers against us, political action inside or outside the context of the electoral process could be a positive force for change. Americans need to see noisy, intelligent, attractive, committed white people marching in the street with signs opposed to immigration, multiculturalism, and the strident ethnic politics of other groups; there is a need for a steady drumbeat of political advertising where pro-white themes, whether explicitly white or not, are repeated over and over to the point that they become part of the furniture of life even if winning elections remains a distant goal.

Such movements may be particularly important for whites with less education who may be turned off by an elite culture of white identity. The white working class in fact has been the prime loser in the cultural changes promoted by our hostile elites. A great many of them are angry and, with less to lose than so many well-educated whites, they are an important natural constituency.

In any case, I wholeheartedly agree that we have to be open to a diversity of approaches.

Greg’s essay, “The Moral Factor,” raises the important issue of moral motivation which I think is an aspect of Western uniqueness. One does not see Chinese people agonizing over the fact that the Han Chinese greatly expanded their territory at the expense of other peoples. Nor does one see the Bantu peoples of Africa worrying about the ethics of displacing other African peoples as they spread far and wide from their homeland in Central Africa, including into South Africa where their treatment at the hands of white South Africans became Exhibit A for white evil during the apartheid era; nor do the Bantu-speaking peoples agonize about the widespread practice of slavery in Africa. Arabs do not apologize about their conquests in the name of Islam or their centuries-old role in slavery and the slave trade. As Greg notes, the Spaniards have apologized for the Reconquista that expelled the Muslims from Spain, but there are no apologies from the Muslims for the Conquista.

Whites are the only people to abolish slavery, and a great many of the activists and the fundamental popular sentiments so crucial in the ultimate victory over slavery were motivated by moral idealism, including especially empathy for slaves.[2] They did so despite very real costs to many individuals and to society as a whole, and all this occurred before the rise of the Jewish hostile elite. Indeed, this unique characteristic of whites is exploited by Jewish intellectuals for their own hateful ends. My basic theory is that this is a holdover of Northern European hunter-gatherer culture, where one’s status in a group is based on reputation for moral behavior (honesty, fair dealing) rather than on kinship relations—an aspect of Western individualism.

So I agree that “even if White Nationalism is politically meaningful, people will resist it if they think it is immoral. But they will move heaven and earth to establish white homelands if they think it is the right thing to do.” We must win the moral battle. The problem is that “our people overwhelmingly believe that our cause is unjust.” And yet, the moral argument for white survival is obvious and compelling. Fundamentally, our basic survival as a people and as a culture are threatened. As Greg notes, “the present system is not merely anti-white, it is genocidally anti-white.”

That’s enough for me to mark the present system as utterly depraved morally. It is profoundly immoral to inflict multiculturalism upon the white populations of the West, given that  ethnic conflict is absolutely predictable, based upon everything we know of the bloody history of ethnically divided societies. This is especially the case given that support for multiculturalism and support for their own demographic and political eclipse have never been majority views among whites. Whether in Australia or New Zealand, North America or Europe—in every case throughout the West, immigration and multi-culturalism have been projects of media, academic, and political elites. These changes have been top-down, not at all bottom-up.

We must pay more attention to the morality of infringing upon the legitimate rights and interests of the white majority. Everyone has rights and everyone has interests. The interests and rights of whites as a majority are no less morally legitimate than those of any other group. Whites must jettison the ideal of moral universalism and ask what is good for the future of whites.

On the basis of this collection of essays, Greg Johnson has a compelling vision of the impending disaster facing the people and culture of the West and what we can do about it right now. It is presented in a highly readable, well-argued manner that at once shows the power and confidence of the developing metapolitical culture of a Western renaissance. I wholeheartedly recommend it.

January 15, 2014

Note:

Greg Johnson’s New Right vs. Old Right is available for purchase here [2].

Notes

1. Ralph Peter and Graham Coop, “The Geography of Recent Genetic Ancestry across Europe,” PLOS Biology, vol. 11, no. 5 (May 7, 2013): e1001555. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.100155

http://www.plosbiology.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pbio.1001555&representation=PDF [3]

2. Kevin MacDonald, “Empathy and Moral Universalism as Components of White Pathology: The Movement to Abolish Slavery in England,” The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 13, no. 2 (Summer 2013), pp. 39–63.


Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2014/02/foreword-to-greg-johnsons-new-right-vs-old-right/

URLs in this post:

[1] Image: http://www.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/NewRightOldRight1crop1.jpg

[2] New Right vs. Old Right : https://secure.counter-currents.com/new-right-vs-old-right/

[3] http://www.plosbiology.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pbio.1001555&representation=PDF: http://www.plosbiology.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pbio.1001555&representation=PDF

 

New Right vs. Old Right

Greg Johnson
Foreword by Kevin MacDonald
San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2013
248 pages

Kindle E-book: $5.99

Nook E-book: $5.99

Hardcover and paperback release date: February 21, 2014

hardcover: $35 

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Note: The first 100 hardcovers ordered through this site will be numbered, signed, and personalized by the author. Unless otherwise indicated, the books will be personalized to the name that appears on the purchaser’s mailing address.

paperback: $20 

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Dr. Greg Johnson draws upon the ideas of the European New Right to promote a new approach to White Nationalist politics in North America. New Right vs. Old Right collects 32 essays in which Dr. Johnson sets out his vision of White Nationalist “metapolitics” and distinguishes it from Fascism and National Socialism (the “Old Right”), as well as conservatism and classical liberalism (the “Phony Right”).

Dr. Johnson rejects the Old Right’s party politics, totalitarianism, imperialism, and genocide in favor of the metapolitical project of constructing a hegemonic White Nationalist consciousness within a pluralistic society. He argues that White Nationalists are too dependent on the model of hierarchical organizations and need also to work on creating resilient lateral networks. He offers New Rightist answers to a number of disputed questions within the White Nationalist community, including white culpability for our decline, Hitler and National Socialism, the Jewish question, the holocaust, the role of women, Christianity vs. paganism, and the relationships of populism, elitism, and democracy. He sets out some basic principles for creating a growing, resilient, networked movement. Finally, he criticizes distractions and dead-ends like “mainstreaming,” conservatism, “premature” populism, and political violence.

Engagingly written and constructively critical, Greg Johnson’s New Right vs. Old Right is an important contribution to the emerging North American New Right.

Praise for New Right vs. Old Right

“Greg Johnson’s basic point is that we must work to create a metapolitics of explicit white identity—that is, a movement that will develop ‘the intellectual and cultural foundations for effective White Nationalist politics in North America, so that we can ultimately create a white homeland or homelands on this continent.’ Greg is one of the reasons why I think this is a feasible project. . . . Greg received his Ph.D. in philosophy, and it shows. His forte is the well-developed argument presented in a lucid, easily understood style. Nobody can complain about this book being filled with turgid prose. And I can’t find any major disagreements.”

—Kevin MacDonald, from the Foreword

“In New Right vs. Old Right, Greg Johnson lays out his vision for a pro-white movement more focused on ideas, education, and communication than on politics or thuggery. True to this vision, his writing is extremely accessible. Throughout this collection, Johnson breaks down complex philosophical concepts and challenging ideas into tight, efficient sentences and effective explanations. Johnson doesn’t drone on trying to sound clever. Like an enthusiastic professor, he truly wants his readers to understand why he believes it is morally right for whites—and all peoples—to determine their own collective destinies.”

—Jack Donovan, author of The Way of Men

“Dr. Greg Johnson’s New Right vs. Old Right delineates the differences between two ‘Rights,’ without repudiating the common philosophical origins of both in opposing egalitarianism and other passé ideologies that continue to dominate much of the world. The primary value of this collection of essays, however, is that Dr. Johnson asks the perennial question, from our side: “what is truth?” In doing so he lays the foundations for a morality of the New Right. This book is therefore unique in the English-speaking Rightist milieu that was, for much of the post-1945 era, poorly served in comparison to its counterparts in Europe. As such, Dr. Johnson’s book will be of relevance to many beyond the North American New Right, of which he is a founding father.”

