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vendredi, 02 novembre 2012

Solutreans Are Indigenous Americans

Solutreans Are Indigenous Americans

 

jeudi, 01 novembre 2012

Indo-European Dispersals and the Eurasian Steppe with J.P. Mallory

Indo-European Dispersals and the Eurasian Steppe with J.P. Mallory

mercredi, 24 octobre 2012

Japans geheime Tradition

 Samurai.png

Japans geheime Tradition

von Johannes Seitz
 
 

Ehre bleibt in Japan ein großes Wort. Zu den grausamsten, radikalsten und zugleich faszinierendsten Beispielen gehört die rituelle Selbsttötung der Samurai, das Seppuku.

Denn im Gegensatz zu Europa hat der Zeitgeist die alten Werte und den damit verbundenen Ehrbegriff noch nicht gänzlich aus Japans Gesellschaft tilgen können. Um das Seppuku zu verstehen, ist ein Blick in die jüngere Geschichte des Landes notwendig.

Rasanter Weg zum ersten Industriestaat Asiens

Vor rund 150 Jahren öffnete sich das wirtschaftlich und kulturell bisher isolierte Land den Handelsnationen aus dem Westen. Damals wurde Japan durch das Feudalsystem der Samurai beherrscht. Schnell stellte sich heraus, dass die alte Ordnung nicht mit dem Reformeifer unter Tenno Mutsuhito mithalten konnte. Der Tenno, dessen Titel mit dem europäischen Kaiser vergleichbar ist, führte unter anderem 1889 eine konstitutionelle Verfassung ein und setzte die allgemeine Schulpflicht durch. 1872 wurde die erste Eisenbahnstrecke zwischen Tokio und Yokokama eröffnet.

Innerhalb von 50 Jahren entwickelte sich Japan so von einer Agrarnation zum ersten Industriestaat Asiens. Mutsuhito reformierte unter dem Einfluss westlicher Berater Verwaltung und Militär umfassend. Die feudale Kriegerkaste der Samurai gehörten zu den ersten Opfer der Meiji-​Ara, die 1868 begann. Sie konnten für die moderne Armee nicht mehr eingesetzt werden. Geschulte Beamte ersetzten die mittelalterliche Kriegerkaste in der Verwaltung. So löste sich der Samurai-​Stand auf und verschwand schrittweise aus der japanischen Gesellschaft. Mit dem Ende der feudalen Lebensweise veränderten sich bestimmte Werte und auch Rituale. Im Bushido, der Lebensphilosophie der Samurai, findet sich zum Beispiel noch eine Anleitung dafür, wie sich ein ehrenwerter Krieger zu jener Zeit verhalten sollte. Der Ehrenkodex der Kriegerkaste ermöglicht einen lebendigen Einblick in die Geburt des modernen Japans.

Symbol des Wertewandels: Das Seppuku

Doch die Rituale und der Ehrenkodex der Samurai verschwanden nicht von heute auf morgen. Sie lösten sich eher mit der Zeit auf oder existierten noch bis ins moderne Japan in ihrer Form verändert fort. Vor allem am Beispiel des Seppuku zeigt sich der Wertewandel der japanischen Gesellschaft innerhalb der letzten 150 Jahre.

Unter Seppuku, dass in Europa und Nordamerika auch fälschlicherweise als Harakiri bekannt ist, versteht man eine rituelle Form der Selbsttötung. Dieses Ritual wurde von Samurai oder Adeligen mit der Hilfe eines Assistenten durchgeführt, wenn deren Ehre durch eigene Schuld als verwirkt galt. Auch der Herr des Entehrten konnte den Seppuku des Untergebenen fordern, wenn dieser seinen Vorgesetzten entehrt hatte. Dabei handelte es sich keineswegs um ein juristisch vollstrecktes Urteil wie die Todesstrafe. Der Entehrte sollte durch diese Handlung seinen Ruf wiederherstellen und seinem Herrn die eigene Loyalität beweisen. Er übernahm somit die volle Verantwortung für sein Fehlverhalten.

seppuku.jpg

Streng ritualisierter Ablauf

Dabei blieb das Seppuku nur den Samurai und Adeligen selbst vorbehalten, während die einfachen Leute durch Henker hingerichtet wurden. Da die Henker aus der untersten Schicht der japanischen Gesellschaft kamen, durften diese nicht Hand an einen Adeligen oder Krieger anlegen. So entwickelte sich das Recht der Selbsttötung für die traditionelle Elite.

Sowohl Assistent als auch Verurteilter mussten sehr strenge Regeln beachten. Nur der kleinste Fehler konnte schon das Ritual und die wiederherzustellende Ehre des Verurteilten gefährden. Es genügte schon, dass der Platz nicht ordnungsgemäß vorbereitet wurde, der erste Sekundant nicht in einem Zug den Kopf abtrennte oder der Verurteilte Schmerzensschreie von sich gab. Es mussten also ein würdiger Platz bestimmt und Sekundanten ausgesucht werden, die bei der Durchführung halfen. Der zum Seppuku Verurteilte durfte dabei unter Umständen seinen Sekundanten und das Schwert, durch welches er enthauptet wurde, selbst wählen. Er musste sich, vor den Anwesenden sitzend, mit einer dolchähnlichen Klinge namens Wakizashi den Bauch aufschneiden. Sobald er die Klinge aus den Körper zog, enthauptete ihn der erste Sekundant.

Bis heute lebt Seppuku im Geheimen fort

Im Zuge der Meiji-​Ära wurde die rituelle Selbsttötung in Japan verboten. Auch das allmähliche Verschwinden der Samurai aus der japanischen Gesellschaft trug dazu bei, dass die Zahl der Seppuku immer mehr zurückging. Nur hohe Beamte des Tenno oder Shogune, die obersten militärischen Befehlshaber des Kriegeradels, Augenzeugen sowie der Herr, auf dessen Grundstück das Seppuku stattfand, verfolgten und ahndeten es zumeist auch. Bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges gab es immer wieder Einzelfälle von Seppuku bei hohen Armeeangehörigen, die allesamt dem japanischen Adel entstammten. Gerade nach dem verlorenen Weltkrieg erwartete die japanische Bevölkerung, dass der Kaiser, trotz des Verbotes, die hohen Generäle zum Selbstmord auffordern würde. Doch Tenno Hirohito schwieg und nur einige wenige hochrangige Mitglieder des Militärs, darunter der Kriegsminister Anami Korechika, begingen freiwillig Selbstmord. Durch dieses kaiserliche Schweigen wurde das Ritual in der japanischen Öffentlichkeit als Relikt der Vergangenheit wahrgenommen.

Obwohl das letzte offizielle Seppuku am 25. November 1970 durch den Autor Yukio Mishima ausgeführt wurde, bleibt der Grundgedanke hinter dieser Zeremonie noch immer in Japan lebendig. Bis heute wird es noch in der Kunst der japanischen Gesellschaft thematisiert und auch gewürdigt. Samurai, die diesen Schritt wagten, gilt bis heute Bewunderung. Gerade unter den größten Helden der japanischen Geschichte finden sich viele, die diesen radikalen Weg wählten. Ihre Gräber bleiben bis heute Pilgerstätten, an denen alljährlich Feiern stattfinden. Auch die nach wie vor sehr hohe Selbstmordrate in Japan zeigt, wie sehr sich traditionelle Werte behaupten konnten. Für viele Japaner bleiben selbst mehr oder minder zur modernen Arbeitswelt gehörende Erlebnisse wie eine Kündigung oder Prüfungsversagen eine große Schande. So barbarisch und grausam das Seppuku westlichen Menschen erscheinen mag, spiegelt es doch die im Geheimen fortlebende Kontinuität traditioneller japanische Werte.

mercredi, 19 septembre 2012

Bouckaert et al.: Mapping the Origins and Expansion of the Indo-European Language Family

Bouckaert et al.: Mapping the Origins and Expansion of the Indo-European Language Family

Onlangs lanceerde een team onder leiding van Remco BOUCKAERT (University of Auckland) een nieuwe hypothese inzake de oorsprong van de Indo-Europese talen.
Hieronder vindt u een paar recensies, alsook een link naar het oorspronkelijke artikel in Science zelf:

http://johnhawks.net/weblog/reviews/archaeology/recent/indo-european-anatolia-bouckaert-2012.html

http://blogs.discovermagazine.com/gnxp/2012/08/there-are-more-things-in-prehistory-than-are-dreamt-of-in-our-urheimat/

http://www.sciencemag.org/content/337/6097/957

Het betreft een soort intermediair standpunt tussen de Kurgan-hypothese van Gimbutas, Mallory en vele anderen en de Anatolië-hypothese van Renfrew, met de argumentatie dat de Indo-Europese talen wel degelijk hun oorsprong in Anatolië (ca. 8000 vot) zouden hebben, maar de huidige Indo-Europese "taalgroepen" in Europa waarschijnlijk in een later stadium (vanaf ca. 4000 vot) geleidelijk vanuit de Pontisch-Kaspische steppe naar Europa zouden zijn uitgewaaierd.

Op te volgen...


vendredi, 14 septembre 2012

Genetic Evidence on the Origins of Indian Caste Populations

Genetic Evidence on the Origins of Indian Caste Populations

 

This 2001 study found that the genetic affinity of Indians to Europeans is proportionate to caste rank, the upper castes being most similar to Europeans whereas lower castes are more like Asians. The researchers believe that the Indo-European speakers entered India from the Northwest, mixing with or displacing proto-Dravidian speakers, and may have established a caste system with themselves primarily in higher castes.
 
Foto: de Bollywood-actrice Aishwarya Rai (bron: www.voxtropolis.com)

vendredi, 30 mars 2012

Les Aïnous et nous


Les Aïnous et nous - Des Européens au pays des Samouraïs ? En tout cas maltraités

Les Aïnous et nous

Des Européens au pays des Samouraïs ? En tout cas maltraités

Jean Ansar
Ex: http://metamag.fr/

Aïnous, « ceux qui étaient là avant » comme on les appelle, mais un nom qui signifie « humain » tout simplement dans leur langue. Une dénomination très répandue dans des ethnies primitives ou premières, une façon d’affirmer, par rapport aux autres, une identité supérieure. Il devait y avoir un Guéant chez eux aussi.
 
1 000 ans avant les peuples de Wa, qui sont réputés être les ancêtres des Japonais actuels ( arrivés par l’île de Honshu, vraisemblablement depuis la Corée), les Aïnous, aussi appelés Utari, ont migré vers Hakaidô, les îles Kouriles et Sakhaline, la péninsule du Kamtchatka, vers – 1300. Après avoir manqué être « génocidés », dans une indifférence générale, ils sont, aujourd’hui, environ 150 000. Mais aucun recensement exact n’a été tenu, car beaucoup d’Aïnous cachent leur origine ou, dans bien des cas, ne la connaissent même pas, leurs parents la leur ayant dissimulée, pour les protéger de la discrimination et du racisme.
 

Aïnous en 1862 
 
D’une façon générale, ils sont plus grands, leur carrure et pilosité sont plus affirmées, leur peau est plus claire, leur visage moins lisse et leurs yeux ne sont pas bridés. Ils n’appartiennent pas au groupe mongoloïde. Des origines caucasiennes sont souvent évoquées, du temps où les Européens étaient en Asie. Ils ont pu passer par la Chine et la Corée, où leur présence est attestée. 
 

Les Aïnous : les arborigènes du Japon 
 
Leur origine est, cependant encore, incertaine et donc controversée. Berceau des Indo-européens et Asie Centrale pour les uns, Asie du sud pour les autres, Polynésie également. Les chercheurs s’affrontent.  De plus, on ne sait pas grand chose de l’histoire pré-japonaise des Aïnous. 
 
Le choc japonais
 
Au début, les premiers contacts avec les Japonais étaient amicaux et les deux peuples nouèrent des relations commerciales d’égal à égal. Au fil du temps, le nippon commença à dominer la relation et à établir de grandes colonies sur le territoire aïnou. Les Aïnous sont un des nombreux peuples, dits «du nord», qui s'étalent, depuis la Laponie jusqu'au nord du Canada, en passant par la Sibérie Orientale.
 
S'étendant depuis la Mer d'Okhotsk sur Sakhaline, Hokkaidô puis le Japon, les Aïnous ont un patrimoine culturel très différent d'une culture dite «asiatique», tout en en faisant quand même partie, de part le fait qu'«ils étaient là avant tout le monde». 
 
 
A l'heure actuelle, les Aïnous vivent tous sur Hokkaidô, au nord du Japon. Les Aïnous sont le seul peuple de la période Jōmon à ne pas avoir subi de brassage génétique avec les peuples de la période Yayoi, arrivés plus tard de la péninsule coréenne. De ce fait, ils sont proches des habitants des îles Ryūkyū, qui sont aussi issus des peuples Jōmon et ont été peu mixés avec les peuples Yayoi. Les Japonais sont issus du mélange entre Jōmon et immigrants de Corée, même s'ils ont parfois du mal à l’accepter.
 
Historiquement, les Japonais avancent progressivement vers le Nord, en prenant le contrôle des terres des Aïnous, abandonnées généralement sans résistance, car pour les Aïnous la terre ne signifie rien. On connaît cependant des guerres, toutes perdues par les Aïnous : 1268 (première révolte connue), 1457 (bataille de Koshamain), 1669 (bataille de Shiyakushiyain entre les Aïnous et le clan Matsumae) et 1789. En 1799, les Aïnous de l'est d'Hokkaido sont soumis au contrôle du shogun et, en 1807, c'est au tour de ceux de l'ouest de l'île. 
 

Femme aïnou
 
Les Japonais exercent « l'assimilation forcée ». L'habillement, la religion et l'éducation de toutes les populations du territoire doivent être japonais. Puis, les règles japonaises durant l'ère Meiji (XIXe siècle - début du XXe siècle) s'attachent à « réformer » le mode de vie aïnou dans son quotidien, interdisant leur langue et les cantonnant à l'agriculture, sur des parcelles fournies par le gouvernement. Les Aïnous sont aussi employés dans des conditions proches de l'esclavage par l'industrie de la pêche.
 
Ils ont aussi été forcés (par le clan Matsumae) à servir de population tampon entre les Japonais et les Russes. Il en fut de même en Russie où ils furent convertis à la religion orthodoxe. Après 1945, beaucoup d'Aïnous de Russie rejoignirent le Japon. La présence des Aïnous en Russie était d'ailleurs cachée. La guerre russo-japonaise eut, aussi, une influence sur la disparition des Aïnous de Russie. Ainsi, lorsque l'île Sakhaline a été rattachée au Japon (prenant le nom de Karafuto), les Aïnous furent envoyés sur l'île d'Hokkaidō. 
 
L’identité retrouvée
 
A partir de 1960, les Aïnous commencent à se rassembler pour acquérir « le droit à la différence ». Leurs demandes régulières, menées par l'Association Utari et Giichi Nomura, n'ont aucun aboutissement, mais ils poursuivent leurs efforts et soutiennent leur projet de lois pour faire valoir leur « droit à la différence ». Mais ce n'est qu'en 1994, grâce à la pression exercée par l'ONU en faveur des peuples autochtones, qu'ils parviennent à faire entrer un des leurs, Shigeru Kayano, à la Kokkai (Parlement japonais). En 1997, est promulguée la Loi pour la promotion de la culture aïnou et pour la diffusion et le soutien des traditions aïnous et de la culture des Aïnous.
 

Conseil aïnous 
 
Depuis, les Aïnous ont le droit et le devoir de promouvoir leur culture, leur différence. Plusieurs dizaines de musées et de centres culturels dédiés à la culture aïnou sont les réceptacles de leur savoir, de leurs traditions. Mais la discrimination existe toujours. Les Aïnous espèrent aujourd'hui obtenir davantage que le « droit à montrer leur culture » : le «droit à vivre selon leur culture ».
 
Les Aïnous sont animistes. Selon la tradition, tout élément de la nature contient un « kamuy » (« esprit », écrit aussi « kamui »). Il y a une hiérarchie dans les kamuy. Le plus important est celui du feu (« Apehuci-Kamuy »). Ensuite, on trouve les kamuy des animaux de montagne et encore derrière, les kamuy des animaux de la mer. Les Aïnous remercient les dieux avant de manger, et prient le kamuy du feu lorsqu'ils sont malades. Ils croient que les esprits sont immortels, et qu'ils seront récompensés par l'accès à la terre des dieux. Le folklore aïnou contient aussi des sortes de petits lutins, les « Koropokkuru ». Cela les rapproche des finno-ougriens et autres peuples européens. Un "peuple premier", s’il en est, et une énigme des origines à nouveau passionnante.

mardi, 31 janvier 2012

La visione del mondo atomista e oggettivista getta l’uomo moderno in una disperata solitudine

modrob.jpg

La visione del mondo atomista e oggettivista getta l’uomo moderno in una disperata solitudine

di Francesco Lamendola

Fonte: Arianna Editrice [scheda fonte]

Tante altre notizie su www.ariannaeditrice.it

L’uomo moderno è in preda a una crisi di valori senza precedenti; e, a monte di essa, di una crisi di senso complessiva, che investe ogni singolo aspetto della sua esistenza e lo rende perplesso, confuso, incapace di discriminare e di decidere, vittima di una sconfortante sensazione della vanità e dell’inutilità di qualsiasi cosa, di qualunque eventuale scelta.

Tale situazione è dovuta all’azione concomitante di due forze apparentemente diverse e perfino opposte, ma in realtà originatesi dalla stessa temperie culturale e spirituale: il meccanicismo scientifico, sviluppatosi dalla Rivoluzione scientifica del XVII secolo in poi, che tende ad imporre una visione atomistica della realtà e, quindi, anche dell’uomo; e l’oggettivismo, anch’esso di matrice scientifica, secondo il quale l’uomo, o meglio lo scienziato, può e deve porsi in maniera distaccata davanti al mondo, osservarlo, misurarlo, catalogarlo.

