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dimanche, 22 juillet 2018

Steve Bannon veut créer une fondation en Europe : est-ce une aubaine ou un danger ?

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Steve Bannon veut créer une fondation en Europe : est-ce une aubaine ou un danger ?

Avec des fonds provenant des conservateurs de droite américains, les mouvements et partis de droite au sein de l’Union Européenne seraient dans un premier temps consolidés afin de former une fraction plus importante au Parlement européen. Désormais, l’ancien conseiller de Trump se concentre sur l’Europe.

Par Michael Steiner

Steve Bannon, on le sait, est un publiciste de la droite conservatrice américaine, un producteur de films, un conseiller politique qui a dirigé la page web « Breitbart News Network » et a été naguère le principal conseiller du Président américain Donald Trump. Bannon a décidé de concentrer tous ses efforts sur l’Europe et souhaite, avec l’appui d’une fondation, soutenir les partis conservateurs et populistes de droite pour qu’une solide faction conservatrice et droitière s’installe sur les strapontins du Parlement Européen qui sera élu l’année prochaine.

Aujourd’hui âgé de 64 ans, Bannon, après les élections dites du « mid-term », début novembre aux Etats-Unis, veut passer la moitié de son temps en Europe, apprend-on en lisant le portail américaine « The Daily Beast ». Bannon veut faire contrepoids à la Fondation gérée par le milliardaire globalitaire George Soros qui appuie les mouvements et groupes de gauche et d’extrême-gauche. Bannon a déjà trouvé un nom pour la Fondation qu’il envisage de créer : elle s’appellera « The Movement ».

D’après l’article de « The Daily Beast », Bannon veut installer son quartier général à Bruxelles et tout coordonner au départ de ce siège. Lors de la visite de Trump à Londres, il y a une semaine, il a rencontré quelques représentants de mouvements de droite dans la capitale britannique, contacts qui, selon lui, se sont avérés très prometteurs. Si bien qu’il peut se mettre à recruter du personnel. Cependant, nous pouvons nous poser quelques questions avec tout le scepticisme requis : Bannon pourra-t-il, en l’espace de quelques petits mois, consolider suffisamment les partis et mouvements de droite disséminés dans toute l’Europe ?

Question supplémentaire : sera-t-il capable d’aligner tous ces partis et mouvements, qui sont souvent très critiques à l’endroit de la politique américaine, sur un « courant unique » puis de les brancher sur le réseau des « néocons » de Washington ? Telles sont les questions que tout bon Européen doit poser. Si Bannon finit par disposer de suffisamment de moyens financiers dans les temps voulus, ne cherchera-t-il pas à faire émerger un changement de cap en politique internationale au sein des partis de droite en Europe qui, du moins partiellement, sont plutôt russophiles et hostiles à l’hégémonisme américain ?

Ex : https://www.contra-magazin.com

samedi, 21 juillet 2018

Le chef de la fraction des “Verts” en Allemagne veut de nouvelles alliances asiatiques pour l’Europe !

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Adieu à l’alliance américaine ?

Le chef de la fraction des “Verts” en Allemagne veut de nouvelles alliances asiatiques pour l’Europe !

Robert Habeck, chef de la fraction des Verts estime que l’Europe a besoin de nouveaux partenaires et alliés, surtout en Asie, quitte à ne plus être orientée exclusivement sur le partenariat transatlantique.

Par Marco Maier

Enfin, un gars parmi les Verts qui devient intelligent ! Après avoir quasiment exclu le mouvement pacifiste de ses rangs et surtout depuis le gouvernement Schröder/Fischer, les Verts de la tendance « Realo » et leurs amis ralliés à l’établissement ont donné le ton dans le parti qui, depuis, n’a cessé de vouloir pratiquer une politique férocement antirusse, surtout sous la pression du lobby homosexuel, ce qui a permis aux atlantistes de contrôler la marche des affaires en politique étrangère, induisant une suite ininterrompue de stratégies filandreuses et boiteuses. Aujourd’hui, les choses semblent changer : le chef du parti, Robert Habeck veut que l’Union Européenne se choisisse de nouveaux partenaires et alliés.

“Certes, nous ne pouvons pas abandonner l’espoir que nous plaçons dans une Amérique après Trump, où les relations transatlantiques reprendraient vigueur”, a déclaré Habeck, “mais une chose doit être claire désormais : l’Europe doit forger de nouvelles alliances, surtout en Asie ». L’Europe doit abandonner l’idée qu’il n’y aurait « qu’un seul véritable allié », a insisté Habeck. « En lieu et place du vieux camp (atlantiste), nous devons faire émerger un tissu d’alliance, suffisamment puissant, pour éviter toutes nouvelles guerres ». Ce qui est important, c’est que « l’Europe doit agir à l’unisson », a demandé le chef des Verts, « sinon nous ne jouerons plus aucun rôle (sur la scène internationale), y compris l’Allemagne ».