—Kerry Bolton, author of Artists of the Right

“Greg Johnson’s New Right vs. Old Right is an important compilation that describes the North American New Right and explains how ‘this thing of ours’ differs from both the Old Right and the European New Right.

“Old Right terms like ‘National Socialism’ and ‘fascism’ do not accurately describe what we believe. We reject the narrow nationalism of the Old Right in favor of pan-Europeanism, and we also reject the totalitarianism and apocalyptic visions of bloodshed and genocide that are associated, rightly or wrongly, with Old Right thought and that are promoted by modern-day Nazis.

“On the other hand, the North American New Right differs from our European New Right counterparts: we reject their emphasis on narrow nationalist particularisms, their Continental existentialism that eschews Anglo empiricism, their naïve knee-jerk anti-Americanism, and their weakness on biological race and ‘the JQ.’

“The North American New Right is a new movement, neither constrained by a reactionary idealization of the nationalist past, nor beholden to the intellectual errors of the today’s Old World nationalists.

“You may not agree with everything in this volume. But there is no rigid ‘party line.’ There’s much room for discussion, disagreement, and debate as we articulate our worldview. We are still feeling our way around in the dark that precedes the new dawn, attempting to find our way on the proper path.

“This work represents an important signpost along that path. So, agree or disagree, I am confident that the readers will find this volume useful and illuminating. I invite the reader to join us in our crusade to reshape the future.”

—Ted Sallis

CONTENTS

Foreword by Kevin MacDonald

1. Introduction

Politics and Metapolitics

2. New Right vs. Old Right
3. Hegemony
4. Metapolitics and Occult Warfare
5. Theory and Practice
6. Reflections on Carl Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political
7. The Relevance of Philosophy to Political Change
8. The Moral Factor
9. The Psychology of Conversion

Disputed Questions

10. Our Fault?
11. The Burden of Hitler
12. Dealing with the Holocaust
13. White Nationalism & Jewish Nationalism
14. The Christian Question in White Nationalism
15. Racial Civil Religion
16. That Old-Time Liberalism
17. The Woman Question in White Nationalism
18. Notes on Populism, Elitism, & Democracy
19. The Perils of Positive Thinking
20. The Politics of Resentment
21. “Worse is Better”

Building a Movement

22. Learning from the Left
23. Explicit White Nationalism
24. Secret Agents
25. The Psychology of Apostasy
26. First, Do No Harm

Distractions and Dead Ends

27. White Nationalists and the Political “Mainstream”
28. Why Conservatives STILL Can’t Win
29. Status Competition, Jews, and Racialist Mainstreaming
30. The Laugh Test
31. Premature Populism
32. On Violence

Index

About the Author

Greg Johnson, Ph.D., is the Editor-in-Chief of Counter-Currents Publishing Ltd. and its journal North American New Right. He is author of Confessions of a Reluctant Hater (San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2010) and Trevor Lynch’s White Nationalist Guide to the Movies (San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2012).

 

vendredi, 21 octobre 2011

The Sunic Journal - AltRight Radio - The European New Right

The Sunic Journal

AltRight Radio

The European New Right

dimanche, 14 février 2010

Démocratie sous tutelle: entretien avec Paul Piccone

piccone.jpgArchives de Synergies Européennes - 1995

 

Démocratie sous tutelle

 

Entretien avec Paul Piccone, directeur de «Telos» (New York)

 