L’atomismo fa sì che gli esseri umani tendano a sentirsi  isolati e separati gli uni dagli altri e, quindi, terribilmente soli e incapaci di comunicare, sia sul piano del pensiero, sia su quello delle emozioni e dei sentimenti; l’oggettivismo tende a recidere il legame necessario fra essi e il mondo, a proiettarli in una dimensione diversa da quella degli altri enti e della natura tutta, in una atmosfera rarefatta e artificiale, ove smarriscono il senso dell’unità con il tutto.

Entrambe queste forze provocano, o accentuano, il senso di estraneità, di alienazione, di disperata solitudine dell’uomo: egli non si ritiene più capace né di gettare dei ponti verso i suoi simili, né di sentirsi parte di una unità organica; e l’effetto di questi due orientamenti è, da un lato, l’accentuarsi della durezza dei rapporti umani, dall’altro l’abuso nei confronti della natura, senza che all’uomo appaiano chiare le terribili conseguenze, anche per lui stesso, di un tale abuso.

Partiamo dal primo aspetto. Le cosiddette scienze umane sono state le prime a teorizzare, sul modello delle scienze naturali, il grossolano meccanicismo di derivazione illuminista e positivista: l’anima è stata ridotta alla psiche e la vita spirituale degli esseri umani è stata ridotta all’insieme delle loro manifestazioni mentali: nessun mistero, nessun senso di riverenza per la dimensione interiore dell’uomo; tutto è spiegabile ed, eventualmente, curabile, partendo da una analisi rigorosa delle quantità in gioco (anche se poi, specialmente nella psicanalisi, questa pretesa “scienza” non esita a ricorrere a dei metodi che ricordano, in tutto e per tutto, un basso cerimoniale di magia nera).

Ma una volta negato il mistero della condizione umana, il suo insopprimibile bisogno di trascendenza, attestato dalla originarietà e dalla universalità del fatto religioso; una volta negata la vita dell’anima, anzi, la stessa esistenza di quest’ultima; una volta ridotto l’essere umano alle sue componenti chimiche, neurologiche, comportamentali, un po’ come nello schema del cane di Pavlov, che cosa ci resta fra le mani, se non un manichino svuotato della sua reale sostanza umana, della sua specifica dimensione ontologica?

Anche nel secondo aspetto si nota l’influsso devastante di una concezione scientista e neopositivista: se, infatti, l’uomo è un osservatore distaccato della realtà (e si noti che le ultime acquisizioni della fisica subatomica, come il principio di indeterminazione di Heisenberg, negano recisamente un tale modello scientifico: ma i divulgatori dello scientismo a un tanto il chilo non lo sanno, e continuano a diffondere i più vieti luoghi comuni del positivismo), allora viene a  cadere la cosa più importante di cui lo scienziato dovrebbe essere dotato: la compassione.

Così come, ne «Il Saggiatore», Galilei descrive la vivisezione di una cicala senza tradire il benché minimo rammarico, la benché minima pietà verso la bestiola sacrificata in nome della ricerca scientifica, allo stesso modo il moderno psicologo e il moderno psichiatra si guardano bene dal provare la minima empatia per l’essere umano sofferente che si è rivolta a loro per ricevere aiuto: si limitano a formulare la loro diagnosi, a somministrare farmaci, a prospettare percorsi terapeutici in nome di un sapere che essi credono asettico e imparziale, mentre è, nove volte su dieci, la prona sottomissione ad una nuova fede religiosa, anzi ad una nuova setta, che non prevede la possibilità di sbagliare e che, cosa più grave ancora, non ha nulla da dire all’uomo quanto al bene ed al male, ma solo quanto alle tecniche di adattamento e di sopravvivenza in un mondo assurdo, allucinato, dominato da forze incomprensibili.

Ma il mondo è davvero così assurdo e allucinato, così incomprensibile, come afferma questa pretesa scienza moderna, oppure è essa che lo vede così e che formula le sue leggi e i suoi princìpi a partire da una percezione del reale che nasce dalla sua incapacità di porsi in maniera armoniosa, costruttiva e fiduciosa nei confronti del mondo?

Siamo sicuri che i vari Newton e i vari Freud non abbiano descritto il mondo a partire dai loro pregiudizi, dalle loro ossessioni, dal loro disperato pessimismo, e che la loro scienza altro non sia che il delirio di una intelligenza arida, fredda, disumana, incapace di cogliere la bellezza e del tutto priva di compassione per la sofferenza altrui?

Così Danah Zohar e Ian Marshall in «La coscienza intelligente» (titolo originale: «SQ, Spiritual Intelligence. The Ultimate Intelligence», 2000; traduzione italiana di Valeria Galassi, Sperling & Kupfer, Milano, 2001, pp. 27-30):

«In Occidente, la cultura tradizionale e tutti i significati e i valori da essa preservati cominciarono a disgregarsi in seguito alla rivoluzione scientifica del diciassettesimo secolo e alla relativa ascesa dell’individualismo e del razionalismo. Il pensiero di Isaac Newton e di suoi colleghi diede impulso non solo alla tecnologia, che poi portò alla Rivoluzione Industriale, ma anche a una più profonda erosione delle convinzioni religiose e della visione filosofica che avevano fino ad allora caratterizzato la società. La nuova tecnologia apportò molti vantaggi ma spinse anche le popolazioni ad abbandonare le campagne per le città, smembrò comunità e famiglie, soppiantò tradizioni e artigianato e rese quasi impossibile una vita basata su usi e costumi. I valori sociali vennero sradicati dalla terra in cui si erano formati, così come la rivoluzione che ne seguì sradicò l’animo umano.

I princìpi fondamentali della filosofia newtoniana possono essere riassunti con le parole “atomismo”, “determinismo” e “oggettività”. Pur apparendo astratti e remoti, i concetti insiti in questi termini hanno toccato fino in fondo il nostro essere.

L’atomismo è l’idea che il mondo consista, in ultima analisi, di frammenti: particelle isolate nello spazio e nel tempo. Gli atomi sono compatti, impenetrabili: non potendo entrare l’uno nell’altro, interagiscono mediante azione e reazione. Si urtano o si evitano. John Locke, fondatore nel diciottesimo secolo della democrazia liberale, usò gli atomi come modelli per gli individui, considerandoli le unità di base della società. La società come un tutto unico, affermava, era un’illusione:; i diritti e le esigenze degli individui erano la priorità. L’atomismo è altresì il fondamento della visione psicologica adottata da Sigmund Freud, nella sua “Teoria delle relazioni fra gli oggetti”.

Secondo questa teoria, ciascuno di noi è isolato all’interno degli impenetrabili confini dell’ego. Voi siete un oggetto per me e io sono un oggetto per voi. Non potremo mai conoscerci a vicenda in nessun modo fondamentale. L’amore e l’intimità sono impossibili. “Il comandamento di amare il prossimo come se stessi”, disse Freud, “è il più impossibile che sia mai stato scritto”. L’intero mondo dei valori, egli riteneva, era una mera proiezione del Super Io e consisteva nelle aspettative di genitori e società. Simili valori sovraccaricavano l’Io di un impossibile fardello e lo rendevano malato, o “nevrotico”, come diceva Freud. Un uomo veramente moderno, secondo lui si sarebbe liberato da aspettative tanto irragionevoli e avrebbe seguito principi del tipo: ognuno badi a se stesso, la sopravvivenza del più forte, e via dicendo.

Il determinismo newtoniano insegnava che il mondo fisico era governato da leggi ferree: le tre leggi del movimento e della gravità. Tutto, nel mondo fisico, è prevedibile e quindi in ultima analisi controllabile. A uguali condizioni seguirà sempre B. Non possono esserci sorprese. Freud inserì anche il determinismo nella sua “psicologia scientifica”, affermando che L’Io indifeso è manovrato dal basso dagli impulsi delle oscure forze dell’istinto e dell’aggressività situate nell’Es, mentre dall’alto riceve le pressioni delle impossibili aspettative del Super Io. I nostri comportamenti, nel corso di tutta la vita, sono totalmente determinati da queste forze in conflitto e dall’esperienza vissuta nei primi cinque ani di vita. Siamo vittime delle nostre esperienze,  come miserabili comparse di un copione scritto da altri. La sociologia e il moderno sistema giuridico hanno rafforzato questa sensazione.

Benché la maggior parte della popolazione sappia ben poco del determinismo newtoniano, dell’Es e del Super Io di Freud, l’idea che siamo vittime isolate e passive di forze più grandi di noi, che sia impossibile cambiare la nostra vita, figuriamoci poi il mondo, è endemica. Siamo preoccupati, ma non sappiamo come assumerci le responsabilità. Un ragazzo di circa vent’anni mi ha detto: “Mi sentivo confuso di fronte a questo mondo frammentario, e siccome ero incapace di ricavarne un senso o di farci qualcosa, sono scivolato nell’apatia e nella depressione”.

L’oggettività newtoniana, o “oggettivismo”, come io preferisco chiamarlo, ha rafforzato questo senso di isolamento e di impotenza. Nel fondare il suo nuovo metodo scientifico, Newton tracciò una profonda spaccatura tra l’osservatore(lo scienziato) e ciò che egli osserva. Il mondo è diviso tra soggetti e oggetti: il soggetto è “qui dentro”, il mondo ”là fuori”. Lo scienziato newtoniano è un osservatore distaccato che guarda semplicemente il mondo, lo soppesa, lo misura e  conduce esperimenti su di esso. Quello che fa è manipolare e controllare la natura.

L’uomo medio moderno vede se stesso semplicemente nel mondo, non come pare del mondo. In questo contesto “il mondo” include gli altri, comprese le eventuali persone intime, nonché le istituzioni, la società, gli oggetti, la natura e l’ambiente. La spaccatura di Newton tra osservatore/osservato ci ha lasciato la sensazione di essere semplicemente qui per vedercela meglio che possiamo. Anche in questo caso non sappiamo assumerci le responsabilità e abbiamo solo una vaga idea di chi o di che cosa potremmo essere responsabili. Non c’è senso di appartenenza verso i nostri rapporti, né sappiamo come riappropriarci della nostra possibile efficienza.

Infine, il cosmo ritratto dalla scienza newtoniana è freddo, morto e meccanico. Non c’è posto, nella fisica di Newton, per la mente o la coscienza, né per nessun aspetto della lotta umana. Paradossalmente le scienze biologiche e sociali sviluppatesi nel diciannovesimo secolo si sono molto ispirate a questo schema, inserendo gli esseri umani, mente e corpo, nello stesso paradigma meccanico. Siamo macchine mentali o macchine genetiche, il corpo è una collezione di parti, il comportamento è condizionato o prevedibile l’anima un’illusione del linguaggio religioso arcaico il pensiero una mera attività delle cellule cerebrali. Come è possibile trovare il significato dell’esperienza umana in un quadro del genere?»

 

Il soggettivismo estremo, che nasce dallo scetticismo e conduce al senso di isolamento, e l’oggettivismo estremo, che nasce da una ipervalutazione della scienza meccanicista, materialista e riduzionista, che conduce al senso di impotenza e di sconforto, sono, dunque, manifestazioni di una stessa incapacità di porsi in maniera serena, accogliente, armoniosa, davanti alla bellezza del mondo; sono il portato di una maniera arrogante, utilitarista e aggressiva di rapportarsi con gli altri enti, e, in ultima analisi, anche di rapportarsi con se stessi.

Lungi dal poter guidare il cammino dell’uomo moderno, la cultura ereditata dalla visione del mondo atomista e oggettivista è il frutto di una distorsione, di uno squilibrio, di una vera e propria malattia dell’anima: malattia che colora a fosche tinte le lenti con le quali guardiamo il mondo, senza renderci conto che quelle fosche tinte non appartengono alla realtà.

I ciechi non possono condurre altri ciechi, senza che tutti cadano, prima o poi, nel fossato; solo dei vedenti possono condurre i ciechi: ma, perché ciò avvenga, bisogna che i ciechi riconoscano di non essere in grado di vedere e bisogna che si affidino alla guida di coloro che vedono, posto che ve ne siano e posto che siano disposti a sobbarcarsi un tale onere. E coloro che vedono, son divenuti tali perché sanno vedere il Tutto e non solo le singole parti: la loro coscienza, infatti, si è risvegliata…

mardi, 29 novembre 2011

L’homme de Néandertal, victime du métissage ?

 

neanderthal-615.jpg

L’homme de Néandertal, victime du métissage ?

Ex: http://fr.novopress.info/

LONDRES (NOVOpress) – Dans cet article publié par le Daily Mail, un rédacteur rend compte des travaux de l’universitaire américain Julien Riel-Salvatore qui avance une toute nouvelle théorie pour expliquer l’extinction de l’homme de Neandertal.

Jusqu’à présent, les scientifiques dans leur majorité privilégiaient l’hypothèse d’un « génocide » des Néandertaliens plus primitifs par les Homo sapiens, plus développés et plus agressifs.

Julien Riel-Salvatore expose une thèse qui ne plaira pas forcément aux tenants du politiquement correct. Selon les travaux de ce chercheur de l’université du Colorado aux États)Unis, l’homme de Neandertal a été la victime d’une politique de croisement de la part des Homo sapiens.

Population bien adaptée à son environnement, au comportement avancé, les hommes de Neandertal ont attiré vers eux les Homo sapiens qui ont trouvé en eux des partenaires sexuels avantageux.

En d’autres termes, c’est le succès des Néandertaliens qui a séduit les Homo sapiens et suscité un métissage intensif qui a abouti finalement à la disparition des Néandertaliens.

Une conclusion qui probablement éclairera certains de nos contemporains sur les défis auxquels les Européens doivent faire face.

vendredi, 11 novembre 2011

Les derniers néandertaliens près du cercle polaire?


Localisation du site de Byzovaya

Les derniers néandertaliens près du cercle polaire?

Ex: http://tpprovence.wordpress.com/

Publié dans la revue américaine Science du 13 mai 2011, l’étude réalisée par une équipe internationale, sur des vestiges retrouvés à proximité du cercle polaire arctique et caractéristique de la culture moustérienne, bouscule les théories établies.

Une équipe pluridisciplinaire de chercheurs français du CNRS (1), en collaboration avec des scientifiques norvégiens et russes, s’est intéressée au site préhistorique de Byzovaya, localisé en Russie, dans l’Ouest de l’Oural, juste au dessous du cercle polaire, sur l’actuel emplacement de la république des Komis. C’est là que, depuis 1996, des archéologues ont exhumé plus de 300 objets en pierre et 4 000 os d’animaux – mammouth, renne, ours brun, rhinocéros laineux, bœuf musqué, loup et renard polaire – portant des traces de dépeçage dues à des chasseurs. Mais aucun reste humain.

Les outils sur éclats découverts ressemblent aux grattoirs et aux instruments de découpe caractéristiques du Moustérien. Effectivement, la culture moustérienne, qui s’est épanouie au cours du Paléolithique moyen (-300 000 à – 33 000 ans), se caractérise par l’utilisation d’une grande variété de tels outils. En Europe, l’usage de ces objets a été exclusivement associée à Homo neanderthalensis, même si des fouilles démontrent que cette technologie a aussi été utilisée par Homo sapiens, l’homme moderne, au Proche-Orient entre – 200 000 et – 40 000 ans. Jusqu’à présent, les scientifiques estimaient que cette culture lithique archaïque n’aurait pas permis à Néandertal la colonisation des espaces nordiques les plus extrêmes et lui aurait été fatale il y a 33 000 à 36 000 ans. Il aurait alors cédé la place à l’Homme moderne, qui aurait occupé l’ensemble de l’Eurasie grâce à sa plus grande maîtrise technique.

Outils moustériens de Byzovaya

Le professeur Trinkaus, anthropologue à l’Université Washington de Saint-Louis, souligne qu’il s’agit de vestiges « très intéressants en termes d’informations sur des hommes présents si loin au nord au cours du Paléolithique moyen ».

Une datation surprenante

Grâce à la datation au radiocarbone – ou carbone 14 – et à l’utilisation de la technique de « luminescence optique simulée », qui permet de savoir quand des sédiments ont été exposés à la lumière pour la dernière fois, les chercheurs ont pu dater avec précision les vestiges. Les résultats indiquent qu’ils remontent à 28 500 ans, 8 000 ans après la supposée disparition de l’homme de Néandertal. « A cette période on ne trouve, dans toute l’Eurasie, que des cultures du paléolithique supérieur propres à l’Homo sapiens » explique l’un des membres de l’expédition, le Français Ludovic Slimak.

Ces résultats, qui contredisent la vulgate jusqu’alors admise par le monde scientifique, étonnent donc les chercheurs. D’abord, ils montrent que la culture moustérienne aurait survécu plus longtemps que l’on ne pensait. En outre, aucune société du Moustérien n’avait encore été découverte à proximité directe du cercle polaire. Dans la revue Science, ce même Slimak, remarque que la présence de cette culture est « localisée à 1 000 kilomètres plus au Nord que la limite connue jusqu’à présent » ! Enfin, le site de Byzovaya n’aurait été occupé qu’une seule fois, il y a 28 500 ans environ .

Homo neanderthalensis ou Homo sapiens ?

Cette découverte pose donc de nombreuses questions sur les utilisateurs de cette culture moustérienne à proximité du Pôle. Selon l’archéologue John Shea, de l’Université Stony Brook de New York, il n’est pas totalement exclu que les outils de Byzovaya soient l’œuvre d’un « cousin » de Néandertal, identifié récemment, l’Homme de Denisova. Pour sa part, John Hoffecker, de l’Université du Colorado, partisan de la thèse Homo sapiens, estime que les artefacts ressemblent à des outils de pierre utilisés par certains chasseurs-cueilleurs récents : « Byzovaya offre probablement plutôt des preuves que les hommes modernes, à l’âge de pierre, ont rapidement poussé jusqu’à l’Arctique à partir de latitudes plus basses, en Asie occidentale, au moins sur une base saisonnière ».