Le Président des Etats-Unis, a-t-il ajouté, « a un plan : la destruction de l’ordre ancien ». Dans le conflit qui oppose désormais l’Europe aux Etats-Unis, la Chine pourrait devenir l’un de nos partenaires, a dit Habeck, même si la République Populaire n’est nullement un modèle sur le plan des droits de l’homme (ce qui semble important pour les Verts…). Notre commentaire : s’il faut s’unir contre Trump, les droits de l’homme semblent tout d’un coup revêtir une importance bien moindre pour les Verts.

Toutefois, le politicien vert s’oppose contre toute augmentation aveugle du budget militaire allemand, comme l’a réclamé le Président des Etats-Unis et quelques politiciens allemands de la CDU, de la CSU et de la FDP. « Avant de poser la question ‘combien ?’, il faut poser la question du pourquoi et l’expliquer”, selon Habeck.  « Au départ, il faut procéder à une analyse stratégique pour déterminer quelles sont les tâches de la Bundeswehr et celles de ses partenaires européens aujourd’hui ». Et c’est sur la base de cette analyse stratégique qu’il faudra fixer les dépenses et non autrement.

Ex : https://www.contra-magazin.com

vendredi, 20 juillet 2018

Sanctions américaines contre l'Iran: l'Union Européenne veut soutenir les firmes européennes

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Sanctions américaines contre l’Iran: l’Union Européenne veut soutenir les firmes européennes

Bruxelles – Remarquable résistance européenne contre Washington : les Etats de l’UE viennent de décider de protéger les entreprises européennes dans le cadre des sanctions contre l’Iran que veulent imposer les Etats-Unis. Le Parlement européen doit encore décider définitivement de changer le « statut du blocus ». Les ministres européens des affaires étrangères se sont tous mis d’accord pour actualiser une directive de l’UE de 1996.

Cette directive interdit formellement aux firmes européennes de s’en tenir aux sanctions imposées par les Etats-Unis. Les entreprises seront désormais protégées contre toute intervention des autorités américaines et pourront, le cas échéant, exiger des dommages et intérêts.

Cette démarche a pour but d’assurer que l’Iran pourra, dans l’avenir, profiter des « avantages économiques de l’accord nucléaire », a expliqué la porte-paroles des affaires étrangères de l’UE, Mme Mogherini. Elle a toutefois concédé que c’était là « un exercice difficile », vu « le poids des Etats-Unis dans l’économie mondiale et dans le système financier international ». L’accord nucléaire va toutefois aussi dans l’intérêt de l’Europe et les conséquences d’un éventuel échec seraient « catastrophiques pour tous ».

Le Président des Etats-Unis, Donald Trump, avait annoncé en mai que son pays avait décidé de sortir de l’accord nucléaire. Téhéran avait demandé, suite à cette déclaration, que l’UE accorde des garanties économiques en compensation pour les sanctions américaines qui venaient à nouveau d’entrer en vigueur.

Le Washington Post avait annoncé auparavant que les exceptions aux mesures de rétorsion américaines, qu’avaient réclamées, dans un appel à Washington,  l’Allemagne, la France et la Grande-Bretagne au début du mois de juin, ne seront en aucun cas accordées.

Ex: http://www.zuerst.de

jeudi, 19 juillet 2018

General Franz Uhle-Wettler

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General Franz Uhle-Wettler

Je viens d'apprendre avec tristesse le décès du Général Franz Uhle-Wettler qui avait participé à l'une des universités d'été de "Synergies Européennes" en Basse-Saxe. Son intervention portait sur une critique serrée, très claire, extrêmement didactique et précise, des stratagèmes de l'impérialisme américain en Europe. Franz Uhle-Wettler était un personnage fascinant, son charisme était époustouflant, sa voix, très militaire, entraînait les enthousiasmes. Inutile de dire que les positions géopolitiques du Général Uhle-Wettler correspondaient entièrement aux miennes: je n'ai pratiquement jamais observé une telle convergence d'esprit! J'ai également été fasciné par sa capacité à parler aux petits enfants malgré sa voix de stentor qui aurait pu les effrayer: pendant le repas, qui a suivi son exposé que j'ai eu l'honneur de traduire, son interlocuteur fut un bambin de quatre ans, lumineux et souriant, qui n'entendait pas quitter ce grand-père imposant et chaleureux. Nos lecteurs trouveront ci-dessous la fiche que lui consacre METAPEDIA (version allemande) (Robert Steuckers).

Franz Uhle-Wettler (Lebensrune.png 30. Oktober 1927 in Eisleben) ist ein deutscher Generalleutnant a. D. der Bundeswehr und Militärhistoriker. Er ist der ältere Bruder von Reinhard Uhle-Wettler

Leben und Werdegang

Zweiter Weltkrieg

Franz Uhle-Wettler trat 1943 als Flakhelfer in die Wehrmacht ein, war dann vor Kriegsende zunächst noch Seekadett in der Kriegsmarine und nach Kriegsende bis 1947 in Kriegsgefangenschaft.