Dans les années 60, la plus importante des revues culturelles américaines, Telos, éditée à New York, crée le phénomène de la «Nouvelle Gauche» et ouvre la voie à la “contestation permanente” de 1968, en important aux Etats-Unis la pensée critique de l'Ecole de Francfort, d'Adorno et de Marcuse. Mais aujourd'hui, étonnant signe des temps: Telos  diffuse désormais la pensée de Carl Schmitt aux Etats-Unis, avec l'intention bien profilée de donnée une “épine dorsale” aux New Republicans, qu'on appelle aussi la New Right aux Etats-Unis. L'un des directeurs de Telos  est Paul Piccone, philosophe du politique, Italo-Américain de tempérament volcanique que j'ai rencontré lors d'un colloque à Pérouse. Il m'a parlé avec beaucoup d'enthousiasme de Gianfranco Miglio, le politologue qui a introduit Schmitt en Italie. «L'alliance entre Fini et Miglio», m'a dit Piccone, «est la véritable nouveauté, une nouveauté surpre­nante, dans votre pays. C'est le présidentialisme plus le fédéralisme. C'est l'Etat fort mais “petit”, assorti des libertés locales, des autonomies culturelles, de l'articulation des différences. C'est ce que tentent de réaliser les néo-conservateurs aux Etats-Unis».

 

Q.: Mais, cher Professeur, je vous demande un instant... Je voudrais que vous m'expliquiez comment vous êtes passé d'Adorno à Schmitt, de la nouvelle gauche à la nouvelle droite...

 

PP: Je vous dirais tout simplement que la première chose à se mettre en tête, c'est que la dichotomie gauche/droite est désormais dépassée. Aujourd'hui, le conflit politique ne passe plus par ces catégories, mais par d'autres: nous avons et nous aurons d'autres clivages: les populistes (les partisans du peuple) contre la nouvelle classe des technocrates, la démocratie contre la radicalisation de l'idéologie des Lumières.

 

Q.: Je crains de ne pas comprendre: votre populisme, c'est donc la droite; et la “nouvelle classe”, c'est la nouvelle gauche, “radicale-chic”...

 

PP: Il faut commencer par s'ôter de la tête l'idée fausse du populisme qu'a bricolée la gauche; quand elle parle de populisme, elle imagine des foules de paysans du Middle West, ignorants et armés de fourches, qui s'en vont lyncher des Noirs et molester des Juifs. Cette imagerie sert la nouvelle classe; en la manipu­lant, elle défend son pouvoir. La démocratie, pour la “nouvelle classe”, constitue un danger: parce que, pour elle, le peuple, source originelle de la souveraineté, est aussi le réceptacle d'une irrationalité invin­cible. De ce fait, le peuple a besoin de dirigeants sages et éclairés qui disent et manient les “règles” for­melles de la démocratie. Mais la démocratie représentative en vient à représenter de moins en moins les besoins de la vie réelle des gens, et de plus en plus des techniques formelles. Et sur ce champ technico-formel, seuls sont autorisés à intervenir les avocats, les bureaucrates, les intellectuels. De fait, cette conception est bien celle du progressisme de ce siècle, depuis le marxisme réel jusqu'à la sociale-démo­cratie et au Parti Démocrate américain; tous sont les versions différentes d'un centralisme bureaucra­tique qui essaie par tous les moyens de justifier son existence et de se légitimer politiquement. C'est ainsi que fonctionne le puissant appareil administratif-redistributif qui corrige les différences créées par le mar­ché. Finalement, la vie réelle du peuple, avec son organicité et son patrimoine d'expériences collectives, en vient à être entièrement dominée par un seul et unique héritage culturel, celui des Lumières qui se pro­clame frauduleusement seul “rationnel”, seul “universel(lement valable)”. Et prétend protéger le peuple contre lui-même. Les néo-républicains américains s'opposent à cette mythologie; leur lutte prend la forme d'une lutte contre la bureaucratie étatique omniprésente, qui empêche les communautés particulières de vivre comme elles l'entendent.

 

Q.: C'est donc un phénomène très américain...

 

TELOS142_MED.gifPP: C'est vrai. Très américain au sens le plus profond du terme. La démocratie américaine, en effet, a été fondée par des fanatiques religieux  —les pères pélerins du Mayflower—  qui ont fui l'Europe pour pouvoir conserver leur liberté d'être des fanatiques. Ils ont donc créé un système de liberté, où tous ont le loisir d'être fanatiques sans être troublés par personne; et spécialement sans être dérangés par les héritiers de la “démocratie jacobine” de la Révolution Française, qui prétendent imposer à chacun, au nom de la Raison, un catalogue bien délimité de valeurs auxquelles nous sommes tous priés de nous adapter. Mais je ne crois pas que cela soit un phénomène exclusivement américain: parce qu'aujourd'hui la Raison des Lumières, qui au fil des décennies s'est faite Etat, menace tout le monde. Au fait, a-t-on arrêté la Madonne en Italie?