Toutefois, les auteurs de l’étude penchent plutôt pour l’hypothèse néandertalienne, insistant sur le fait qu’ils n’ont découvert sur le site aucune lame ou lamelle, pourtant caractéristiques de l’industrie lithique sapiens de l’époque. Pour eux, attribuer les outils de Byzovaya à l’Homme moderne, « cela impliquerait que des groupes Homo sapiens de l’Arctique aient conservé une culture bien plus ancienne de l’âge de pierre, après l’expansion des sociétés d’hommes modernes dans le reste de l’Eurasie ».

L’équipe internationale suppose donc que les Néandertaliens, même disparus d’Eurasie, pourraient bien avoir survécu dans cette région reculée proche du cercle polaire. « Nous considérons qu’il est extrêmement probable que la technologie moustérienne que nous décrivons a été réalisée par les Néandertaliens et donc qu’ils ont en effet survécu plus longtemps – soit jusqu’à 33 000 ans BP – que la plupart des autres scientifiques ne le croient » précise Jan Mangerud, professeur à l’Université de Bergen et co-auteur de l’étude. Une hypothèse pourtant contredite par la récente redatation d’os néandertaliens trouvés dans le Caucase, selon laquelle cette espèce y aurait disparu après 40 000 BP (2).  Pour l’auteur de cette redatation caucasienne, le professeur Thomas Higham, de l’Université d’Oxford, il se peut que la découverte de Bizovaya « revienne à déconsidérer la supposition selon laquelle outils moustériens = occupation néandertalienne ». Il concède cependant qu’ « il se pourrait que les derniers Néandertaliens dans la région survivaient dans des refuges de l’Arctique comme Byzovaya, longtemps après que leurs frères plus au Sud aient disparu ». Pour rajouter à la confusion, rappelons que les travaux de Clive Finlayson ont conclu à la survivance encore bien plus récente de Néandertaliens – 24 000 ans -, bien plus à l’Ouest, dans la caverne de Gorham, à Gibraltar.

La disparition des Néandertaliens

L’Homme de Néandertal aurait-il vécu plus longtemps que présumé ? Ou bien les porteurs de cette ultime culture moustérienne auraient-ils été des Homo sapiens dépositaires de l’héritage culturel néandertalien ? Dans ce dernier cas, les théories expliquant l’extinction des Néandertaliens par l’archaïsme de leur culture, leur incapacité à s’adapter et à coloniser les environnements nordiques les plus extrêmes de la planète, seraient remises en cause. « L’absence de fossiles humains ne permet pas de trancher cette question » regrette Ludovic Slimak. La réponse attesterait soit de la persistance d’un foyer de Néandertaliens dans une zone septentrionale, soit de la persistance d’une culture des milliers d’années après l’extinction du groupe biologique qui lui est associé.

Ludovic Slimak et Pavel Pavlov examinant une défense de mammouth du gisement de Byzovaya

Quoi qu’il en soit, « la présence de traces de culture moustérienne toute proche du Pôle remet en cause cette hypothèse climatique de même que sa supposée infériorité technique », estiment les auteurs de l’étude sur Byzovaya. Pour Ludovic Slimack, il ne faut pas chercher une cause unique à la disparition de Néandertal : « Il est plus que probable qu’il y ait eu des causes d’extinctions variées en fonction de la localisation des divers groupes de Néandertaliens ». Il conclut : « Les Néandertaliens n’ont pas disparu en raison de changements climatiques ou d’une infériorité culturelle. Il est clair que, montrant sa capacité d’adaptation, la culture moustérienne ne peux plus être considérée comme archaïque ».

Les enjeux scientifiques de cette découverte sont immenses, comme l’écrivent les chercheurs dans la revue Science : « Cette découverte remet en question l’hypothèse la plus souvent avancée selon laquelle l’Homo sapiens aurait complètement remplacé les Néandertaliens dans toute l’Europe il y a environ 37 000 ans ». Encore un dogme scientiste qui vole en éclat. Au suivant !

Jean-François Vilhet, Hyperborée, automne-hiver 2011, n°12.

Références : L.Slimak, J.I.Svendsen, J.Mangerud, H.Plisson, H.P.Heggen, A.Brugère et P.Y.Pavlov « Late mousterian persistence near the Arctic Circle », Science, 13 mai 2011.

Notes

(1) Laboratoire travaux et recherches archéologiques sur les cultures, les espaces et les sociétés (CNRS, Université Toulouse-Le Mirail, ministère de la Culture et de la communication, INRAP, EHESS), Laboratoire de la préhistoire à l’actuel : culture, environnement et anthropologie (CNRS, Université Bordeaux I, ministère de la Culture et de la communication, INRAP), Laboratoire archéologies et sciences de l’Antiquité (CNRS, universités Paris I Sorbonne et Paris Ouest Nanterre-La Défense, ministère de la Culture et de la communication,).

(2) L’expression « avant le présent » (en anglais, Before Present : BP) est utilisée en archéologie pour désigner les âges exprimés en nombre d’années comptées vers le passé à partir de l’année 1950 du calendrier grégorien. Cette date a été fixée arbitrairement comme année de référence et correspond aux premiers essais de datation au carbone 14.

lundi, 10 octobre 2011

Ötzi, l’homme des glaces alpines: extraordinaires révélations sur la vie quotidienne des Européens proto-historiques

 

otzi001.jpg

Harald WINTER:

Ötzi, l’homme des glaces alpines: extraordinaires révélations sur la vie quotidienne des Européens proto-historiques

Le paléolithique, de même que les débuts de l’âge du bronze en Europe centrale, n’ont pas été des époques étudiées de manière optimale jusqu’ici. Les esprits se sont longtemps focalisés sur l’Asie Mineure et sur l’Egypte donc bon nombre d’archéologues ont négligé leur propre patrie européenne. Le dogme “ex oriente lux” n’a cessé de troubler les esprits et les a empêchés de chercher à comprendre le développement de la culture autochtone européenne. On entend encore trop souvent parler des “sauvages en peau de bête” quand on évoque les habitants d’Europe centrale avant et pendant les migrations des peuples, consécutives à la chute de l’Empire romain.

Mais l’étonnement est venu quand on a constaté qu’Ötzi, l’homme des glaces alpines, portait des chaussures fermées qui n’étaient pas, comme on l’avait cru jusqu’ici, en peau de cerf ou de chevreuil mais avaient été confectionnées avec de la peau de bovidé. Les réalisations culturelles en Europe centrale à cette époque étaient donc beaucoup plus avancées et complexes que les archéologues conventionnels ne l’avaient cru jusqu’alors. En effet, pour pouvoir fabriquer de telles chaussures, avec un tel matériau de base, cela implique qu’il y avait élevage d’animaux, fonctionnant bien, c’est-à-dire un élevage suffisamment sophistiqué où l’on prévoit du fourrage que l’on fauche puis que l’on stocke. C’est là une technique de vie qui n’est pas aisément applicable dans une région qui connaît des hivers durs.

Mais ce qui est particulièrement imporant, c’est la découverte de tatouages sur l’épiderme de l’homme des glaces. Sur la peau de la momie du glacier alpin, on a trouvé quarante-sept marques tatouées (sous la forme d’un trait), qui sont classables en quinze groupes différents. Neuf des quinze tatouages se trouvent exactement sur les points (ou à proximité de ceux-ci) que retient l’acupuncture classique. La position et surtout les combinaisons possibles de chacun de ces points sont encore utilisées aujourd’hui en acupuncture pour soigner les maladies dérivées de l’arthrose. Le corps d’Ötzi est étudié sous toutes les coutures depuis vingt ans maintenant et les scientifiques ont découvert que notre homme de la proto-histoire souffrait de modifications arthriques des vertèbres lombaires de la colonne vertébrale et de dégénérescences des articulations des jambes. Outre les modifications observées de la colonne vertébrale et des articulations des jambes, les médecins proto-historiques d’Europe centrale, qui se sont penchés sur le cas d’Ötzi, ont apparemment soigné aussi des complications de l’appareil digestif, dues très probablement à des parasites. Les tatouages aux niveaux de la vésicule biliaire, de la rate et du “méridien du foie” plaident en faveur d’un traitement pareil à celui de l’acupuncture. L’acupuncture repose sur le phénomène suivant: des excitations par piqûres en des endroits spécifiques de l’épiderme entraînent des modifications dans la fonction des organes internes. Plusieurs effets de l’acupuncture sont scientifiquement attestés aujourd’hui, comme par exemple la diminution du tonus musculaire ou des effets ralentissant l’inflammation ou encore des influences sur le système nerveux central, dans la mesure où l’endorphine se produit alors en quantité supérieure.

Le fait est désormais patent: l’acupuncture était connue dès 3200 avant l’ère chrétienne en Europe centrale et non pas seulement pour jouer sur les seuls symptômes. Elle était bel et bien pratiquée, ce qui laisse supposer qu’elle émanait d’une tradition plusieurs fois centenaire. Cela signifie aussi que la pratique de l’acupuncture est beaucoup plus ancienne que Ötzi lui-même, car le fait qu’il en ait bénéficié implique une longue expérience antérieure de cette pratique médicale. Ensuite, on sait désormais que la pratique de l’acupuncture ne trouve pas seulement ses origines en Chine.

Au début des recherches sur le cadavre d’Ötzi, les archéologues avaient nié que les tatouages avaient pour but de guider un acupuncteur. Il a fallu que des journaux médicaux réputés, comme “The Lancet” et “Science”, publient des articles sur la question pour que les avis des archéologues s’alignent sur ceux des médecins. Comme jadis, les dogmes ont la vie dure, surtout celui de l’ “ex oriente lux”. Tenir à ces dogmes semblent pour beaucoup  de nos contemporains plus important qu’accepter les observations dérivées de l’intelligence et de la logique humaines et les faits objectifs que celles-ci mettent à jour. Cette vérité ne vaut pas que pour les études préhistoriques et protohistoriques.

Harald WINTER.

(article paru dans “zur Zeit”, Vienne, n°38/2011 – http://www.zurzeit.at ).

samedi, 08 octobre 2011

Hermann Parzinger: "Die frühen Völker Eurasiens"



Die frühen Völker Eurasiens

Der international renommierte Vor- und Frühgeschichtsforscher Hermann Parzinger legt mit diesem höchst informativen, reich bebilderten Band ein Grundlagenwerk über Geschichte und Kultur der frühen Völker zwischen Ural und Pazifik vor.
Die Ausstellungen über Skythen und Mongolen haben das Interesse von Hunderttausenden Besuchern auf sich gezogen, und doch stellen diese beiden Völker nur einen kleinen Ausschnitt der zahlreichen Kulturen dar, die in dem gewaltigen Territorium zwischen Ural und Pazifik von der Jungsteinzeit bis zum Mittelalter entstanden sind. Den Völkern in diesem Gebiet kommt eine entscheidende Bedeutung für die Frühgeschichte der Alten Welt insgesamt zu, und so erscheinen sie als ein fester Bestandteil unseres gemeinsamen kulturellen Erbes. Nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs konnte der Austausch zwischen westlichen Wissenschaftlern und den Forschern auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion intensiviert werden, so daß mit dem Werk von Hermann Parzinger erstmals eine große Synthese des heutigen Wissensstandes über die archäologische Erforschung dieses Gebiets vorgelegt werden kann. Im Zentrum der Darstellung stehen die Verbreitungsgeschichte der Völker, ihre materielle Kultur, ihre Siedlungs- und Wirtschaftsweise, ihre Bestattungsbräuche und ihre künstlerischen Ausdrucksformen. All dies wird systematisch erschlossen und in enger Verbindung von Text und Bildern präsentiert. Auf diese Weise ist eine differenzierte und zugleich anschauliche Darstellung eines bedeutenden Kulturraums der Menschheitsgeschichte entstanden.

Afbeelding en tekst: Verlag C.H. Beck.

dimanche, 18 septembre 2011

Ainu, il popolo dell'orso. Antica spiritualità giapponese

ainu woman.jpg

Ainu, il popolo dell'orso. Antica spiritualità giapponese

di Italo Bertolasi


Fonte: enciclopediaolistica

Il genocidio. Mi hanno accolto nei loro "kotan", i villaggi fatti di baracchette coi tetti di latta e il nylon al posto delle finestre, mostrandomi le loro ferite: le terre rubate, i boschi tagliati. Ma anche la loro ricchezza: l' "Ainu Moshir", una terra ancora in gran parte selvaggia che venerano come Dio e Madre. Per cinque volte sono stato tra gli Ainu, aborigeni del Giappone, che una volta abitavano il nord del Tohoku, l'isola d'Hokkaido e l'isola di Sakhalin. Oggi di quest'antica e popolosa tribù non rimane che la minoranza discriminata di diecimila Ainu "full blooded". Purosangue.

La storia del loro genocidio ricorda quello degli Indiani d'America. Lo sterminio inizia cinque secoli fa per mano di sanguinari samurai. Dal 1822 al 1854 la popolazione Ainu si dimezza falcidiata dal colera, dalla sifilide e dalla tubercolosi importata dai "repunkun", gli odiati nemici che venivano dai mari del nord, e dai "shamo", i giapponesi. Alla fine dell'ottocento, nell'era Meji, decolla il capitalismo industriale e i sentimenti nazionalistici: la terra degli Ainu è confiscata come "terra di nessuno" e gran parte delle foreste è distrutta per il profitto dell'impero del Giappone. Nel 1899 è promulgato l' "Aborigenes Protection Act" e inizia una violenta campagna di acculturazione. Agli Ainu è proibito l'uso della lingua natale. E' stravolta la toponomastica. Si costruiscono strade militari costringendo i giovani Ainu ai lavori forzati. Una perfetta operazione di "pulizia etnica" conclusa solo pochi decenni fa. Nel 1955 solo 20 vecchi ricordano l' "Ainu itak" - l'antica lingua.

Un inatteso "rinascimento Ainu" esplode alla fine degli anni '60 quando in Giappone nasce l'arte moderna del gruppo "Gutai", la controcultura e la ribellione degli studenti di Tokyo e Osaka nel "magico 68". Finalmente una stampa libera e insolente mostra al mondo l'altra faccia del "civilissimo" Giappone. Paese del miracolo economico, dei ciliegi sempre in fiore e dello zen che nasconde però nei suoi "slum" di Kobe e Osaka tre milioni di fuoricasta. I "burakumin", eredi di una discriminazione feudale contro chi praticava mestieri "impuri", come macellai e conciatori di pelle. Invisibili e discriminati razzialmente sono anche quelle migliaia di "giapponesi" che appartengono alle minoranze degli Ainu e della popolazione d'Okinawa.

A difendere gli Ainu c'é lo scrittore Ryu Ota, "guru" del movimento dei verdi giapponesi. Nel suo libro "Ainu Kakomei Ron" incita apertamente gli Ainu alla rivolta per fondare una repubblica indipendente. Lo incontro la prima volta in una "scuola di selvaggità" che ad ogni estate si inaugura nel cuore segreto della foresta di Shizunai. Qui si ritrovano ecologi giapponesi, ambientalisti provenienti da ogni parte del mondo e giovani ainu guidati dai loro sciamani - i mitici Tusu Guru. Ryu Ota è ottimista: il messaggio degli Ainu è universale e straodinariamente moderno. Questo popolo conserva ancora la purezza e la forza dell'uomo selvaggio. "Ainu puri" - la "Via" degli Ainu - proclama quell' "egualitarismo biosferico" che è anche l'idea fissa dell'ecologia profonda, che afferma il diritto di ogni creatura a vivere secondo i propri fini. Per gli Ainu non c'é nessuna differenza tra uomini e animali e piante che diventano nostri "maestri" quando ci insegnano a vivere in modo più libero, spontaneo, estatico e armonico.

Ryu Ota è convinto che gli Ainu sono un "patrimonio dell'umanità " che il governo giapponese dovrebbe tutelare. Oggi il 70% degli Ainu è povero e l'altro 30%è indigente. Gli Ainu controllano solo lo 0,15% del territorio natale. Il reddito annuo di un capofamiglia Ainu è inferiore di duemila dollari a quello di un giapponese che lavora in Hokkaido. Per queste ingiustizie è nato negli anni '70 un "braccio armato" che si è scagliato contro i bersagli simbolici della colonizzazione giapponese. All'università di Sapporo salta in aria il dipartimento d'antropologia. Si accusano gli antropologi d'aver rapinato oggetti rituali, d'aver dissepolto nei cimiteri i crani degli avi per folli misurazioni. Gridano gli Ainu: "Siamo vivi e non finiremo imbalsamati nei vostri musei". Poi salta in aria il quartier generale della polizia e un tempio scinto. E a Asahikawa è distrutta la statua che raffigura un Ainu schiavizzato che si inginocchia ai piedi di un "eroe" giapponese.

Ryu Ota mi ricorda che proprio da Shizunai era partita una folla di ecologi e ainu per la prima "Marcia per la Sopravvivenza: Seizo E - No - Koshin". Un pellegrinaggio a piedi attraverso tutto il Giappone che riuniva simbolicamente due popoli "schiavi": gli Ainu e il popolo di Okinawa. Una svolta politica si ha solo nel 1994 con l'elezione al parlamento dell'ainu Shigeru Kayano, animatore del museo di Nibutani e autore del libro: "Our Land was a Forest". E finalmente nel 1997 viene proposto al parlamento giapponese il primo progetto legge per la tutela della "minoranza" Ainu.