Nachkriegszeit und akademische Ausbildung

Danach war er als Bergarbeiter tätig bevor er in Marburg ein Studium der Neueren Geschichte und der Orientalischen Sprachen aufnahm. Zur Ergänzung seiner Studien fuhr er (eignen Angaben zufolge mit dem Fahrrad) nach Indien und setzte sein Studium dort fort. 1954 setzte er seine Reise durch einen mehrere Monate dauernden Ritt zu Pferd von Ost nach West durch Nomadengebiete Afghanistans und des östlichen Irans fort.[1] Mit der Dissertation Staatsdenken und Englandverehrung bei den frühen Göttinger Historikern (Achenwall, von Schlözer, Freiherr von Spittler, Brandes, Rehberg, Heeren) wurde er 1956 an der Philippis-Universität Marburg zum Dr. phil. promoviert. Die bedeutende, den Durchschnitt akademischer Arbeiten deutlich überragenden Dissertation[2] gehörte auf lange Jahre hinaus für Historiker als fachliche Orientierung für das Thema der politischen und historiographischen Englandrezeption in Deutschland und Europa.

UhleWettler.jpgBundeswehr

Er trat 1956 als Fahnenjunker-Unteroffizier der Panzergrenadiertruppe in die neu aufgestellte Bundeswehr ein, wurde zum Generalstabsoffizier ausgebildet und hatte verschiedene Verwendungen in Stäben und in der Truppe (unter anderem als Kommandeur einer Panzerdivision).

Zuletzt war er Kommandeur des NATO-Verteidigungsakademie in Rom. Von dort aus wurde er im Rang eines Generalleutnants in den Ruhestand verabschiedet.

Aktivitäten im Ruhestand

In den 1990er Jahren bereiste Uhle-Wettler Pakistan „längere Zeit“ mit dem Auto.[1] Ferner war er während dieser Zeit mehrfach von der Regierung Singapurs als Militärberater eingeladen.[3] Seit 1996 ist er Mitglied des Kuratoriums der Carl-Schurz-Stiftung, die der Partei Die Republikaner (REP) nahe steht. Als Autor militärhistorischer Bücher, zum Teil unter dem Pseudonym Ulrich Werner, und Referent verbreitete er geschichtsrevisionitische Thesen. Dabei engagierte er sich für die Verteidigung des SS-Hauptsturmführers Erich Priebke, der 1994 in einem argentinischem Kurort aufgespürt wurde. Er veröffentlichte in rechtskonservativen Zeitschriften wie der Jungen Freiheit, Aula, Europa Vorn, Criticón und dem Ostpreußenblatt.

FUW-mars.jpgUhle-Wettler verfaßte als erster deutscher Autor eine Biographie über Erich Ludendorff und schloß damit eine Lücke in der deutschen Geschichtsschreibung.[4]

Zitate

  • Die bisher vorgelegten Beispiele der PC betreffen nur die Zeit des Kaiserreichs und damit eine Epoche, bei deren Darstellung sich ein Historiker noch nicht ins gesellschaftliche Abseits manövrieren und seine Karriere gefährden kann. Um so berechtigter ist die Frage, wie es mit der PC bei der Darstellung der Jahre 1933-1945 und der ersten Jahre der alliierten Besatzung steht.Hier wird man – wiederum nur als Beispiel unter vielen - darauf verweisen müssen, daß die deutschen Akten lange, zum Teil jahrzehntelang, im Besitz der Siegermächte gewesen sind. In einem Zivilprozeß würde in einem vergleichbaren Fall wohl jeder Amtsrichter urteilen, die benachteiligte Prozeßpartei dürfe klären lassen, ob ihre Akten von der Gegen-Partei manipuliert wurden.[5]

Veröffentlichungen (Auswahl)

FUW-tirpitz.jpgAls Franz Uhle-Wettler

Als Ulrich Werner (Pseudonym)

  • Der sowjetische Marxismus, Darmstadt 1962
  • Der sowjetische Marxismus. 2. erweiterte Auflage. Fundus Verlag, Darmstadt 1964.

Als Übersetzer

Verweis

Fußnoten

  1. 1,0 1,1 Franz Uhle-Wettler: Der Krieg: Gestern – heute – und wie morgen?, Ares-Verlag, S. 315
  2. Hans-Christof Kraus: Englische Verfassung und politisches Denken im Ancien Régime: 1689 bis 1789, Seite 13–14
  3. Franz Uhle-Wettler: Der Krieg: Gestern – heute – und wie morgen?, Ares-Verlag, S. 265
  4. Deutschlands größter Mann, Olaf Rose, 30. Januar 2014
  5. Der Einfluß der "political correctness" auf unser Geschichtsbild Von Generalleutnant a.D.Dr. Franz Uhle-Wettler, Meckenheim

Revilo P. Oliver & Francis Parker Yockey

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Revilo P. Oliver & Francis Parker Yockey

The writings of Francis Parker Yockey have fascinated the far Right for a half-century and more. I would argue that the person most responsible for this popularity is the late classics professor Revilo P. Oliver. While Prof. Oliver had little practical input in the distribution of Yockey writings (that credit would go more to Willis Carto and George Dietz), it was Oliver’s imprimatur that lent Yockey a gravitas that ensured he would be cherished as something other than the author of some controversial, obscurantist tracts. 