 

Q.: Vous voulez dire la Madonne de Civitavecchia, celle qui pleure des larmes de sang? Les juges, en effet, l'ont mise sous sequestre car ils suspectaient une super­cherie, ils ont cru que l'on abusait de la crédulité populaire...

 

PP:  A qui le dites-vous... Je ne sais pas si la Madonne pleure pour du vrai, mais ce qui m'importe, moi, c'est que ceux qui y croient sont libres d'y croire sans que l'autorité de l'Etat n'ait à s'y immiscer pour dé­cider si oui ou non ces larmes de sang sont une tromperie qui abuse de la crédulité populaire. Cet incident devrait vous montrer à quoi se réduit la démocratie formelle... Elle n'est plus que l'expression d'une classe de “protecteurs” qui protègent l'ensemble des citoyens jugés incapables de se gouverner eux-mêmes. La démocratie représentative est périmée et s'est muée en une démocratie radicale (qui se dit “libérale” dans le monde anglo-saxon), où les choix démocratiques sont réduits et réservés à ce qui est parfaitement insignifiant. Déjà l'Ecole de Francfort avait démasqué cette fraude. Mon évolution de la nou­velle gauche à la nouvelle droite s'explique par une fidélité à cette démarche démasquante.

 

Q.: Mais cette démarche était de gauche...

 

PP: Si vous voulez. L'Ecole de Francfort, et tout spécialement Adorno, dans sa Critique de l'Aufklärung, nous ont expliqué comment la “rationalité instrumentale”, absoluisée, finit par exclure comme “irrationnels” tous les réflexes vitaux des gens normaux pour qui vivre est plus important que penser. La démocratie des Lumières, qui est une démocratie représentative, n'offre qu'une représentation appauvrie de la vie politique. Ce qui nous ramène au phénomène dont nous subissons aujourd'hui les effets néga­tifs: les démocraties deviennent ingouvernables, les masses sont devenues abstentionnistes, c'est le règne des intérêts particuliers. La démocratie a sombré dans le radicalisme démocratique qui rend tout gouvernement impossible.

 

Q.: Que peut-on faire pour s'y opposer?

 

PP: Il faut récupérer à notre profit la pensée de Carl Schmitt. Parce que Carl Schmitt a théorisé la contra­diction fondamentale entre ce “radicalisme libéral” (issu des Lumières) et la démocratie. Schmitt a amorcé une critique démocratique de la démocratie libérale issue des Lumières et nous a montré combien il était nécessaire de surmonter les formalismes, les “règles”, afin de restaurer les liens entre gouvernants et gouvernés, sans lesquels la démocratie n'a pas de sens.

 

Q.: Mais cette démocratie schmittienne n'est-elle pas la fameuse démocratie plébis­citaire, portée à bout de bras par un homme providentiel?

 

PP: C'est cela le nouveau populisme. Il doit conduire à l'émergence d'une politique populiste, faite par le peuple et pour le peuple. Cette politique ne sera plus l'œuvre d'une caste de professionnels, mais par des membres effectifs d'une communauté déterminée, qui font de la politique pour exprimer directement les exigences et les besoins expérimentés dans la vie quotidienne, la leur et celle de leurs électeurs.

 

Q.: Comment décririez-vous l'expérience Berlusconi?

 

PP: Berlusconi est le moindre mal, parce qu'il n'y a pas autre chose pour l'instant. Mais Berlusconi n'a pas de programme, pas de “vision”. C'est l'axe Fini-Miglio qui me semble aujourd'hui plus prometteur en Italie. A deux, ils peuvent jeter les bases d'une démocratie populiste en Italie.

 

(propos recueillis par Maurizio BLONDET; entretien paru dans Pagine Libere, Rome, juin 1995).