 

A scuola di selvaggità

Nel bosco scuola incontro anche Pon Fuchi, attivista dell' "Ainu Culture Association" di Shizunai. Mi dice: "Questa gente ci insegna a vivere in modo meno consumista e distruttivo. Il patrimonio culturale degli Ainu, come quello delle altre popolazioni aborigene ha un valore tremendo per tutta l'umanità". Le chiedo di spiegarmi l'idea di questa scuola nella natura. Mi risponde che tutto è nato quando il bosco è stato restituito alla sciamana ainu Kohana, dopo una lunga battaglia legale finita su tutti i giornali giapponesi. Una vittoria simbolica, estremamente importante perché ha indicato a tutti gli Ainu la via legale per riacquistare la propria terra. Nel bosco si è voluto ricreare un "kotan" scuola, fatto di capanne di paglia tradizionali, per rieducare gli Ainu alla selvaggità, lontano da turisti e giornalisti che li fotografano come "animali da zoo". Un ritorno alla vita com'era una volta ma anche una nuovissima idea di ecologia esperenziale. L'uomo d'oggi - Ainu compresi -è disorientato: ha perso le sue radici e per curarsi ha bisogno di selvaggità. Ridiventando "non concimato, non potato, forte, elastico e ad ogni primavera fiorente di una bellezza selvaggia" come "canta" il poeta della natura Gary Schneider che ha avuto come compagni di viaggio "Budda Maratoneti" e asceti delle Alpi giapponesi.

Ainu_old_man_circa_1930.jpg



Prima di essere ammesso alla scuola dove si insegna il "galateo della selvaggità " vengo messo alla prova con un po' di sveglie all'alba e faticose giornate di lavoro. Finalmente vengo accettato dal "capo" Fukushima San, figlio adottivo della famosa sciamana Kohana. La mia giornata tipo inizia all'alba con un bagno ghiacciato di torrente. La colazione è servita alle sette: zuppa di erbe selvatiche condita con "miso" e un buon te' di "kumasasa" - l' "erba dell'orso" - un bambù nano che cresce in montagna. Lavoro con gli uomini che costruiscono una "ciset", la capanna tradizionale fatta di paglia e di bambù, mentre le donne gironzolano nel bosco a "caccia" di funghi e gustose radici selvatiche. A mezzogiorno ci si ritrova tutti assieme a tavola davanti a una tazza di brodo caldo in cui galleggiano dei gnocchi di farina integrale. Poi si fatica ancora fino al tramonto. Prima di cena si fa il canonico bagno caldo - l' "ofuru" - tutti nella stessa tinozza: prima le donne con i bambini. Il menù serale si arricchisce di riso, tofu e alghe. Poi davanti al fuoco inizia la "classe" di danza. Un vecchi Tusu Guru dalla barba bianca, uno sciamano, ci insegna a danzare e a "volare" come aironi, a saltare come orsi. La danza è un "viaggio", una metamorfosi sacra, un orgasmo del corpo e dell'anima; il ritmo è scandito dal canto di vecchie patriarche, le "fuchi". Qualcuna ha ancora i "baffi" tatuaggio attorno alla bocca e al collo indossa preziosi gioielli a specchio - gli antichi "tamasai". Le donne danzano scuotendo la testa e le lunghe chiome nere. Muovono le braccia come fossero ali, i loro corpi ondeggiano con eleganza e fluidità. La danza dell'orso è più energica: mima il " respiro della terra", il ritmo di vita e morte. Inspirando si espande il corpo che salta e "vola" verso il cielo, espirando invece ci si piega su sé stessi come embrioni, ritornando così nella culla accogliente della nostra "notte uterina" prenatale.

Per gli Ainu il bosco è vivo. Le betulle col loro tronco lucente sono corpi adolescenti di fate. Le rocce antropomorfe sono troni dei "Kamui" - le energie spirito che popolano l'universo. L'intera montagna è una madre: i suoi seni sono i suoi boschi gonfi di "Qi". Energia cosmica e "latte" verde, che si può "ciucciare" dai pini centenari con una "danza" di abbracci e strusciamenti che assomiglia a un "massaggio arboreo". Si avvicina il viso al tronco per ascoltarne il "respiro". Lo si accarezza con le mani e poi con il corpo. Con la sensualità di un amante.

Mi insegna Fukushima che tutte le creature del bosco sono "Kamui", sacre, perché "l'animale selvaggio è puro, intuitivo e ha una forza tremenda. L'orso non può essere che un Dio incarnato per sopportare il gelo degli inverni d'Hokkaido. E' Kimmun Kamui, il Dio della Montagna, che quando fa visita a noi mortali indossa una pelle d'orso trasformandosi nell'animale più forte della foresta". La caccia dell'orso è per gli Ainu un rito magico per conquistare carne e pelo che gli dei ci regalano in cambio di saké e dolci di riso. L'orso sacro sceglierà il suo killer tra gli uomini più generosi. Dopo l'uccisione rituale il dio dei monti può uscire dalla scomoda pelliccia per ubriacarsi e ritornare ai suoi cieli. Perciò la "festa" del sacrificio dell'orso è chiamata "Iyomande". Che vuol dire scambiarsi doni.

 

Monti sacri, monti "fallo" e "vagina"

Dopo due mesi di vita nei boschi sono pronto all'esame finale: la scalata del monte Horoshiridake, ombelico del "Kamui Moshir" - la terra degli Dei. Horoshiri, la Grande Montagna, svetta sola in mezzo a un oceano verde di foreste: per gli Ainu è un "paradiso" e il luogo archetipo di apprendimento e di sfida, dove si sprigionano vortici d'energia mistica. Ma prima del "Viaggio", Fukushima San ci prepara il nostro "tempio del sudore": una capanna di frasche che assomiglia a un "taipé" indiano con al centro un buco-cratere che verrà riempito con pietre roventi. E' così magicamente riprodotto l' "utero cosmico" e il fuoco al centro della terra. Il nostro bagno di vapore inizia con la svestizione rituale: nudi si entra nel "tempio" da una fessura "vulva" e quando si è dentro ci si dispone in cerchio. E' buio pesto. Si getta acqua ghiacciata sulle pietre roventi: l'aria satura di vapore bollente è irrespirabile. Osamu suona il tamburo:è un giramondo giapponese che ha vissuto con gli Apaches ed è considerato un mezzo sciamano. Nel suo zaino, che ha sempre con sé, nasconde un armamentario di pipe sacre, nastri colorati, foglie di tabacco e penne d'aquila. Il caldo diventa ben presto insopportabile: c'é chi grida dal dolore e chi invece "muore" e cade in trance. Una ad una cascano le nostre inibizioni:è il momento del coraggio e della verità. Il tamburo passa di mano in mano: ognuno si "confessa". C'é anche chi parla con voce angelica regalando le sue visioni. Poi si esce alla luce:è una vera rinascita. Puri, sensibili e più consapevoli siamo così pronti a scalare il monte sacro. Per raggiungere le falde di Horoshiridake risaliamo la valle del fiume Saru fino al villaggio di Nukibetsu e poi il corso del freddissimo rio Nukapia. Adesso non ci sono più sentieri. Si cammina nell'acqua gelida risalendo il fiume che taglia in due la foresta. E' una specie di alpinismo acquatico: anch'io calzo le "cikatabi", una pantofola a zampa d'anitra usate dai carpentieri giapponesi, con sopra un sandalo di paglia antisdrucciolo. Salgo vestito di bianco - il colore della purezza - e in digiuno. Dopo qualche ora di marcia siamo rimasti in tre: con me c'é Fukushima San e la fortissima Fusako Nogami, piccola e battagliera ecologa di Tokyo. Finalmente in cima a Horoshiri ammiro un oceano verde e infinito di foreste che ondeggia ai venti. Non si vedono case, strade: tutto è natura e silenzio. Fukushima mi dice che i laghi, i boschi che ci circondano sono occhi, peli e capelli e il corpo del Dio Madre e Terra. Poi accendiamo un fuoco e preghiamo in silenzio.

Dopo questo "bagno di foresta" voglio visitare l'Akan National Park con i suoi laghi: Akan-ko, Kusharo e Mashu-ko. Ho una lettera di presentazione per l' "Ekashi" Nukanno Akibe, capovillaggio dell'Akan Kotan. E' un omone barbuto che mi accoglie con gran sorrisi: mi invita alla festa del "Marimo Mazuri" per onorare l'alga sferica Marimo che cresce solo nelle acque limpidissime dell'Akanko. Poi mi invita a scalare i due "monti amanti" che si riflettono nel lago: uno di questi è il monte "maschio" e l'altro è il monte "femmina". Salgo allora in cima al virile e solitario "O - Akan". Un vulcano spento che si drizza in alto come un fallo. Poi scendo a valle, attraverso una bella foresta e risalgo il cratere profumato di zolfo della vulcanessa "Me - Akan". "Vagina" del mondo che sprigiona fuoco e calore fecondante. Mi spiega Nukanno che con quel mio salire, scendere e risalire ho creato un "sentiero vivente" e una magia d'amore che riunisce due monti "amanti", crea pace e armonizza l'energia del mondo.

 

 

Hokkaido: l'ultima terra degli Ainu.

Hokkaido, chiamata anticamente "Ezo" - la terra dei barbari -è l'isola più settentrionale del Giappone. E' una terra di frontiera, ricca di foreste e di wilderness montane, che occupa un quinto dell'intera superficie del Giappone, ma che ospita solo il 5% dell'intera popolazione giapponese. Qui vivono gli ultimi Ainu nei "kotan" di Asahikawa, Kamikawa, Shiraoi, Akanko e Kushiro. Dopo i disboscamenti e la trasformazione di migliaia di ettari di bosco in terreni agricoli Hokkaido e, frutta. L' "oro verde" è costituito dal legname pregiato e dai prodotti della pesca: tra questi i pregiatissimi salmoni e le alghe.

Hokkaido è la mecca del turismo "verde" giapponese che attrae ogni anno milioni di trekkisti e campeggiatori. I periodi migliori per visitare l'isola sono da giugno ad ottobre, e per gli amanti degli sports invernali da dicembre a gennaio. Per saperne di più del "Popolo dell'Orso" si può visitare l' "Ainu Materials Display Room" presso il giardino botanico di Sapporo, il "Kawamura Ainu Memorial Museum" di Asahikawa e gli "Ainu Kotan" di Shiraoi e di Akanko, dove di sera si può assistere a performance di danze tradizionali. Il turista occidentale è accolto dagli Ainu con gran simpatia e generosa ospitalità specialmente durante i festival che si celebrano nella stagione del "koyo" - delle metamorfosi - quando le foreste si tingono coi caldi colori autunnali. A fine settembre si celebra il "mazuri" per onorare Samkusayun, un capo ribelle che combattuto con gran coraggio contro le armate mercenarie di Matsumae nel 1669. E' un festival "politico" promosso dagli Ainu di Shizunai che si radunano davanti alla statua bronzea del loro eroe per danzare, ricordare i soprusi e il genocidio della loro tribù, e inviare doni e preghiere agli avi. All'inizio di ottobre all'Akan Kotan, che è anche un famoso centro termale, si celebra il "Marimo Mazuri". Questa volta tutti i clan Ainu d'Hokkaido si ritrovano per tre giorni di feste dedicati all'alga "marimo", che per loro è "Kamui" - dio - e un miracolo di Madre Natura.

 

 

 


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The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World

 
 
The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World
  • Written to fulfil the needs of students, specialists, and the general readers
  • Provides a complete account of Proto-Indo-European by subject and location
  • Offers unique insights into a lost civilization
  • Accessible and entertaining style
This book introduces Proto-Indo-European and explores what the language reveals about the people who spoke it. The Proto-Indo-Europeans lived somewhere in Europe or Asia between 5,500 and 8,000 years ago, and no text of their language survives. J. P. Mallory and Douglas Adams show how over the last two centuries scholars have reconstructed it from its descendant languages, the surviving examples of which comprise the world's largest language family. After a concise account of Proto-Indo-European grammar and a consideration of its discovery, they use the reconstructed language and related evidence from archaeology and natural history to examine the lives, thoughts, passions, culture, society, economy, history, and environment of the Proto-Indo-Europeans. Our distant ancestors had used the wheel, were settled arable farmers, kept sheep and cattle, brewed beer, got married, made weapons, and had 27 verbs for the expression of strife. The subjects to which the authors devote chapters include fauna, flora, family and kinship, clothing and textiles, food and drink, space and time, emotions, mythology, religion, and the continuing quest to discover the Proto-Indo-European homeland.

Proto-Indo-European-English and English-Proto-Indo-European vocabularies and full indexes conclude the book. Written in a clear, readable style and illustrated with maps, figures, and tables, this book is on a subject of great and enduring fascination. It will appeal to students of languages, classics, and the ancient world, as well as to general readers interested in the history of language and of early human societies.



Readership: Students of the Indo-European languages, ancient societies, and comparative philology and historical linguistics in departments of classics, archaeology, cultural anthropology, and linguistics. General readers interested in the history of language and early human societies. The book can be used as a handbook for anyone involved in studying Indo-European or comparative classical languages, and as a basic introduction to Proto-Indo-European comparative philology and lexical studies.

dimanche, 21 août 2011

Out of Africa? Races are more different than previously thought

Out of Africa?

Races are more different than previously thought.

Researchers led by Prof. Svante Pääbo at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig have placed a very large question mark over the currently fashionable “out-of-Africa” theory of the origins of modern man. They have done this by producing a partial genome from three fossil bones belonging to female Neanderthals from Vindija Cave in Croatia, and comparing it with the genomes of modern humans.

Neanderthal skull
Neanderthal Man: Our ancestor after all.

Their initial results show that Neanderthals interbred with anatomically modern humans, mainly with the ancestors of peoples now found in Europe and Asia. This discovery both underlines the genetic differences between African and non-African populations and contradicts the pure, “out-of-Africa” version of human evolution, according to which all non-Africans living today are descended exclusively from migrants that left Africa less than 100,000 years ago. These migrants are said to have out-competed and eventually driven to extinction all other forms of homo and to have done so without interbreeding.

The authors of the Max Planck study note that Neanderthals, who lived in Europe and western Asia, were the closest evolutionary relatives of current humans, but went extinct about 30,000 years ago. They go on to note:

“Comparisons of the Neanderthal genome to the genomes of five present-day humans from different parts of the world identify a number of genomic regions that may have been affected by positive selection in ancestral modern humans, including genes involved in metabolism and in cognitive and skeletal development. We show that Neanderthals shared more genetic variants with present-day humans in Eurasia than with present-day humans in sub-Saharan Africa, suggesting that gene flow from Neanderthals into the ancestors of non-Africans occurred before the divergence of Eurasian groups from each other.” (Richard E. Green, Johannes Krause, et. al., A Draft Sequence of the Neanderthal Genome, Science, May 7, 2010).

In other words, Neanderthal genes remained in the human genome because they were beneficial, and are mainly found in non-African groups.

The traditional alternative to the “out-of-Africa” theory has been that different races evolved from earlier forms of homo in different parts of the world. That theory allows for a far longer period for the evolution of races. The great obstacle to this multi-regional theory has been genetic evidence taken from modern humans that points to a common ancestor who left Africa about 100,000 years ago. However, this judgment is based on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) — the DNA outside the nucleus — which shows no evidence of interbreeding. The Max Planck team, however, was the first to do a large-scale comparative study of nuclear DNA which, as they point out, “is composed of tens of thousands of recombining, and hence independently evolving, DNA segments that provide an opportunity to obtain a clearer picture of the relationship between Neanderthals and present-day humans.”

champanzee skull
Chimpanzee: Our closest living relative.

The researchers note that their conclusions are tentative because they were able to reconstruct only about 60 percent of the Neanderthal genome. Much of this had to be carefully sifted because of contamination, especially by bacterial DNA. Nonetheless, where the Neanderthal genome could be compared to that of modern humans, the researchers found an estimated 99.7 percent match. They also found that the Neanderthal and modern genomes shared exactly the same degree of genetic similarity — 98.8 percent — with chimpanzees.

Of particular significance, however, is the result of comparing the Neanderthal genome with representatives of different modern races: “one San from Southern Africa, one Yoruba from West Africa, one Papua New Guinean, one Han Chinese, and one French from Western Europe.”

Non-Africans got a far larger genetic contribution from Neanderthals than Africans did:

“[I]ndividuals in Eurasia today carry regions in their genome that are closely related to those in Neanderthals and distant from other present-day humans. The data suggest that between 1 and 4 percent of the genomes of people in Eurasia are derived from Neanderthals. Thus, while the Neanderthal genome presents a challenge to the simplest version of an ‘out-of-Africa’ model for modern human origins, it continues to support the view that the vast majority of genetic variants that exist at appreciable frequencies outside Africa came from Africa with the spread of anatomically modern humans.”

Although the Neanderthal contribution is small, the fact that it survived at all suggests that it conferred an evolutionary advantage. The Max Planck team notes that those contributions were “involved in cognitive abilities and cranial morphology.” Neanderthals passed on to non-Africans whatever genetic advantages they had in these important areas.

It is possible that Neanderthals contributed more than the 1 to 4 percent calculated by the Max Planck researchers. Their Neanderthal genome was incomplete and the missing 40 percent may contain more genes present in modern humans. Even if Neanderthal genes form only a very small part of the modern non-African genome, small genetic differences can have important consequences. We share almost all of our DNA with chimps, yet are very different from them. It has become clear since the mapping of the human genome that the central importance of genes lies not in their quantity but in the way they interact. Many scientists expected that sequencing or decoding the human genome would lead to an understanding of how it works, but that has not been the case. Many mysteries remain, but it is clear that small differences can have profound effects.

Homo erectus
Homo erectus: bred with modern humans?