This is true even though Oliver disagreed with Yockey on a number of key points. He championed Yockey even in the early 1960s when Oliver was writing for the John Birch Society and had to couch his praise in evasive words. Years later, when his critical essays were mainly limited to the small-run periodical Liberty Bell and he could write whatever he pleased (which often meant page-long footnotes explicating minutiae of philology, archeology and race), he still held Yockey in great esteem, someone whose errors were as worthy of explication as his insights.

Accordingly, anyone who studies Yockey very quickly runs into Prof. Oliver. Here are some highlights of the Yockey-Oliver connection.

Francis_Parker_Yockey.jpgRPO in the Yockey Biographies

We now have two big Yockey biographies at our disposal. There is Kevin Coogan’s Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International, published in 1999. And, new in 2018, Kerry Bolton’s Yockey: A Fascist Odyssey. Despite the somewhat similar titles, the books are very different, and hardly “synoptic” narratives. While offering many curious details of Yockey’s life, the Bolton book largely takes an historiographic view, reviewing how Yockey was seen and written about through the passing decades. For example, Bolton tells us that one notable American figure of the Right, Wilmot Robertson of The Dispossessed Majority and the magazine Instauration, did not care for Yockey at all. Yockey was too Spenglerian; he followed Spengler’s rather mystical and unprovable idea of historical cycles. Worst of all, he tried to evade the hard and essential factor of biological (or “vertical”) race. Yockey, like Spengler, instead emphasized what he called “horizontal race,” a kinship more of cultural spirit than blood.

As for Oliver, he shared some of these objections, but never ceased to endorse what he saw as the kernel of Yockey’s argument, which was the quasi-organic unity of (Western) culture. He knew of Yockey before Yockey’s Imperium was popularized in the early 1960s. He praised Yockey’s insights in the pages of American Opinion and The American Mercury during that decade. He assisted with the founding of the Yockeyite National Youth Alliance organization in the late 60s. He was still treating Yockey as a figure of serious analysis in the 1980s.

Conversely, in the Coogan study Oliver hardly appears at all. He is merely a name mentioned in passing, mainly with regard to the National Youth Alliance. Coogan ignores RPO’s extensive writing on Yockey. For that matter, Coogan does not seem to be much interested in Imperium—or even have read it, let alone Yockey’s other writings. For Coogan, Yockey’s “philosophy of history” exists mainly as a title of a big cult book that enraptured the far Right in the 1960s and beyond. It is most peculiar to attempt a biography of a philosopher without discussing his philosophy, let alone critics’ commentaries on it, but that is what we have here. And it explains why Coogan makes RPO no more than a minor, ancillary figure.

To digress a little: only about half of Coogan’s Dreamer of the Day pertains to Yockey’s writing or life events. There is little historiography or critical discussion, from RPO or anyone else. And yet the book is far longer than it needs to be (644 pp. in paperback), padded out with every stray rumor and scrap of research the author found. The biographical portion is derived in large part from FOIA files as well as various letters that an earlier researcher, Keith Stimely, received in the 1980s. The rest of the content is a hyperbolic exposition of what Coogan calls the “Fascist International”: a murky stew into which he stirs such extraneous, oddball characters as Chilean diplomat and mystic Miguel Serrano, and British occultist Aleister Crowley. Throughout the book Coogan throws in misinformed, lurid notions about such things as Yockey’s parentage (Coogan has the birthdate of Yockey’s father Louis wrong, and thereby implies Louis was a bastard, born years after his ostensible father died) and researcher Stimely’s personal life (based on allegations in David McCalden’s lively-but-scurrilous Revisionist Newsletter in the 1980s). Sensationalism was the main objective here.

RPO on Comparative Morphology

Much of Oliver’s writing on Yockey is a half-century old now, yet it is still the most trenchant and inclusive analysis. So far as I can tell, he is the only person who analyzed Imperium as a work in a definable genre, what one might call the philosophy of morphological history. In a very long 1963 essay, published in American Opinion (though very un-Birchite in scope and theme), he compares Yockey with a number of others in the school including, most obviously, The Decline of the West‘s Oswald Spengler, Lawrence R. Brown (The Might of the West) and Arnold Toynbee (A Philosophy of History).

Although RPO quibbles with some of Yockey’s factual asides—e.g., his apparent forgetfulness about the Thirty Years War when stating that Germany was fortunate to avoid most of the carnage that depleted the rest of Europe from the Middle Ages onward—he is generally appreciative of and laudatory toward Imperium. The basic reason for this seems to be that, whatever Oliver’s own doubts may have been about Spenglerian theories of historical morphology, or Yockey’s own quasi-mystical belief in Destiny, he agrees with the Yockey’s fundamental argument: that the Western civilization from the Middle Ages at least has been a unitary whole, and that the destructive conflicts of the 20th century amounted to a pathology exacerbated by outside elements:

[T]he culture of the West, like every viable civilization, is a unity in the sense that its parts are organically interdependent. Although architecture, music, literature, the mimetic arts, science, economics, and religion may seem at first glance more or less unrelated, they are all constituent parts of the cultural whole, and the disease of any one will sooner or later affect all the others. Your hands will not long retain their strength, if there is gangrene in the foot or cancer in the stomach.[1]

imperium.pngWriting in 1963, Oliver avoids mention of Yockey’s “culture-distorter” or the Jewish Question (although he makes a nod to that Birchite proxy, the International Communist Conspiracy). Years later, with the “Birch Business” well behind him, Oliver would be more explicit.

This brings us to “The Enemy of Our Enemies” (1981), which George Dietz’s Liberty Bellmagazine put out in a fat issue that also contained Yockey’s own “The Enemy of Europe.” The two monographs were later republished together as a paperback book.[2] Yockey’s extended essay, translated back into English from a surviving German version, is nearly a hundred pages, an excoriation of American hegemony over the European culture-soul. The Oliver section is even longer, a brilliant and cranky, no-holds-barred fulmination. While beginning as an exegesis of Yockey, his influences and his errors, this commentary readily departs from that pretext, delivering instead RPO’s own, broader variation on the general theme:

In 1914, our civilization was worm-eaten at the core, but its brightly glittering surface concealed the corruption within from superficial eyes. It was taken for granted that the globe had become one world, the world of which the Aryan nations were the undisputed masters, while all the lesser races already were, or would soon become, merely the subject inhabitants of their colonial possession. This reasonable conception of the world’s unity oddly survived the catastrophes that followed and it conditioned unthinking mentalities to accept the preposterous notion of the current propaganda for “One World,” which is couched in endless gabble that is designed to conceal the fact that it is to be a globe under the absolute and ruthless dominion of the Jews—a globe on which our race, if not exterminated, will be the most degraded and abject of all.[3]

The Introduction to Imperium: A Question of Attribution

Finally, a note on a point that perennially comes up when Yockey and Oliver are discussed. Was the long foreword to the post-1960 editions of Imperium, signed Willis A. Carto, actually written by Mr. Carto, or by Prof. Oliver? Keith Stimely claimed the latter, in a furious booklet he distributed in the mid-1980s after he left Carto’s employ at the Institute for Historical Review.

When pressed, Oliver was vague on the subject, writing Stimely in 1984 only that he had given Carto permission to use material he had written as suggested introduction to a new reprint of the book. Stimely reproduced part of Oliver’s letter in his anti-Carto booklet, and Kerry Bolton also excerpt it in his Yockey biography:

I wrote a lengthy and signed memorandum on Yockey’s importance as a philosopher of history and a nationalist, hoping to inlist the support of persons who would subsidize a new edition of Imperium . . .  I . . . told Carto to make whatever use he wished of what I had written for an intoduction by him or anyone he chose to introduce the new edition. I therefore gave him the material, and it would be dishonourable of me to try to reclaim it. [4]

This essay-memorandum seems to have vanished. Oliver wrote a review of Imperium some years later (1966) for The American Mercury [5] that bears some resemblance to the philosophical discussion in the Introduction, but is otherwise entirely different: i.e., not a “retread” of some older piece that was repurposed.

When the question was put to them, both Willis Carto and his wife (now widow) Elisabeth maintained that the Introduction was indeed written by Mr. Carto himself. Therefore, worrying through the problem, Kerry Bolton comes to a Solomonic compromise, and says that it

seems plausible, stylistically and philosophically . . . that Carto wrote the first biographical half of the ‘Introduction’ and Oliver wrote the second half, commenting on the Yockeyan doctrine of Culture-pathology.

Notes

[1] Revilo P. Oliver, “History and the Historians,” 1963; collected in America’s Decline, 1983, pp. 276-277. https://archive.org/stream/AmericasDecline1983V2/OLIVERRe... [2]

[2] Yockey and Oliver, The Enemy of Europe/the Enemy of Our Enemies. Liberty Bell Publications, 2003.

[3] https://archive.org/stream/TheEnemyOfOurEnemies/EEE#page/... [3]

[4] Kerry Bolton, Yockey: A Fascist Odyssey. Arktos, 2018.

[5] http://www.revilo-oliver.com/news/1966/06/the-shadow-of-empire-francis-parker-yockey-after-twenty-years/ [4]

 

Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: https://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: https://www.counter-currents.com/2018/07/revilo-p-oliver-and-francis-parker-yockey/

URLs in this post:

[1] Image: https://www.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/ReviloOliver.jpg

[2] https://archive.org/stream/AmericasDecline1983V2/OLIVERReviloP.-Americas_Decline_1983_v2: https://archive.org/stream/AmericasDecline1983V2/OLIVERReviloP.-Americas_Decline_1983_v2

[3] https://archive.org/stream/TheEnemyOfOurEnemies/EEE#page/n49/: https://archive.org/stream/TheEnemyOfOurEnemies/EEE#page/n49/

[4] http://www.revilo-oliver.com/news/1966/06/the-shadow-of-empire-francis-parker-yockey-after-twenty-years/: http://www.revilo-oliver.com/news/1966/06/the-shadow-of-empire-francis-parker-yockey-after-twenty-years/

 

mercredi, 18 juillet 2018

Démocrature: Nazi Concept Welcomed into French Language

demokratur-stopp.png

Démocrature:
Nazi Concept Welcomed into French Language

It’s that time of year. The French dictionaries Le Petit Larousse and Le Petit Robert (don’t ask me why they are called “petit,” they are huge) are adding various neologisms and foreign loanwords to our beloved langue de Céline.