If modern humans bred with Neanderthals could there have been other mixtures of the varieties of homo throughout evolution? There was ample opportunity. Homo habilis is estimated to have existed from 2.3 to 1.4 million years ago, homo erectus to have lived between 1.9 million and 300,000 years ago (and possibly much later in isolated areas), Neanderthals from 400,000 years until 30,000 years ago, and homo sapiens from 250,000-150,000 years ago to the present. One promising candidate for interbreeding with modern humans is homo erectus. As the online encyclopedia science.jrank.org explains:

“Fossils of the species have been collected from South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia, Algeria, Morocco, Italy, Germany, Georgia, India, China, and Indonesia. The oldest specimens come from Africa, the Caucasus, and Java and are dated at about 1.8 million years. These very early dates outside of Africa indicate that H. erectus dispersed across the Old World almost instantaneously, as soon as the species arose in Africa ... Homo erectus persisted very late in the Pleistocene epoch in Indonesia to possibly as late as 30,000 years ago, which suggests that the species survived in isolation while modern humans spread everywhere in the Old World.”

Neanderthal woman
National Geographic's Neanderthal woman.

Just as this article was going to press, there were reports on the analysis of 30,000-year-old bones found by the Russians in a cave in Denisova in Siberia in 2008. The DNA, whose state of preservation has been called “miraculous,” proved to be distinct from both Neanderthals and modern humans, and researchers called the newly discovered hominids Denisovans. Svante Pääbo of the Max Planck Institute studied this DNA as well, and determined that Denisovans also bred with modern humans — though not with those that remained in Africa.

The Denisovans were related to Neanderthals, and their common ancestors are thought to have left Africa some 400,000 or more years ago. One branch became Neanderthal in Western Eurasia and another became Denisovan in the East. Modern man appears to have encountered and bred with both groups, but only after leaving Africa. Specialists greeted the news about Denisovans with the expectation that yet more missing members of the human family tree could be rediscovered.

Indeed, the complexity and variety of the fossil record hints at what could have been considerable interbreeding. There has been a huge number of discoveries during the last century, but hominid remains are still very scarce and are often only a small fragment of a skeleton. Complete skeletons are like hens’ teeth. Moreover, when new fossils turn up, rather than clarify the record by filling in missing branches on the evolutionary tree, they tend to complicate matters. For example, they may show that a variety of homo was much older than previously thought or appeared in an unexpected place. Variability of fossils can also suggest intermediate forms that had not been anticipated, such as a specimen with traits characteristic of both homo erectus and Neanderthals. The difficulty in classifying human fossils and especially the existence of intermediate forms suggest interbreeding.

We are only now beginning to learn of some variants of homo that could have contributed genes to modern humans. In 2004, fossils of a dwarf species of homo — “Flores man,” who has been nicknamed “hobbit” — were found on the Indonesian island of Flores. Flores man is thought to have gone extinct about 12,000 years ago, so he certainly coexisted with modern humans.

Interbreeding between related varieties of homo would be more likely than that between related animals because even primitive homo had a large brain, which suggests self-consciousness, and, most probably, language. Animals mate in a largely automatic process prompted by various triggers: aural, chemical, condition of feathers and so on. Man, although not entirely without such triggers, adds conscious thought to mate selection. This allows humans to overcome the barriers of behavior and biology, and mate outside their subspecies or even species.

Vindija cave in Croatia
The Vindija cave in Croatia. The bones that
yielded the Max Planck Institute’s first
Neanderthal genome were found here.

Even today, tribal peoples may take women by force from other groups, often by organized raiding. Prehistoric man may have done the same, raising the possibility that interbreeding took place without the willing participation of the females.

At some point, of course, separate evolution would have produced separate species that were not mutually fertile. However, the social nature of homo and his probable ability to speak would tend to counteract the tendency to remain isolated from others for so long that breeding became impossible. It is worth adding that judging from the rapid spread of homo throughout Eurasia, man has been a very mobile animal. Such mobility would also make isolation difficult because even in a very sparsely populated world, the likelihood of encountering other bands of homo would be reasonably high.

How would different varieties of archaic humans have appeared to one another? Probably not so strange. There are certainly combinations of current-day racial types that appear more alien to each other than that would have Neanderthals and modern men.

In 2008, National Geographic released a likeness of a Neanderthal woman based on DNA from 43,000-year-old bones. The findings suggested that at least some Neanderthals had red hair, pale skin, and possibly freckles. These are particularly interesting traits because these were commonly noted by Romans who wrote about the inhabitants of Northern Europe. Today, many scientists would argue that if a Neanderthal were dressed in modern clothes he could walk down a busy street without attracting much attention.

If interbreeding did occur within the homo genus over several million years or even over hundreds of thousands of years, it would help explain the evolution of the group differences that now distinguish the different races. The purest “out-of-Africa” theory has always been implausible to those who think it does not allow enough time for races to emerge. There are differences of opinion among experts about time scales but the consensus is that modern man emerged from Africa at most 200,000 years ago. At 20 years per generation, this allows for only 10,000 generations to produce the enormous human variety that includes everything from Pygmies to Danes. Is that enough? Whites are supposed to have begun evolving independently for only 2,000 generations. Again, is that enough?

Realistic depictions of human beings go back to at least 3000 BC, and mummies, created deliberately or naturally, are often preserved well enough to determine racial type. The oldest North American mummy, for example, is of a 45-year-old male found in Churchill County, Nevada, and estimated to date from 7420 BC. These artifacts show that racial types have been stable for 5,000 to 10,000 years. If they have not changed in this time, it is reasonable to doubt that evolution could have changed migrants from Africa rapidly enough to produce today’s races.

Conclusion

The Max Planck Institute’s findings clearly show that the “out of Africa with no interbreeding” theory is incorrect. However, that does not necessarily mean that the ultimate origins of man do not lie in Africa or that the modern humans whose origins lie outside of Africa do not have a predominantly African heritage. What the Neanderthal and Denisovan genome research does confirm is that the human story is complicated.

The distribution of hominid fossil finds to date, the paleontological evidence, and the growing knowledge acquired through DNA analysis suggest that a plausible scenario for evolution is this: The story probably began in Africa, because this is the continent with the largest number of the most ancient fossils. Africans also show the greatest genetic variety, which suggests human evolution has been taking place there longer than anywhere else. However, early versions of homo moved out of Africa, perhaps as much as several million years ago. Some of these early versions evolved into creatures that approximated modern man, while at the same time evolution among African populations also brought them closer to modern man. At various points, African migrants emerged into Eurasia and interbred with forms of homo already there. There was no equivalent migration of Eurasians into Africa, or at least none that resulted in known interbreeding. The fossil record of mixtures of features from different hominids also suggests interbreeding.

Neanderthal bones
Neanderthal bones.

Why was the rigid “out-of-Africa” theory so widely believed? Probably because it gave rise to the claim that “we are all Africans,” and because it suggested there were few biological differences between races. At the same time, the emphasis until recently on mtDNA rather than nuclear DNA, gave rise to dogmatic statements about distinct lineages and leant scientific backing to the idea.

“Out of Africa” supported the modern liberal view that race is a social construct and that the physical differences between races are trivial. In fact, racial differences are more dramatic than the differences between many closely related species of animals. There are objective racial differences in physiology, such as testosterone level, as well as differences in behavior and in average IQ. When we add to these differences the mix of genetic contributions from extinct or absorbed forms of homo, the liberal argument becomes even weaker. If homo sapiens were viewed as any other organism is viewed, it would no doubt be classified as several species rather than as a single species.

The group at the Max Planck Institute hopes to have decoded the entire Neanderthal and Denisovan genomes soon, and similar work is being done on other forms of ancient homo such as the “hobbits” from Flores. Decoding ancient DNA is difficult, but it is probable that the genomes of other early hominids, particularly that of homo erectus — the longest surviving and most widely dispersed ancient form of homo — will be decoded in the foreseeable future.

If such research shows that interbreeding was present throughout hominid evolution, or at least for substantial periods, then the multiregional theory is true to the extent that different races received genetic contributions from populations that developed outside of Africa for immense periods of time. If the genotypes of such ancient varieties such as homo erectus and homo heidelbergensis are mapped successfully, it may be found that Eurasians have a substantial selection of genes that are distant from those of Africans.

Even if that is not the case, a better understanding of genetics increasingly shows that small genetic differences cause significant physical differences. Whatever the case, the claim that “we are all Africans” has been significantly weakened, and a potent propaganda tool has been taken from the hands of the politically correct. AR

dimanche, 24 juillet 2011

Archeological Cultures

Archaeological Cultures

By Andrew HAMILTON

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com/

In the attempt to understand who we are and where we came from, history takes us only so far. Once the written record thins and ends—not far back in time, evolutionarily speaking—we are left primarily with archaeological evidence and inferences from linguistics.

Prehistory is a world of few facts and much guesswork. In the early historical period, when archaeological evidence and spotty written records at least complement one another, existing knowledge is extended. But when the historical record ends completely and archaeologists take over, the situation becomes much more opaque.

The unit of prehistorical analysis is the “culture,” characterized by a defined range of material artifacts. Cultures may be named after particularly rich geographical sites, after unique artifacts, or after regions in which sites of a certain type frequently occur. For each culture a geographical distribution can be mapped and radiocarbon dating pinpoint an estimated date and duration. A series of prehistorical maps can be drawn showing sequences of cultures analogous to sequences of peoples and states on historical maps.

Therefore, cultures should be visualized both “horizontally” and “vertically.” The horizontal dimension is a culture’s geographic distribution, the vertical its development, persistence, and disappearance across time, as well as the sequential succession of different cultures.

Thus, cultural change in prehistoric Europe can be envisioned as a shifting mosaic of different cultures (white ethnic groups or “populations”) moving across the continental landscape in both time and space.

Kossinna’s Law

gustaf_kossina.jpgThe term “culture” entered archaeology through 19th century German ethnography, where the Kultur of tribal groups and rural peasants was distinguished from the Zivilisation of urbanized peoples. Kultur was used by German ethnologists to designate the distinctive ways of life of a particular people or Volk.

The idea of archaeological cultures became central to the discipline in the 20th century thanks to the work of Gustaf Kossinna (1858–1931) of the University of Berlin, the most famous archaeologist in the German-speaking world of his day (he was also a linguist).

Kossinna perceived the archaeological record as a mosaic of clearly defined cultures (Kultur-Gruppen or culture groups) that were strongly associated with race. He was particularly interested in reconstructing the movements of direct prehistoric ancestors of Germans, Slavs, Celts and other Indo-European ethnic groups in order to trace the Aryan race to its homeland or Urheimat.

Kossinna developed the theory that regionally delimited ethnic groups can be defined by the material cultures identified by archaeologists. A unified set of archaeological artifacts, a culture, was the sign of a unified ethnicity: “Sharply defined archaeological cultural areas correspond unquestionably with the areas of particular people or tribes.”

This statement is known as “Kossinna’s law.” The only objection to it is the imputation of an invariable identity between archaeological cultures and ethnic or racial groups (populations). The science is more complicated than that.

Kossinna’s law applies best to Neolithic and subsequent eras. The advent of agriculture was accompanied by a population explosion—the Neolithic Demographic Transition. By contrast, in the earliest human era, the Paleolithic, distinct cultural groups and differences are less readily discernible in the archaeological record.

Kossinna’s ideas have made him anathema to guardians of the racial Zeitgeist. Symptomatic of the dumbing down of academia, he is invariably depicted as a proto-Nazi.

Unfortunately, Kossinna’s “academic racism” is warm tap water compared to the poisonous brew of any of the hundreds of professors of Jewish Studies, Holocaust Studies, “Whiteness Studies,” Asian Studies, African Studies, Native American Studies, and Latino Studies active in universities today. Kossinna and other white academics routinely vilified as “racists” are sorry contenders for the mantle. For real hate you must examine today’s academy.

European_Middle_Neolithic.gif

The Linear Pottery Culture

Kossinna’s concept of archaeological culture was introduced into the English-speaking academy by Australian-born, English-descended Stalinist archaeologist V. Gordon Childe, who stated in The Danube in Prehistory (1929):

We find certain types of remains—pots, implements, ornaments, burial rites, house forms—constantly recurring together. Such a complex of regularly associated traits we shall term a “cultural group” or just a “culture.” We assume that such a complex is the material expression of what today would be called a people.

Noted for synthesizing archaeological data from a variety of sources, Childe was the first academic to construct a prehistory of the entire European continent (The Dawn of European Civilization, 1925). He also wrote The Aryans: A Study of Indo-European Origins (1926), a cause for discomfort among the politically correct today.

Examples of very early Neolithic cultures in Europe include the Starčevo-Kőrös-Criş culture [3] (Serbia-Hungary-Romania) and the Karnavo culture of Bulgaria.

The first agrarian society in central and eastern Europe was the Linear Pottery culture (Linearbandkeramik, LBK), formerly known as the Danubian culture after V. Gordon Childe’s book. Starting around 5500 BC from the middle Danube (Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary) it expanded northward along the Rhine and the other rivers going north through the German and Polish plains toward the North Sea.

According to McEvedy’s hypothesis in 1967,

Given that the Danubians were a genuine people and remained so until provincial differences began to appear among them a millennium after they had expanded across central Europe, it is difficult to avoid the view that their movement created an Indo-European heartland which must be postulated for roughly this time and place on purely linguistic grounds. Therefore the Danubian culture represents the arrival and establishment of the Indo-Europeans in Central Europe. (Colin McEvedy [5], The Penguin Atlas of Ancient History, 9)

Limitations of the Culture Concept

By definition, a prehistory in racial and ethnic terms remains hypothetical. Despite its popularity as a means of organizing the archaeological record, a simple correlation between peoples and distinctive archaeological cultures is not always warranted.

Nevertheless, as Colin McEvedy observed 45 years ago, “We are not so helpless in this matter as the puritans pretend.” And Indo-Europeanist archaeologist J. P. Mallory adds, “While one may deny the necessity of assuming an invariable one-to-one correlation between an archaeological [culture] and a linguistic entity, it is equally perverse to assume that there can be no correlation between the two.” (In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth, 1989, 164. Emphasis added.)

It will likely soon be possible to make well-founded inferences about the genotypes of ancient populations from DNA analyses of human remains. To a limited extent this is already occurring.

It is perfectly acceptable to make reasonable predictions and assumptions about white prehistory based upon archaeological, linguistic, anthropological, and genetic evidence. Archaeologists and prehistorians formulate analogous hypotheses and assumptions about scores of matters all the time.

What is not acceptable is to deny prehistoric evidence due to racist-ideological dogmas motivated by the determination that whites must and will be denied a sense of collective identity.

People so motivated are keenly aware that the development of identity among whites akin to that enjoyed by Jews and non-whites could derail the genocidal policies upon which contemporary politics and the culture war are predicated.


Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2011/07/archaeological-cultures/

vendredi, 15 juillet 2011

History and Biology

History & Biology

By Revilo Oliver

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com/

American Opinion, December 1963 (part 4 of 4 of History and the Historians)

teinture-cheveux-grossesse.jpgHistory is the record of what men do. Scientific discoveries and technological applications of them are often events of historical importance, but do not affect our understanding of the historical process since they shed no light on the behavior of men in civilized societies.

For example, the recent use of atomic fission to produce a more powerful explosive has no significance for a philosophy of history. Like the many changes in the technology of war that have occurred throughout history, this one will call for changes in tactics and strategy, alters to some extent the balance of power in the world, and may well occasion the fall and extinction of a world power so fat-headed that it does not understand the importance of technological superiority in warfare. But all this is merely history repeating itself. It is true that the improved weapons set bands of addle-pated neurotics throughout the country shrieking as wildly as a tribe of banshees out on a week-end spree; but that is merely another instance of the rather puzzling phenomenon of mass hysteria. It is also true that Communist agents have been scurrying about the country to brandish the phrase “nuclear holocaust” as a kind of up-to-date Jack-o’-Lantern to scare children. But while it is the historian’s task to understand the International Conspiracy in the light of such partial precedents as are available, the new weapon will not help him in that. He will merely marvel that a large part of our population is not only ignorant of history in general, but evidently has not read even the Old Testament, from which it would have learned that atomic bombs, as instruments of extermination, are much less efficient that a tribe of Israelites armed with the simplest weapons (see Joshua vi. 20 et passim).

As an exception to the general rule, however, our century has brought one new area of knowledge in the natural sciences that must profoundly affect our understanding of history both past and present–that is as relevant to the rise and fall of the Mitanni and the Hittites as it is to our future. Distressingly enough, the new science of genetics raises for the historian many more questions than it answers, but it discloses the existence of a force that must be taken into account in any philosophy of history.

Multiplex Man

Civilized human beings have long been puzzled by the mysterious diversity of human beings. It is possible, indeed, that mystery was part of the process by which some people were able to rise from barbarism to civilization. The perception requires mental powers that are by no means universal. The aborigines of Australia, for example, who are probably the lowest from of human life still extant, have a consciousness so dim and rudimentary that they multiplied on that continent for fifty thousand years without ever suspecting that sexual intercourse had anything to do with reproduction. Most savages, to be sure, are somewhat above that level, but no tribe appears to have been aware of its own diversity, let alone capable of thinking about it.

Human beings capable of reflective thought, however, must have begun early to marvel, as we still do, at the great differences obvious among the offspring of one man by one woman. Of two brothers, one may be tall and the other short; one stolid and the other alert; one seemingly born with a talent for mathematics and the other with a love of music.

Many were the theories that men excogitated to explain so strange a phenomenon. One of the principal grounds for the once widespread and persistent belief in astrology was the possibility of explaining the differences between two brothers by noting that, although engendered by the same parents, they were conceived and born under different configurations of the planets. In the Seventeenth Century, indeed, Campanella, whose plan for a Welfare State is the source of many of our modern “Liberal” crotchets and crazes, devised a whole system of eugenics to be enforced by bureaucrats who would see to it that human beings were engendered only at moments fixed by expert astrologers.

Again, the doctrine of metempsychosis, once almost universally held over a wide belt of the earth from India to Scandinavia, seemed to be confirmed by the same observations; for the differences between brothers were understandable, if their bodies were animated by souls that had had far different experiences in earlier incarnations.