My interest was particularly piqued by the following new entry: 

DÉMOCRATURE 

noun, feminine (from democracy and dictatorship).

1. A political regime which, while having certain attributes of democracy, such as party pluralism, is nonetheless run in an authoritarian or even dictatorial fashion. (One also says dictocratie.)

2. The shift from democracy to dictatorship by undermining the rule of law.

How interesting! The word clearly refers to the various elected “populist” regimes which have emerged in Hungary, Poland, and the United States, which for various reasons, do not live up to liberals’ ever-changing definition of “democracy” and “the rule of law,” according to their latest ideological fashions.

What Le Petit Larousse fail to mention, however, is that the word actually goes much farther back, at least as far back as the 1930s: indeed, various fascist movements and thinkers deemed the Western parliamentary democracies to be in fact démocratures, as actually being run not by the people, but by warmongering and corrupt liberal and oligarchic elites. Given the pervasiveness of antiwar sentiment, if the people ran America or France, as these republics boldly claimed, it seems quite unlikely that either country would have gone to war against Germany, effectively on the side of the Soviet Union.

The historian Mark Mazower writes on postwar German National Socialists:

[S]uch men regarded parliamentary democracy as a sham “democratatorship” [sic] (Demokratur), believed the multi-party system had to be abolished and wanted somehow to reunify the country with the assistance of like-minded fascists abroad.[1] [2]

democrature-dictature-camouflee-democratie-truquee-9782738413246_0.jpg

What, in fact, is a liberal democracy? You will never find agreement as the two terms are in hopeless contradiction with one another. One man’s legitimate, majoritarian expression of the popular will is another man’s demagogic tyranny of the majority. To one man, the executive’s, media’s, and judges’ ignoring of public opinion will be an example of far-sighted, responsible, and enlightened leadership, while appearing to another man to be an abhorrent betrayal of democracy by oligarchic elites.

Recall: two World Wars were fought by the Western powers, tearing Europe apart in murderous conflicts from which the continent has never recovered, in the name of preserving liberal democracy. The religion of democracy excommunicates from respectable humanity all governments which are not liberal democracies. And yet, the very definition of the term is quite unclear, shifting, and ambiguous according to liberal elites’ changing moods and interests. All this is quite problematic.

In fact, all human societies are authoritarian and (civil-)religious. All societies, and their media-political elites, shun, demonize, and destroy those considered to have wrong values, lest they infect the rest of society. All societies have punishable taboos. Purging a university professor or screenwriter for his fascist or racialist views is not less “authoritarian” than purging one for his communist views. Therefore the distinction drawn by liberals and the Left in general, made popular in the 1960s by the Frankfurt School and others, is quite spurious and hypocritical. All societies have Platonic Guardians, whether they own up their role, or not.

This was not so apparent in the postwar years however. For the Boomers, bless them, one could live in a society which was, in fact, carefully policed by the audiovisual and print media, but which could claim to be “open,” “tolerant,” “pluralist,” characterized by “freedom of thought,” etc., all the while never being allowed to give a fair hearing any taboo Right-wing idea. One could have the pleasure of both thinking oneself open-minded and have the benefits of actually being authoritarian.

With the rise of national-populism, which signifies, for the first time in decades, a certain loss of control of the political process by mainstream media elites, the mainstreamers are waking up to démocrature. More and more are openly questioning democracy and elections, as leading to “instability,” “populism,” and above all, “wrong values.” Careful now, you might become Right-wingers!

Notes

[1] [3]Mark Mazower, Hitler’s Empire: Nazi Rule in Occupied Europe (New York: Penguin, 2008).

 

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mardi, 17 juillet 2018

Tolkien & the Kalevala

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Tolkien & the Kalevala

Among the vast array of sources that influenced Tolkien in the creation of his legendarium was the Kalevala, a collection of Finnish folk poetry compiled and edited by the Finnish physician and philologist Elias Lönnrot. Much scholarship exists on Tolkien’s Norse, Germanic, and Anglo-Saxon influences, but his interest in the Kalevala is not as often discussed. 

kalevala.jpgThe Kalevala was first published in 1835, but the tales therein date back to antiquity and were handed down orally. The poems were originally songs, all sung in trochaic tetrameter (now known as the “Kalevala meter”). This oral tradition began to decline after the Reformation and the suppression of paganism by the Lutheran Church. It is largely due to the efforts of collectors like Lönnrot that Finnish folklore has survived.