There were also some theoretical explanations, such as the one that you may remember having read in the stately verse of Lucretius, that were sound bases for scientific inquiry, but they were not followed up. Until the last third of the Nineteenth Century, men learned nothing of the basic laws of heredity. Darwin’s knowledge of the subject was no better than Aristotle’s, and Galton’s enthusiasm for eugenics was no more firmly founded than was Plato’s. It remained for a humble and too modest priest, Father Johann Gregor Mendel, to make one of the most important scientific discoveries ever made by man.

Father Mendel’s Versuche über Pflanzen hybriden was published in 1886, but the famous professors in the great universities could not take a mere priest seriously–certainly not a priest so impudent as to contradict Darwin–and so they went on for decades pawing over problems that father Mendel had made obsolete as the epicycles of Ptolemaic astronomy. He was simply ignored and forgotten until 1900, when three distinguished biologists discovered independently and almost simultaneously some of the laws that he had ascertained and formulated.

It required some time for systematic study of genetics to get under way, and research has been greatly impeded by two catastrophic World Wars and by the obscurantism of Communists and “Liberal intellectuals.”

In Russia and other territories controlled by the Conspiracy, Marx’s idiotic mumbo-jumbo is official doctrine and the study of genetics is therefore prohibited. There are, however, some indications that research may be going on secretly, and it is even possible that, so far as human genetics are concerned, the knowledge thus obtained may exceed our own; for the Soviet, though usually inept in scientific work, has facilities for experiments that civilized men cannot perform. In the mid-1930′s, for example, there were reports that experiment stations in Asiatic Russia had pens of human women whom the research workers were trying to breed with male apes in the hope of producing a species better adapted to life under Socialism than human beings. It was reported a few years ago that the Soviet is now trying to create subhuman mutations by exposing their human breeding stock to various forms of irradiation. One cannot exclude the possibility that the monsters who conduct such experiments may incidentally find some significant data.

In the United States, the situation differs somewhat from that in Russia. Geneticists are permitted to continue their studies in peace so long as they communicate only with one another and do not disclose to the public facts of which the American boobs must be kept ignorant. Since it requires rare courage to provoke a nest of “Liberal intellectuals” or rattlesnakes, the taboo thus imposed is generally observed.

Grim Genetics

Despite the restraints placed on scientific investigation, and despite the awesome complexity of genetic factors in so complicated a creature as man, it is now virtually certain that all of the physiological structure of human beings, including such details as color of eyes, acuity of vision, stature, susceptibility to specific diseases, and formation of the brain are genetically determined beyond possibility of modification or alteration except by physical injury or chemical damage. Some of the processes involved have been well ascertained; others remain unknown. No one knows, for example, why the introduction of minute quantities of fluorine into drinking water will prevent development of the brain in some children and so roughly double the number of mongolian idiots born in a given area.

It is far more difficult to investigate intellectual capacities, since these must involve a large number of distinct elements, no one of which can be physically observed; but all of the evidence thus far available indicates that intelligence is as completely and unalterable determined by genetic inheritance as physical traits.

Moral qualities are even more elusive than intellectual capacity. There is evidence which makes it seem extremely probable that criminal instincts, at least, are inherited, but beyond this we can only speculate by drawing an analogy between moral and intellectual potentialities.

Many persons find the conclusions thus suggested unpleasant, just as all of us, I am sure, would be much happier if the earth were the immobile center of the universe and the heavens revolved about it. But although vast areas in the new science of genetics remain unexplored, and although the complexity of many problems is such that we cannot hope to know in our lifetime many of the things that we most urgently need to know, the principles of heredity have been determined with a fairly high degree of scientific probability. They are, furthermore, in accord with what common sense has always told us and also with the rational perception of our place in the universe that underlies religion.

We can blind children, but we cannot give them sight. We can stunt their minds in “progressive” schools, but we cannot give them an intelligence they did not inherit at birth. It is likely that we can make criminals of them by putting them (like the somewhat improbable Oliver Twist) in Fagin’s gang or its equivalent, but we cannot induce a moral sense in one who was born without it. We have always known that it is easy for man to destroy what he can never create.

One Certainty

The Mendelian laws and hence the finding that human beings, physically and intellectually, at least, are absolutely limited to the potentialities they have inherited — which may be impaired by external action but cannot be increased — are the accepted basis of all serious biological study today. From the standpoint of scientific opinion, to deny heredity is about equivalent to insisting that the earth is flat or that tadpoles spring from the hair of horses.

The point is worth noting, for even if you choose to reject the findings of genetics, that science will enable you to demonstrate one very important truth.

Our “liberal intellectuals,” who have done all in their power to deride, defile, and destroy all religion, are now sidling about us with hypocritical whimpers that the facts of genetics ain’t “Christian.” This argument does work with those whose religion is based on the strange faith that God wouldn’t have dared to create a universe without consulting their wishes. But if you inquire of the “intellectual,” as though you did not know, concerning scientific evidence in these matters, the chances are that he will assure you, with a very straight face, that he is, as always, the Voice of Science. Thus you will know that he still is what he has always been: a sneak and a liar.

The Warp of Culture

Given the facts that all men are born unequal; that the inequality, apparent even among children of the same parents, increases with differences in genetic strains; that civilization, by the very fact of social organization and the variety of human activity thus made possible, accentuates such differences; and that the continuity of a culture depends on a more or less instinctive acceptance of the common values of that culture — given those facts, it becomes clear that historians who try to account for the rise and fall of civilizations by describing political, economic, philosophic, and religious changes without reference to genetic changes in the population are simply excluding what must have been a very important factor, however little we may be able to measure it in the past or the present.

Whatever should be true of statutory and often ephemeral enactments in human jurisprudence, it is undoubtedly true of all the laws of nature that ignorance of the law excuses no-one from the consequences of violating it. And it may be unjust, as it is certainly exasperating, that we must often act with only a partial and inaccurate knowledge of such laws. But that is a condition of life. Societies are like individuals in that they must make decisions as best they can on the basis of such information as is available to them. You may have stock in a corporation whose future you may find it very difficult to estimate, but you must decide either (a) to sell, or (b) to buy more, or (c) to hold what you have. What you cannot do is nothing.

The scope of genetic forces in the continuity of a civilization, and, more particularly, of Western civilization, and, especially, of that civilization in the United States was illustrated by one of the most brilliant of American writers, Dr. Lothrop Stoddard, in The Revolt Against Civilization (Scribner’s, New York, 1922). The book was out of print for many years, for our “liberal intellectuals” promptly decided that the subject was one that American boobs should not be permitted to think about, and accordingly shovelled their malodorous muck on both book and author, in the hope of burying both forever. Copies of it disappeared from many libraries, and the book became hard to find on the secondhand market (I obtained my copy from a dealer in Italy).

I commend The Revolt Against Civilization, not as a revelation of ultimate truth, but as a cogent and illuminating discussion of some very grim problems that we must face, if we intend to have a future. The book, you must remember, was written when problems in genetics seemed much simpler than they do now in the light of later research, and when Americans felt a confidence and an optimism that we of a later generation can scarcely reconstruct in imagination. Some parts of the book will seem quaint and old-fashioned. Dr. Stoddard assumes, for example, that the graduates of Harvard are a group intellectually and morally above the average: That probably was true when he was an undergraduate and when he took his doctorate; he did not foresee what loathesome and reptilian creatures would slither out of Harvard to infest the Dismal Swamp in Washington. And when he urged complete toleration of Communist talk (as distinct from violence), he was thinking of soap-box oratory in Bug-House Square and the shrill chatter of parlor-pinks over their teacups; he did not foresee penetration and capture of schools, churches, newspapers, and political organizations by criminals who disseminate Communist propaganda perfunctorily disguised as “progressive education,” “social gospel,” and “economic democracy.”

But the book remains timely. What were sins of omission in 1922, when we were, with feckless euphoria, repeating the blunders that destroyed past civilization, are now sins of commission, committed with deliberate and malicious calculation by the enemies whom we have given power over us. And we should especially perpend Dr. Stoddard’s distinction between the ignorant or overly-emotional persons who “blindly take Bolshevism’s false promises at their face value,” and the real Bolshevik, who “are mostly born and not made.” That dictum is as unimpeachable as the poeta nascitur, non fit, that it echoes.

The Optimistic Pessimist

Since Stoddard wrote, the horizons have darkened around us. A recent and stimulating book is Dr. Elmer Pendell’s The Next Civilization. The title may remind you of an article that Arthur Koestler published in the New York Times on November 7, 1943 — an article whose bleak pessimism startled all but the very few readers who were in a position to surmise, form the hints which Koestler was able to smuggle into the pages of the Times, that he, an ex-Communist, was able to estimate the extent to which the Communist Conspiracy had already taken control of the government of the United States. Koestler, stating flatly that we would soon be engulfed in a Dark Age of barbarism and indescribable horror, called for the establishment of monasteries that, like the monasteries of the early Middle Ages, would preserve some part of human culture as seed for a new Renaissance in some distant future. Dr. Pendell, although he does not entirely deny us hope for ourselves, is primarily concerned with preserving the better part of our genetic heritage as seed for a future civilization that may have the intelligence to avoid the follies by which we are decreeing our own doom.

Dr. Pendell very quickly reviews the historical theories of Brook Adams, Spengler, Toynbee, and others to show that they all disregard the fact that decline in a civilization is always accompanied by a change in the composition, and deterioration in the quality, of the population.

We know that such changes took place in every civilization of which we have record. The majority of Roman citizens in 100 A.D. were not related at all to the Roman citizens in 100 B.C. We know that the great Roman families died out from sheer failure to have enough children to reproduce themselves, and we have reason to believe that all classes of responsible Romans, regardless of social or economic position, followed the fashion of race suicide.

Since the Romans had the preposterous notion that any person of any race imported from any part of the world could be transformed into a Roman by some magic in the legal phrases by which he was made a Roman citizen, the children that the Romans did not have were replaced by a mass of very diverse origins. Some of the importations undoubtedly brought with them fresh vigor and talent; some were incapable of assimilating civilization at all and could only imitate its outer forms without understanding its meaning; and some, while by no mens inferior in intelligence and energy, had a temperament which, although eminently suited to some other civilization, was incompatible with the Roman. For some estimates of the deterioration of the population of the empire that the Romans founded, see the late Tenny Frank’s History of Rome (Holt, New York) and Martin P. Nilsson’s Imperial Rome (Schocken, New York).

When Dr. Stoddard wrote, we were merely behaving as thoughtlessly as the Romans: Carpe diem and let tomorrow take care of itself. But now, as Dr. Pendell hints and could have stated more emphatically, the power of government over us is being used, with a consistency and efficiency that must be intentional, to accelerate our deterioration and hasten our disappearance as a people by every means short of mass massacre that geneticists could suggest. To mention but one small example, many states now pick the pockets of their taxpayers to subsidize and promote the breeding of bastards, who, with only negligible exceptions, are the product of the lowest dregs of our population, the morally irresponsible and mentally feeble. An attorney informs me that in his state and others the rewards for such activity are so low that a female of this species has to produce about a dozen bastards before it can afford a Cadillac, and will have to go on producing to take care of the maintenance. Intensive breeding is therefore going on, and the legislation that was designed to stimulate it may therefore be said to be highly successful.

The United States is now engaged in an insane, but terribly effective, effort to destroy the American people and Western civilization by subsidizing, both at home and abroad, the breeding of the intellectually, physically, and morally unfit; while at the same time inhibiting, by taxation and in many other ways, the reproduction of the valuable parts of the population — those with the stamina and the will to bear the burden of high civilization. We, in our fatuity, but under the control of persons who must know that they are doing, are working to create a future in which our children, if we have any, will curse us for having given them birth.

When Dr. Pendell tells us what we must do, if we are to survive or even if we limit ourselves to the more modest hope that human civilization may survive on our planet, is to reverse the process — to encourage the reproduction of the superior stock and to check the multiplication of the inferior — he is unquestionably right. He may also be right when he urges that we must do more than desist from interfering with nature for the purpose of producing biological deterioration — that we must, instead, interfere with nature to ameliorate and improve our race. But here, I fear, Dr. Pendell, although he almost despairs of our civilization and looks to the next one, is yet too optimistic. There are two practical difficulties.

Our Coup d’Etat

Dr. Pendell proposes voluntary eugenic associations and “heredity corporations,” which, no doubt, would help a little, as he argues, but which, as he is aware, would not have much more effect than a few buckets of water thrown into the crater of Mauna Loa. At this late date, to accomplish much for ourselves or even for our putative successors, we must use at least the taxing power of government, if not its powers of physical coercion, to induce or compel the superior to have children and to prevent the inferior from proliferating. So here enters on the stage that most unlovely product of human evolution, the bureaucrat, whom we shall need to apply whatever rules we may devise. And –if you can stand a moment of sheer nightmare, dear reader — imagine, just for five seconds or so, what mankind would be like, if the power to decide who was or was not to have children fell into the hands of a Senator Fulbright, a Walt Rostow, and Adam Yarmolinsky, a Jack Kennedy, or a Jack The Ripper.

For that dilemma, of course, there is an obvious solution — but, so far as I can see, only one. You, my dear reader, Dr. Pendell, and I must form a triumvirate and seize absolute power over the United States. Unfortunately, I can’t at the moment think of a way of carrying out our coup d’etat, but let’s leave such details until later. Assume that we have that power, which we, certainly, are determined to use wisely and well. What shall we do with it?

Dr. Pendell is certainly right. We must breed for brain-power: We must see to it that the most intelligent men and women mate with one another and have many children. And we can identify the intelligent by testing their “I.Q.” and by their grades in honest college courses (as distinguished from the childish or fraudulent drivel that forms so large a part of the college curriculum today).

Let us not digress from the subject by questioning the relative validity of the various tests used to determine an “intelligence quotient.” And we shall ignore the exceptions which, as every teacher knows, sometimes make the most conscientious grading misleading. Father Mendel, to whom we owe the greatest discovery ever made in biology, failed to pass the examination for a teacher’s license in that field. A.E. Houseman, one of the greatest classical scholars in the world, failed to obtain even second-class honors at Oxford, and was given a mere “pass.” But such exceptions are rare. Let us assume that we can test intelligence infallibly. Is that enough?

It is always helpful to reduce generalizations to specific examples. Percy Bysshe Shelley was one of the great English poets; Albert Einstein, although fantastically over-advertised by yellow journalism, was a great mathematician. Both were brilliant men in more than one field of intellectual activity (Shelley is said to have exhibited a considerable talent for chemistry, among other things, and Einstein is said to have done well in courses on the Classics). Both, I am sure, would have placed themselves in the very highest bracket of any intelligence test, and (if so minded) could have been graduated summa cum laude from any college curriculum that you may advise. Both were, in their judgement of social and political problems, virtually morons. Merely a deficiency of practical common sense, you say? Yes, no doubt, but both acted on the basis of that deficiency and used their intellectual powers to exert a highly pernicious influence. One need not underestimate either the beauty of Shelley’s poems or the importance of the two theories of relativity to conclude that the world would be better off, had neither man existed.

But we must go farther than that. It is odd that most of the persons who urge us to foster “superior intellect” and “genius,” whether they recommend eugenics or educational subsidies or other means, simply ignore the phenomenon of the mattoid (see Lothrop Stoddard, op. cit., pp. 102-106, and the article by Max Nordau there cited).

A mattoid is a person possessed of a mentality that is, in the strict sense of the word, unbalanced. He is a Shelley or Einstein tilted just a few more degrees. He exhibits an extremely high talent, often amounting to genius, in one kind of mental activity, such as poetry or mathematics, while the other parts of his mind are depressed to the level of imbecility or insanity. Nordau, who was an acutely observant physician, noted that such unbalanced beings are usually, if not invariably, “full of organic feelings of dislike” and tend to generalize their subjective state of resentment against the civilized world into some cleverly devised pseudo-philosophic or pseudo-aesthetic system that will erode the very foundations of civilized society. Since civilized people necessarily set a high value on intellect, but are apt to venerate “genius” uncritically and without discrimination, the mattoid’s influence can be simply deadly. Nordau, indeed, saw in the activity of mattoids the principal reason why “people [as a whole] lose the power of moral indignation, and accustom themselves to despise it as something banal, unadvanced, and unintelligent.”

Nordau’s explanation may be satisfactory so far as it goes, but moral insanity is not by any means confined to minds that show an extraordinary disproportion among the faculties that can properly be called intellectual and can be measured by such things as intelligence tests, academic records, proficiency in a profession, and outstanding research. The two young degenerates, Loev and Leopold, whose crime shocked the nation some decades ago although the more revolting details could not be reported in the Press, were reputed to be not only among the most brilliant undergraduates ever enroled in the University of Chicago, but to be almost equally proficient in every branch of study. One could cite hundreds of comparable examples.

Most monsters that become notorious have to be highly intelligent to gain and retain power. Lenin and Trotsky must have had very active minds, and the latter, at least, according to persons who knew him, was able on occasion to pass as a cultivated man. Both probably had a very high “I.Q.” All reports from China indicate that Mao Tse-tung is not only extremely astute, but even learned in the Chinese culture that he is zealously extirpating. A few Communists or crypto-Communists who have been put in prominent positions may be mere stooges, but the directors of the Conspiracy and their responsible subordinates must be persons of phenomenally high intelligence.

It is clear that there is in the human species some biological strain of either atavism or degeneracy that manifests itself in a hatred of mankind and a list for evil for its own sake. It produced the Thugs in India and the Bolsheviks in Russia (cf. Louis Zoul, Thugs and Communists, Public Opinion, Long Island City). It appears in such distinguished persons as Giles de Rais, who was second only to the king of France, and in such vulgar specimens as Fritz Haarmann, a homosexual who attracted some attention in Germany in 1924, when it was discovered that for many years he had been disposing of his boy-friends, as soon as he became tired of them, by tearing their throats open with his teeth and then reducing them to sausage, which he sold in a delicatessen. And it animates the many crypto-Communist who hold positions of power or influence in the United States.