Lönnrot’s task in creating the Kalevala was to arrange the raw material of the poems he collected into a single literary work with a coherent arc. He made minor modifications to about half of the oral poetry used in the Kalevala and also penned some verses himself. Lönnrot gathered more material in subsequent years, and a second edition of the Kalevala was published in 1849. The second edition consists of nearly 23,000 verses, which are divided into 50 poems (or runos), further divided into ten song cycles. This is the version most commonly read today.

The main character in the Kalevala is Väinämöinen, an ancient hero and sage, or tietäjä, a man whose vast knowledge of lore and song endows him with supernatural abilities. Other characters include the smithing god Ilmarinen, who forges the Sampo; the reckless warrior Lemminkäinen; the wicked queen Louhi, ruler of the northern realm of Pohjola; and the vengeful orphan Kullervo.

Much of the plot concerns the Sampo, a mysterious magical object that can produce grain, salt, and gold out of thin air. The exact nature of the Sampo is ambiguous, though it is akin to the concept of the world pillar or axis mundi. Ilmarinen forges the Sampo for Louhi in return for the hand of her daughter. Louhi locks the Sampo in a mountain, but the three heroes (Väinämöinen, Ilmarinen, and Lemminkäinen) sail to Pohjola and steal it back. During their journey homeward, Louhi summons the sea monster Iku-Turso to destroy them and commands Ukko, the god of the sky and thunder, to incite a storm. Väinämöinen wards off Iku-Turso but loses his kantele (a traditional Finnish stringed instrument that Väinämöinen is said to have created). A climax is reached when Louhi morphs into an eagle and attacks the heroes. She seizes the Sampo, but Väinämöinen attacks her, and it falls into the sea and is destroyed. Väinämöinen collects the fragments of the Sampo afterward and creates a new kantele. In nineteenth-century Finland, Väinämöinen’s fight against Louhi was seen as the embodiment of Finland’s struggle for nationhood.

It is likely that Finland would not exist as an independent nation were it not for the Kalevala. The poem was central to the Finnish national awakening, which began in the 1840s and eventually resulted in Finland’s declaration of independence from Russia in December 1917. It also played a role in the movement to elevate the Finnish language to official status.

The publication of the Kalevala brought about a flowering of artistic and literary achievement in Finland. The art of Finland’s greatest painter, Akseli Gallen-Kallela, is heavily influenced by Finnish mythology and folk art, and many of his works (The Defence of the Sampo, The Forging of the Sampo, Lemminkäinen’s Mother, Kullervo Rides to War, Kullervo’s Curse, Joukahainen’s Revenge) depict scenes from the Kalevala. The Kalevala has also influenced a number of composers, most notably Sibelius, whose Kalevala-inspired compositions include his Kullervo, Tapiola, Lemminkäinen Suite, Luonnotar, and Pohjola’s Daughter.

Tolkien first read the Kalevala at the age of 19. The poem had a great impact on him and remained one of his lifelong influences. While still at Oxford, he wrote a prose retelling of the Kullervo cycle. This was his first short story and “the germ of [his] attempt to write legends of [his] own.”[1] His fascination with the Kalevala during this time also inspired him to learn Finnish, which he likened to an “amazing wine” that intoxicated him.[2] Finnish was an important influence on the Elvish language Quenya.

In the Kalevala, Kullervo is an orphan whose tribe was massacred by his uncle Untamo. After attempting in vain to kill the young Kullervo, Untamo sells him as a slave to Ilmarinen and his wife. Kullervo later escapes and learns that some of his family are still alive, though his sister is still considered missing. He then seduces a girl who turns out to be his sister; she kills herself upon this realization. Kullervo vows to gain revenge on Untamo and massacres Untamo’s tribe, killing each member. He returns home to find the rest of his family dead and finally kills himself in the spot where he seduced his sister. The character of Kullervo was the main inspiration for Túrin Turambar in The Silmarillion.

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There are a handful of other parallels. The hero Väinämöinen likely provided inspiration for the characters of Gandalf and Tom Bombadil, particularly the latter.[3] Tom Bombadil is as old as creation itself, and his gift of song gives him magical powers. The magical properties of singing also feature in The Silmarillion when Finrod and Sauron duel through song and when Lúthien sings Morgoth to sleep (as when Väinämöinen sings the people of Pohjola to sleep). Ilmarinen likely inspired the character of Fëanor, creator of the Silmarils.[4] The Silmarils are much like the Sampo in nature, and the quest to retrieve them parallels the heroes’ quest to capture the Sampo.

The animism that pervades Tolkien’s mythology (as when Caradhras “the Cruel” attempts to sabotage the Fellowship’s journey or when the stones of Eregion speak of the Elves who once lived there) also hearkens back to the Kalevala, in which trees, hills, swords, and even beer possess consciousness.

For Tolkien, the appeal of the Kalevala lay in its “weird tales” and “sorceries,” which to him evinced a “very primitive undergrowth that the literature of Europe has on the whole been steadily cutting away and reducing for many centuries . . . .” He continues: “I would that we had more of it left — something of the same sort that belonged to the English . . . .”[5]

The desire to create a national mythology for England in the vein of Lönnrot’s Kalevala was the impetus behind Tolkien’s own legendarium. Not unlike Lönnrot, he envisioned himself as a collector of ancient stories whose role it was to craft an epic that would capture the spirit of the nation. He writes in a letter:

. . . I was from early days grieved by the poverty of my own beloved country: it had no stories of its own (bound up with its tongue and soil), not of the quality that I sought, and found (as an ingredient) in legends of other lands. There was Greek, and Celtic, and Romance, Germanic, Scandinavian, and Finnish (which greatly affected me); but nothing in English . . . . I had a mind to make a body of more or less connected legend, ranging from the large and the cosmogonic, to the level of romantic fairy-story — the larger founded on the lesser in contact with the earth, the lesser drawing splendour from the vast backcloths — which I could dedicate simply to England; to my country . . . . The cycles should be linked to a majestic whole, and yet leave scope for other minds and hands, wielding paint and music and drama.[6]

Tolkien had England in mind, but his mythology is one that all whites can unite around, in the same manner that the races of the Fellowship united to save Middle-earth. The heroic and racialist themes in Tolkien’s mythology are readily apparent, and the fight against the forces of evil parallels the current struggle.

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The role of the Kalevala in Finland’s fight for independence attests to the revolutionary potential of literature and art. Tolkien’s mythology offers rich material from which to draw and indeed has already inspired many works of art, music, literature, etc., as Tolkien himself hoped.[7] Perhaps the revolution will be led by Tolkien fans.

Notes

1. J. R. R. Tolkien, The Story of Kullervo, ed. Verlyn Flieger (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2017), 52.

2. Ibid., 136.

3. Gandalf’s departure to Valinor also brings to mind when Väinämöinen sails away to a realm located in “the upper reaches of the world, the lower reaches of the heavens” at the end of the Kalevala.

4. Ilmarin, the domed palace of Manwë and Varda, is another possible allusion to Ilmarinen, who created the dome of the sky. The region of the stars and celestial bodies in Tolkien’s cosmology is called Ilmen (“ilma” means “air” in Finnish). Eru Ilúvatar also recalls Ilmatar (an ancient “air spirit” and the mother of Väinämöinen).

5. The Story of Kullervo, 105. This comes from his revised essay, which was written sometime in the late 1910s or early 20s.

6. J. R. R. Tolkien, The Letters of J. R. R. Tolkien, ed. Humphrey Carpenter (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1981), 144.

7. Here could be the place to note that a major exhibit of Tolkien’s papers, illustrations, and maps recently opened in Oxford and will soon be accompanied by a book (Tolkien: Maker of Middle-earth).

 

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lundi, 16 juillet 2018

Manœuvre dilatoire ukrainienne : Porochenko exige l’arrêt de la construction du gazoduc Nord Stream 2

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Manœuvre dilatoire ukrainienne : Porochenko exige l’arrêt de la construction du gazoduc Nord Stream 2

 

Kiev/Bruxelles – On le sait : les Etats-Unis déploient tous leurs efforts pour mettre un terme au projet germano-russe du gazoduc Nord Stream 2. Cette fois, sans que cela n’étonne personne, le gouvernement ukrainien participe à la manœuvre. Il est vrai que l’Ukraine est directement concernée par la construction de ce nouveau gazoduc car, comme d’autres pays de transit qui posent problème, elle sera contournée à l’avenir et perdra une masse d’argent en ne pouvant plus prélever de taxes de transit.

Le Président ukrainien Porochenko a exié l’arrêt pur et simple des travaux de construction du gazoduc de la Baltique. Ses arguments sont les suivants ; il les a énoncés lors du sommet de l’OTAN à Bruxelles : « Nord Stream 2 n’est pas un projet économique et n’est mis en œuvre que pour des motivations politiques ». Ce serait une immixtion de la Russie et, de ce fait, totalement inacceptable. L’Europe occidentale pourrait utiliser les gazoducs passant par l’Ukraine car leurs capacités sont plus élevées que celles de Nord Stream 2. Et Porochenko a ajouté, sans la moindre circonlocution verbale : « Je formule l’espoir, a-t-il déclaré, qu’ensemble nous pourrons tous arrêter la construction de Nord Stream 2 ».

Quelques temps auparavant, le gouvernement américain avait menacé de sanctions toutes les entreprises qui participeraient à la construction de Nord Stream 2. Le président américain Trump n’avait pas hésité à critiquer l’Allemagne lors du sommet de l’OTAN et l’avait traitée de « prisonnière de la Russie » parce que la République Fédérale tirait majoritairement ses besoins énergétiques de sources russes.

Toutefois, ce n’est un secret pour personne que Wahington, en s’attaquant au projet Nord Stream 2, défend bec et ongles ses propres intérêts économiques et poursuit une géostratégie bien établie. Les Etats-Unis veulent vendre en Europe leur propre gaz de schiste et torpiller, pour y parvenir, toute consolidation des relations commerciales germano-russes.

Ex: http://www.zuerst.de