It is probable that this appalling viciousness is transmitted by the organic mechanisms of heredity, and although no geneticist would now even speculate about what genes or lack of genes produce such biped terrors, I think it quite likely that the science of genetics, if study and research are permitted to continue, may identify the factors involved eventually — say in two or three hundred years. I know that we most urgently and desperately need to know now. But it will do no good to kick geneticists: The most infinite complexity of human heredity makes it impossible to make such determinations more quickly by the normal techniques of research. (Of course, a brilliant discovery that would transcend those methods is always possible, but we can’t count on it.)

It is quite likely that at the present rate, as eugenicists predict, civilization is going to collapse from sheer lack of brains to carry it on. But it is now collapsing faster and harder from a super-abundance of brains of the wrong kind. Granting that we can test intelligence, we must remember that at or near the top of the list, by any test that we can devise, will be a flock of diabolically ingenious degenerates. And even if we could find a way to identify and eliminate the spawn of Satan, we should still have problems.

What causes genuine “liberal intellectuals”? Many are pure Pragmatists. They have no lust for evil for its own sake; they wouldn’t betray their country or their own parents for less than fifty dollars — and not for that, if they thought they could get more by bargaining. Others are superannuated children who want to go on playing with fairies and pixies, and are ready to kick and bite when disturbed at play; but they have the combination of lachrymose sentimentality and thoughtless cruelty that one so often finds in children before they become capable of the rational morality of adults. But all of our “liberal intellectuals” were graduated from a college of some sort, and many of them, I am sure, have a fairly high “intelligence quotient” by modern tests. I do not claim or suggest that they are the result of hereditary defects; I merely point out that we do not know and have no means of finding out. We can’t be sure of anything except that our society now has as many of those dubious luxuries as it can endure. And yet we are going to encourage them to raise the intellectual level.

Come to think of it, my friends, I guess we’d better postpone our coup d’etat for a couple of centuries.

The Shape of Things to Come

For a neat antithesis to Dr. Pendell’s book and, at the same time, a very significant application of genetics, I suggest Roderick Seidenberg’s Anatomy of the Future (University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill; 175 pages). Mr. Seidenberg — I call him that because I haven’t been able to find out whether or not it should be “Dr.” — told us what our future was going to be in an earlier book, Posthistoric Man (same publisher; 256 pages), which, according to the “liberal” reviewers, made him a gigantic “philosopher of history.” In the present volume, however, he has condescended to tell us again and in fewer pages — which may make this one the better bargain.

Mr. Seidenberg, according to Mr. Seidenberg, has surveyed with his eagle eye the whole course of human history and, what is more, the whole course of biological evolution since life first appeared on this planet. That is how he knows about the “ineluctable determinism” that is going to put us in our places.

The Prophet takes his departure from the now familiar phenomenon called the “population explosion” (see American Opinion, April 1960, pp. 33 f.). He says that an increase in the number of human beings automatically increases the “complexity” of society.

Of course, we have been hearing about this “complexity” for years. I am sure that you, poor harried reader, have reflected, every time that you leap into your automobile, how much simpler life would be, if you had to worry about the health of your horses, the condition of your stable, the quality of your oats and hay, the disposition and sobriety of your coachman, the efficiency of your ostlers, and the reliability of the scavengers whom you have hired to keep clean your mews. And I know that whenever you, in Chicago, pick up the telephone to call your aunt in Miami, you remark, with may a bitter oath, how much less complex everything would be, if all that you had to do was find and hire a reliable messenger who would ride express to her house and deliver your hand-written note in a month or so — if he was not waylaid on the road, and if his horse did not break a leg or cast a shoe, and if he did not decide to pause at some bowsing-ken en route for an invigorating touch of delirium tremens. Sure, life’s gettin’ awfully complicated these days; ain’t it a fact?

Well, as we all know, life’s getting complexer every minute ’cause there are more Chinese and Congolese and Sudanese than there were a minute ago; and that means, according to Mr. Seidenberg, that we have just got to become more and more organized by the minute. And the proof of this is that, if you want to resist the ever increasing organization and socialization of society, you have to join some organization, such — I interpolate, for I need not tell you that Mr. Seidenberg would never mention anything so horrid — such as The John Birch Society. The need to join organizations to resist the organization of society proves the point, for, as is obvious, if you in 1776 had wished to resist the rule of George III, you would not have needed to join the patriots of your colony. And if, in 490 B.C., you had wished to resist the Persian invasion of Europe, you would have had no need to join, or cooperate with, your fellow Athenians who marched to Marathon. In those days of greater individualism, you, as an individual, could have stood up alone on your hind legs and stuck out your tongue — and that, presumably, would have scared Darius and his armies right into the middle of the Hellespont. But alas, no more! So, you see, History proves that the day of the individual has passed forever, and the day of Organization has come.

You must not smile, for Mr. Seidenberg is in earnest, and even if he is a bit weak in knowledge of past and present, his projection of the future has seemed cogent not merely to “liberals,” but even to thoughtful readers.

Forward to Irkalla!

Mr. Seidenberg bases his argument on inferences that he draws with apparent logic from three indisputably correct statements about the contemporary world and from a widely accepted biological theory.

1) We have all observed that we are being more and more subjected to a Welfare State, which, with Fabian patience, takes away each year some part of our power to make decisions for ourselves regarding our own lives. It is perfectly obvious that if this process continues for a few more decades (as our masters’ power to take our money to bribe and bamboozle the masses may make inevitable), we shall have lost the right to decide anything at all, and shall have become mere human livestock managed by a ruthless and inhuman bureaucracy at the orders of an even more inhuman master.

2) Our Big Brains agree with Mr. Seidenberg in believing, or pretending to believe, that “the kernel of marxism…consists in elaborating…the social message of Christ.” They assure us, therefore, that it is simply unthinkable that Americans could ever be so wicked as to fight to survive. Thus we have got to be scared or beaten into One World of universal socialism in which, as Walt Rostow, Jack Kennedy, and others now gloatingly and openly tell us, not only our nation but our race must be liquidated and dissolved in a vast and mongrel mass of pullulating bipeds.

3) The number of human beings — anatomically human, at least — is undoubtedly increasing at an appalling rate. The United States is already overpopulated for optimum life, although no critical reduction in our standard of living would be necessary for the better part of a century, if our masters permitted us to remain an independent nation. But our increase is nothing compared to the terrible multiplication of the populations of Asia and Africa, caused, for the most part, by our export to those regions of our medical knowledge, medicines, food, and money. Although we Westerners might stave off a crisis for a few decades by working harder and ever harder to support our betters and to speed up the rate at which they are breeding, it is clear that we (unless we do something unthinkable) must soon be drowned in the flood that we, like the Sorcerer’s Apprentice, started but did not know how to stop. So, even if we did not have Master Jack and his accomplices or employers to arrange for our liquidation, the sheer multiplication of the human species would produce the same result anyway.

One has but to glance at a graph of the world’s population to see that it is rapidly approaching the point at which the vast human swarm can be kept alive, even on the level of barest animal subsistence, only by the most expert management of every square inch of earth’s arable surface plus expert harvest of the very oceans themselves. In that monstrous human swarm jammed together on our planet, like a swarm of bees hanging from a limb, there can be no privacy, no individuality, no slightest deviation from the routine that must be maintained just to keep alive the maximum number that can subsist at all.

Now the theory of biological evolution, as usually stated, provides that species must adapt themselves to the conditions of survival. Men, having bred themselves into a maximum swarm, become mere units of the species, and will obviously be most efficient when they perform every action of the routine by an automatic reflex. This means that thought and even consciousness will become not only unnecessary but intolerable impediments to the efficient functioning of the human animals. Obviously, the human minds must disappear in order to permit billions of human ants to make the globe an ant-hill in which they can all live in perfect socialism.

That is what “ineluctable determinism” makes ineluctable, but Mr. Seidenberg, who is as adroit in twisting words as any editor of the New York Times, shows you how nice that will be. The Revelations of Freud have shown that we are now just bundles of instincts. Mankind will necessarily evolve to the higher state of what Mr. Seidenberg calls “pure reason.” As he explains, “pure reason” is now found only among the forms of life that are biologically superior to us because better adapted to environment. The examples which he gives are “ants, bees, and termites,” whose “essentially unchanged survival during sixty million years testifies to the perfection of their adjustment…to the conditions of life.” We must strive to become like them — nay, the “ineluctable determinism” inherent in the “population explosion” and the need for a “more advanced society” will make us, willy nilly, just like ants and termites — intellectually and spiritually, that is, for Mr. Seidenberg does not seem to entertain a hope that human beings will ever be able to crawl about on six legs.

In this perfected socialist world there can be no change and hence no history: That is why the perfect man of the near future will be, in Seidenbergian terminology, “post-historic.” Everybody will be happy, because there will be no individuals — only organisms that are part of a species and have no separate consciousness. To see how attractive the inevitable future is, you have only to reflect, dear reader, how much happier you would be, if you were an ant or a cockroach in your basement. You could operate by what Mr. Seidenberg calls “pure reason.” You could not possibly be affected by religion, art, literature, philosophy, science, capitalism, racial discrimination, or any of the other horrid things that will have to be blotted out anyway in the interests of Equality and Social Justice. You could never have a thought to trouble you. You would have no consciousness; hence you would not know that you exist, and would have no organ that could feel pain when somebody steps on you. What more could you want?

If you are so reactionary as to prefer to be conscious, even at the cost of being unhappy from time to time, you may be amused by the similarity of Mr. Seidenberg’s vision of the future to the scene described in one of the oldest of the Babylonian tablets, on which the cuneiform characters represent an oddly sibilant and staccato language: a-na maat la tari kak-ka-rifi-ti-e ila istar marat ilu sin u-zu-un-sa is- kun, etc.

“To the land whence none return, the place of darkness, Ishtar, the daughter of Sin, her ear inclined.”Then inclined the daughter of Sin her ear to the house of darkness, the domain of Irkalla; to the prison from which he that enters comes not forth; to the road whose path does not return; …to the land where filth is their bread and their food is mud. The light they behold not; in unseeingness they dwell, and are clothed, like winged things, in a garment of scales…”

Of all of mankind’s nightmarish visions of a future existence, that Babylonian conception of the dead as crawling forever, like mindless insects, in a fetid and eternal night has always seemed to me the most gruesome.

Joy is not Around the Corner

Mr. Seidenberg’s ecstatic vision of the New Jerusalem has, I am sorry to say, imposed on a least two men of scientific eminence who should have known better. They permitted themselves to be confused by the theory of biological evolution. If man evolved, over a period of 500,000 years or more, from an ape (Australopithecus) that discovered that by picking up and wielding a long bone it could increase its efficiency in killing other apes, is it not possible that our species can go on evolving and become, in another 500,000 years or less, the perfectly adjusted biped termites that Mr. Seidenberg predicts? Heavens to Betsy, I’m not going to argue that point. Granted!

And isn’t the “population explosion” a fact? Sure it is, but don’t overlook one detail — the time factor. At the present rate, the globe, sometime between 2000 and 2005 A.D. — that is to say within forty years — will be infested by 5,000,000,000 anatomically human creatures, the maximum number for which food can be supplied by even the most intensive cultivation. And then, to keep the globe inhabitable at that bare subsistence level, it will be necessary to kill every year more people than now live in the whole United States — kill them with atomic bombs or clubs, as may be more convenient.

I shall not argue about what human beings could or could not become by biological evolution in half a million years: We all know, at least, that there is going to be no biological evolution in fifty years. And, if we stop a moment to think about it, we also know that the world is not going to have a population of five billion. Not ever.

The population of the world is going to be drastically reduced before the year 2000. [See Oliver's later revision of his prediction in his article "What Hath Man Wrought? [2]" -- Editor]

The reduction could come through natural causes. It is always possible — far more possible than you imagine, if you have not investigated the relevant areas of scientific knowledge — that next week or next year may bring the onset of a new pestilence that will have a proportional mortality as great as that of the epidemic in the time of the Antonines or the Black Plaque of the Middle Ages. Alternatively, the events described in John Christopher’s brilliant novel, No Blade of Grass, could become fact, instead of fiction, at any time. And there are at least three other ways, all scientifically possible, in which the world could be partly depopulated in short order by strictly natural forces beyond our control.

But if Nature does not act, men will. When things became a bit crowded in east Asia, for example, the Huns and, at a later time, the Mongols, swept a wide swath through the world as locusts sweep through a wheat field. And wherever they felt the inspiration, they were every bit as efficient as any quantity of hydrogen bombs you may care to imagine. In the natural course of human events, we shall see in the near future wars of extermination on scale and of an intensity that your mind will, at present, refuse to contemplate. The only question will be what peoples will be among the exterminated.

If the minority of the earth’s inhabitants that is capable of creating and continuing (as distinct from aping) a high civilization is exterminated (as it now seems resolved to be), or if for some reason wars of extermination fail to solve the problem, civilization will collapse from sheer lack of brains to keep it going, and the consequent reversion to global savagery will speedily take care of the excess in numbers. In a world of savages, not only would the intricate and hated technology of our civilization be abolished, but even the simplest arts might be forgotten. (Every anthropologist knows of tribes in Polynesia and Melanesia that forgot how to make canoes, although without them it became almost impossible to obtain the fish that they regard as the most delicious food, or how to make bows and arrows, although they needed them for more effective hunting and fighting.) A world of savages in 2100 probably would not have a population more numerous than the world had in 4000 B.C.

The ordinary course of nature and human events (separately or in combination) will, in one way or another, take care of the much-touted “population explosion,” and Mr. Seidenberg knows it. You have only to read him carefully to see that all his talk about history, biological evolution, and “ineluctable determinism” is strictly for the birds — or, at least, bird-brains.

Do-It-Yourself for Socialists

Like all internationalists, Mr. Seidenberg envisages a One World of universal socialism.

Every student of history and mankind (as distinct from the ignorant theorists who prefer to chirrup while hopping from cloud to cloud in Nephelococcygia) well knows what is needed for a successful and stable socialism. And our intelligent socialists know it, too. There are two essentials, viz.: (1) a mass of undifferentiated human livestock, sufficiently intelligent to be trained to perform routine and often complicated tasks, but too stupid to take thought for their own future; and (2) a small caste of highly intelligent planners, preferably of an entirely different race, who will direct the livestock and, with the aid of overseers who need be but little more intelligent than the overseen, make sure that the livestock work hard and breed properly and do not have unsocial thoughts. The owners must be so superior to the owned that the latter will not regard themselves as of the same species. The owners must be hedged about with a quasi-divinity, and their chief, therefore, must be represented as an incarnate god.

Mr. Seidenberg knows that and tells us so. Our blissful future, he says, is assured by the emergence of “administrators [whose] special talents place them above other men.” The most important of these special talents is enough intelligence to understand that “moral restraints and compassions [and] …the attitudes and values upon which they were based have become obsolete.” On the basis of such progressive thinking, “the relatively small elite of the organizers” will manipulate the “overwhelming social mass” and guide it toward its destiny, “the mute status of unconscious organisms.”

The Chosen Few will do this by promoting “the spiritual and psychological dehumanization of man” and “a vast organizational transmutation of life.” For this glorious purpose, various techniques are available; for example, as Mr. Seidenberg tells us, “there is, plainly, more than a nihilistic meaning in the challenging ambiguities of modern art.” And, in a masterfully managed society, “the gradually inculcated feeling of helplessness…will make the mass of humanity ever more malleable and dependent upon the complex functioning of society, with its ensuing regimentation under organized patterns of behavior.” But the Supermen will use, above all, “a scientific program of genetic control to assure the complete adjustment of the human mass to its destiny” and Reactionaries and other American swine, whose “anachronistic stance” and silly efforts to avoid “the mute status of unconscious organisms” show that they “belong essentially to the past.”

As for the Supermen, who form “the nucleus of an elite of administrative functionaries and organizers ruling over the vast mass of men,” you can bet your bottom dollar (so long as Master Jack permits you to have one) that that Master Race has no intention of becoming like the bipeds that it will supervise and selectively breed for more and better mindlessness until it has attained its “historic” goal, “the settling of the human race [as distinct from its owners] into an ecologic niche of permanent and static adjustment,” which, as Mr. Seidenberg says in a moment of candor, in simply “living death.” Obviously, when this goal has been achieved, human beings, deprived of mind and even consciousness, will differ from the Master Race as much as ants and bees now differ in intelligence from human beings. Glory be!

To any attentive reader of the book, it is clear that the author, under the guise of a transparently inconsistent prophecy about a distant future, is presenting a plan for a near future that is to be created, in spite of history, in spite of nature, and in spite of mankind, by the purposeful and concerted action of a small band of “elite” conspirators, comparable to, if not identical with, the directors of the International Communist Conspiracy.

To publish such a plan in a book sold to the general public seems a fantastic indiscretion, even when one allows for the breath-taking effrontery that our Internationalists are now showing in their confidence that Americans have already been so disarmed and entrapped in the “United Nations” that, for practical purposes, it’s all over except for the butchering. When I first read these books, therefore, I was inclined to believe that the author was trying to warn us.

The Veiled Prophet of Doylestown

My inquiries, necessarily hasty and perfunctory as I write this article to meet a deadline, have elicited almost no information about Mr. Seidenberg. I do not know what region on earth was blessed with his nativity, what academic institutions bestowed the benison of their degrees upon him, or even what may be his liaison with the University of North Carolina. He is said to be an architect, but he is not listed in the 1962 edition of the American Architects’ Directory. He is said to practice that art in Doylestown, Pennsylvania, but an informant in that town reports that he is not listed in the telephone directory as an architect, although there is listed under his name, without indication of profession or occupation, a telephone which did not answer, when called on successive days.

I do not have the facilities of the FBI, so all that I really know about Mr. Seidenberg, apart from his books, is that he surfaced momentarily on February 22, 1962, in the pages of the New York Times, to emit a yip for the abolition of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. (And if you wonder why anyone should now yip against a Committee that appears to have been virtually silenced by the concerted howling of our enemies after the release of Operation Abolition, I can only tell you that, according to persons who should know, the Committee has amassed in Executive Sessions testimony which, if published, would expose some of the most powerful anti-humans in Washington.)

Mrs. Sarah Watson Emery, in her excellent book, Blood on the Old Well (prospect House, Dallas, cf. American Opinion, October, 1963, pp. 67 ff.), reports that the elusive Seidenberg, in a conversation with her, “clearly implied that he wrote the books in order to bring about the ghastly future” that he “so confidently predicts.” If Mrs. Emery is right, Mr. Seidenberg’s books are inspirational literature for the Master Race of “administrators,” who are now taking over the whole world. They can own and operate the world forever in perfect Peace, if, by a scientific application of genetics, they reduce human beings to the status of mindless insects.

Is One World Feasible?

You, my patient reader, may be a member of the Radical Right and hence unenthusiastic about the happiness that is being planned for you. If so, I confess that I, whom a learned colleague recently described as a “filthy Fascist swine,” share your misgivings. But let us here consider the Seidenbergian ideal exclusively as a problem in genetics. Is it possible?

Probably not, by the hit-and-miss methods that the Conspiracy has thus far employed.

As Mr. Seidenberg carefully points out, “Russia [under Lenin, Stalin, and Khrushchev] and America [under Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and Kennedy] are basically akin by reason of the dominance of their organizational trends,” but — hélas! — even today “the collectivization of society is only in its incipient stages in Russia.” And the reason is obvious. Although Ulyanov (alias Lenin) and Bronstein (alias Trotsky) butchered millions of reactionary Russians who wanted to be individual human beings, and although Dzhugashvili (alias Stalin) butchered millions more, and although Saint Nick (formerly Khrushchev) shot, hacked to pieces, or starved seven million in the Ukraine alone when he as just a local manager for the Communist Conspiracy, the nasty Russians are still unregenerate. Although the world’s vermin have had absolute control of Russia for almost half a century and have certainly worked hard to exterminate every Russian who had in himself a spark of self-respect, human decency, or even the will to live, observers agree that the recent failure of crops would have precipitated a crisis and possibly even a revolt of blind desperation, if Master Jack had not ordered his American cattle to provide the wheat that Comrade Nick needed to keep his own restive cattle fairly quiet. And it is quite likely that if the Conspiracy were to lose control of the United States and so be forced to retreat somewhere in the world, the Russian people would revolt anyway. The most systematic butchery has not destroyed the genetic transmission of human instincts. And it is unlikely to do so for centuries, at least.

Americans are apt to be even more refractory, and I am sure that One Worlders, now that they think their final victory almost achieved, must be giving thought to the problem of what to do with them. (And I need not remind you that advanced minds are not troubled by “moral restraints” and the other “attitudes and values.”) The American kulaks were useful and even necessary to fight wars “to make the world safe for democracy” and to finance with “foreign aid” the Communist conquest of the world, but when that goal has been achieved, they are likely to be a real nuisance.

There are rumors, for example, that Master Jack is planning to send the U.S. Army — which, as purged by Yarmolinsky and his stooges, will presumably be a docile instrument for the abolition of the nation it was established to defend — to seal off one area of the country after another, drive the white swine from their homes, and search them to confiscate such firearms or other weapons as they may have in their possession. It may be necessary to beat a few hundred of the white pigs so that their squealing will teach the other livestock to obey their owner, but, according to the rumors, nothing more than that is contemplated. But even if the operation is successful, one can foresee endless trouble. Human instincts are more or less fixed by heredity.

It is no wonder, therefore, that Mr. Seidenberg foresees “long-range genetic manipulation designed not only to improve the human stock according to the social dictates of [the proprietors of] a collectivized humanity, but above all to eliminate, in one manner or another, any traces of anti-social deviation.”

Those are, doubtless, sound general principles, but what, specifically, is to be done with the Americans when the “United Nations” takes them over? One could, as Mr. Seidenberg delicately hints in one passage, just castrate all the males. (If this idea seems shocking to you, remember that that’s just your “anachronistic stance.”) Or one could adopt the policy which the Soviet, according to a report that was leaked “from U.N. official sources” and reported in the now defunct Northlander (September, 1958), uses in Lithuania, where all potentially troublesome males were rounded up and shipped to Siberia and then replaced in their own homes by public-spirited Mongolian males eager to improve the quality of the Lithuanian population. A Baluba or a Bakongo thus installed in every American home would not only effectively end “discrimination” and promote the “World Unity” desiderated by Internationalists, but would also — according to a “scientific” study made by a Professor Of Sociology in a tax-supported American university and reported both in his class-room lectures and in his broadcasts over a radio-station entirely owned by that university — fulfill the secret yearnings of all American womanhood.

This may seem a perfect solution (if you have a “One World” viewpoint), but it has, I fear, its drawbacks. Balubas and such are just fine for exterminating white men in Africa and creating chaos under direction from Washington and Moscow, but I suspect that anyone who tries to regiment them to do work is in for a powerful lot of trouble. After they have served their purpose, it will be necessary to exterminate them, too. And the Masters, after they have blotted out the civilization they hate, are going to need workers, not cannibals and other savages, if, in keeping with the Seidenbergian vision, they are to rule the world forever.

Now Americans and Europeans are excellent workers. What is needed, obviously, is not to destroy them but to convert them, as Mr. Seidenberg predicts, into true zombies, that is to say, creatures that have no will or personality of their own and therefore do whatever they are told. But that transformation, so far as I can learn from geneticists whom I have consulted, is genetically impossible by any process of selective breeding within any reasonable length of time — say a thousand years or less. This, I am sure, our author realizes, for after admitting that “the art of brainwashing and, even more so, the science of controlling society by pharmaceutical manipulation, are in their infancy,” he places his hope for the future in “the ever increasing techniques and the ever more refined arts of mental coercion.” Presumably, the human mind and will can be destroyed by drugs, or perhaps by an improved technique of lobotomy, to produce the kind of “mental health” requisite in the zombies who, like mindless insects, are to work to support the Master Race of the future. But this is not genetics, and the qualities thus induced in individuals cannot be transmitted genetically. The Masters, therefore, will be put to the trouble of operating on each generation of biped insects as it is produced — and, what is even worse, there is some reason to doubt that the zombies would or could reproduce themselves.

So, you see, the New Dispensation of which Internationalists dream is by no means assured, either historically or biologically. For that matter, it is even possible that enough Americans may object in time to frustrate the “determinism” that only their ignorance, apathy, or cowardice could make “ineluctable.” But I cannot speculate about that possibility here. I have sought only to show you, as dispassionately as possible, what kind of thoughts very advanced minds are thinking about you these days.

Source: http://www.revilo-oliver.com/news/1963/12/history-and-biology/ [3]


Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2011/07/history-biology/

URLs in this post:

[1] Image: http://www.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/schwabe-deathofthegravedigger.jpeg

[2] What Hath Man Wrought?: http://revilo-oliver.com/rpo/What_Hath_Man_Wrought.html

[3] http://www.revilo-oliver.com/news/1963/12/history-and-biology/: http://www.revilo-oliver.com/news/1963/12/history-and-biology/

samedi, 04 juin 2011

South African Nationalist Manie Maritz

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South African Nationalist Manie Maritz

Ex: http://xtremerightcorporate.blogspot.com/

Salomon Gerhardus Maritz was undoubtedly the most troublesome Boer nationalist for Great Britain for the longest time. He might not have been the best at what he did but long after more able Boer leaders embraced the British Empire he continued to resist. Maritz was to oppose the British in the Boer War, in his own rebellion in World War I and even leading up to World War II by becoming something of an Afrikaner Nazi. Few could be said to be as devoted a defender of Boer nationhood than General Maritz and he spent his life in the service of Boer independence. He was born on July 26, 1876 into an old and illustrious Boer family and as a young man he served in the Jameson Raid which sparked the Second Boer War in which he served with distinction. Maritz was one of the irreconcilables but nonetheless when British rule prevailed and many Boers began collaborating and even running South Africa again to a large extent he went with the times and eventually became the governor of a military district based at Upington.
Yet, the Boer Wars were hard for the Afrikaners to overcome. Truth be told the British had been magnanimous conquerors and South Africa had prospered under British rule but bitter memories still remained. For many, such as Maritz, it did not matter how gentle the British had been after the war it did not erase their memories of the succession of British invasions, the wars of conquest or the British concentration camps where Boer women and children died horribly of disease and starvation. Men like Maritz were simply biding their time for yet another opportunity to take their revenge and drive out the British and with the coming of World War I it seemed that their chance had come. Making common cause with the Germans only seemed natural. During the Boer War the Germans were openly sympathetic to the Afrikaners and Kaiser Wilhelm II had got into some controversy with his British cousins over his words to Boer leader Paul Kruger. German colonial forces in Africa were very weak compared to the surrounding Allied powers and the colony of German Southwest Africa in particular knew they would soon come under attack by the British in South Africa. Their only hope for survival was for a Boer rebellion which would throw the British off balance and allow the Germans and the Afrikaners to unite against them.

The British themselves were rather worried about how the Boers would respond to the outbreak of war with Germany and with good reason. Of the three preeminent Boer leaders from the freedom wars; Louis Botha, Christiaan De Wet and Jacobus Hercules (Koos) De la Rey only Botha was considered reliably loyal to the British. Many Afrikaners took divergent positions based on different motives but a sizeable minority at least were not prepared to fight against a nation that had sympathized with them in their own struggle for freedom in the service of those who had conquered them. The First World War was their opportunity to take revenge and the Germans counted on this, stockpiling a great deal of weapons and ammunition to equip the rebel Boer army they hoped would soon emerge. The Germans had been spreading the word for some time that with their help the Boers could drive out the British and establish a greater empire for themselves in Africa more to their own liking. As war erupted in Europe both sides began to form up in South Africa.

Louis Botha, newly elected Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, pledged his loyalty to the British Empire and agreed with London to launch the conquest of German Southwest Africa which many Boers opposed. Christiaan De Wet was advocating opposition to Britain and alliance with Germany and General Koos De la Rey, who was believed to be on the side of rebellion, was gunned down by British police before his influence could have effect. Likewise, Christiaan Frederik Beyers, commandant-general of the Union of South Africa Defense Force, resigned his position to join the rebel faction as did General Jap Christoffel Greyling Kemp who was in charge of the training post at Potchefstroom. However, the most dangerous of them all was Colonel Salomon Gerhardus (Manie) Maritz who was to have been on the front lines of the invasion of German territory. Maritz was sent orders to report to Pretoria in the hopes of neutralizing him but he smelled the trap and ignored the order. War might have been headed for German Southwest Africa but it was to hit South Africa first.

British intelligence reported that Maritz and his officers were openly speaking of joining the Germans. True enough, Maritz announced his intention to ally with the Germans to his commandos and his allegiance to the provisional rebel government of the former Boer republics. He proclaimed the independence of South Africa, the Orange Free State, Cape Province and Natal and called upon the White population to join him and their German comrades in revolt against the British. It was October, 1914, and Maritz gave his men one minute to decide whether they were on the side of the Boer-German alliance or the British. Most followed their commander but about 60 remained loyal to Britain and were duly handed over to the Germans as prisoners of war. Rallies were held, speeches were given, and passionate appeals on behalf of Afrikaner nationalism were voiced as the rebellion seemed to be catching on. Beyers, De Wet, Maritz, Kemp and Bezuidenhout were chosen to lead the provisional Boer government and newly promoted General Manie Maritz occupied Keimos around Upington which had been his previous area of operations. Fighting broke out in local clashes between rebel and loyalist factions.
 

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On October 26, 1914 the British side made the state of war clear when Louis Botha personally took command of the forces assembling to crush the Boer rebellion. It was the first and so far only time that a British Empire/Commonwealth prime minister led troops into battle while in office. Moreover, this was especially difficult for old Boer soldiers like Botha and Jan Smuts who would be fighting against their own people, many of them their own comrades from the previous wars against the British. However, Botha and Smuts were truly committed to the Allied cause and when Australian troops on their way to Europe were offered to help crush the rebellion Botha refused and preferred to use loyalist Afrikaners to suppress the rebel Afrikaners so as not to exacerbate the Boer-British ethnic tensions which were obviously already running high. Volunteers, reserves, support personnel and the like were all mobilized in this massive effort by the Union government to stamp out the uprising before the Boer rebels spread their influence and forged a coordinating strategy with the Germans which would have been disastrous.

The Boer rebels were busy as well. General De Wet took his Lydenburg commandos and seized Heilbron and captured a British train which provided a wealth of supplies and ammunition. Soon De Wet had 3,000 men under arms while General Beyers mobilized more in the Magaliesberg in addition to those already assembled around Upington under General Maritz. On the loyalist side, Botha took command of 6,000 cavalry and some field guns assembled at Vereeniging in the Transvaal with the aim of destroying De Wet. Martial law was declared and overwhelming government force was brought down on the rebels. General Maritz was defeated on October 24 but escaped into German Southwest Africa where he continued his own resistance. Botha caught General De Wet at a farmhouse in Mushroom Valley and broke the Boer rebels on November 12. General De Wet and a remnant of his men retreated into the unassuming but brutal Kalahari Desert. General Beyers and his commandos met with an initial defeat at Commissioners Drift after which he joined forces with General Kemp. However, they too were beaten and Beyers drowned while trying to escape across the Vaal River. Kemp led the rest of his men to safety in German territory to join up with General Maritz but only after a long and brutal march across the Kalahari. Kemp was eventually captured in 1915 though by his former comrade General Jaap van Deventer after which he served time in prison and went on to become minister of agriculture in 1924.

The potential Boer rebellion had been crushed in its infancy and Prime Minister Botha went ahead with his invasion of German Southwest Africa. On hand to oppose him was Manie Maritz who had no intention of giving up so easily. He was aided by the fact that the Germans had probably the best colonial army in Africa and although hopelessly outnumbered they fought with considerable skill and tenacity. Early German victories hurled the British invasion back and forced Botha to take a more careful approach. He heard of General Maritz again when the rebel Afrikaner took his Boer troops and with German assistance attacked his former base at Upington, inflicting quite a bloody nose before General van Deventer beat them back. The Union troops faced stiff German resistance, harassing artillery fire, poisoned water wells and land mines in their march into the interior of Southwest Africa. The Germans won a number of stunning victories but eventually the strength of British numbers, some 60,000 troops, proved impossible to overcome and German Southwest Africa was conquered. The British also liberated the loyalists Maritz had turned over to the Germans when they took Tsumeb where the Germans had also been keeping their weapons stockpile for the Boer rebellion.

However, the rebellious General Manie Maritz was not to be captured having escaped yet again, this time to the safety of then neutral Portuguese West Africa (Angola). For the rest of the war years he traveled to Portugal itself and later Spain before returning to his native South Africa in 1923. Once back he proved just as troublesome for the British as he ever had and still somewhat attached to Germany as time would tell. In 1936 he organized a South African Nazi type party with typical anti-Semitic rhetoric thrown into the mix. Of course, in reality, Jews were hardly a presence in South Africa, but it was part of an overall Afrikaner nationalist program and to the disgust of the British and pro-Union South Africans he continued his agitation even after the start of World War II. He did not live to see the final defeat of Nazi Germany though as he died in a car wreck on December 19, 1940 in Pretoria. A lifelong Afrikaner nationalist and enemy of Great Britain he certainly regretted nothing. It would be easy to say (and many have) that the entire Maritz rebellion and the German defeat in Namibia were an exercise in futility and a complete waste of time. However, although the Boers remained subject to Britain and the Germans lost what was arguably their most profitable colony, in a way the German and Boer campaigns were a success for the Central Powers in that they delayed considerably the mobilization of South African troops for use against the more formidable German colonial army in German East Africa (which went on a rampage) and they prevented any transfer of South African troops to the western front during the vital battles fought in 1914. That being said, the evaluation of these actions still depends a great deal on the point of view of the observer. To the British and loyalists General Maritz was a traitor of the blackest sort, a collaborator and ranked at the top of the list of enemies of the British Empire. However, General Maritz is still revered by some Afrikaner nationalists for his dogged defiance and by modern day neo-Nazi Boers who think he was on the right side in World War II as well.

vendredi, 13 mai 2011

Anatolia: Una indoeuropeizacion frustrada

por Olegario de las Eras
 

La herencia indoeuropea, concretada en una jerarquía de valores y principios y en un tipo humano determinado que desde la Prehistoria han dado forma a ciclos de civilización análogos, conforma el nervio de la comunidad constituida por los pueblos europeos, comunidad sentida y vivida más allá de las contingentes «fronteras nacionales». En efecto, es un hecho que las sucesivas oleadas de pueblos septentrionales, migrando en grupos masivos y compactos, de celtas a eslavos de helenos a germanos, fueron los materiales sobre los que en el transcurso de milenios cristalizaron la práctica totalidad de pueblos de nuestro continente. Siendo esto así, resulta aparentemente contradictorio que un territorio como el de la península de Anatolia en el que se documenta una presencia indoeuropea desde fines del III milenio a. n. e. y que ha visto sobre su suelo a hititas, luvitas, helenos, tracios, frigios, persas, gálatas o latinos entre otros, se perciba por parte de los europeos como algo ajeno. Pero la realidad es que los indoeuropeos no pudieron permanecer en todas partes donde llegaron: «Los indoeuropeos no siempre han vencido»: no tenemos más remedio que dar la razón, aunque sea por una vez, a J. P. Mallory.

     La llegada a las costas del Mediterráneo de grupos indoeuropeos produjo siempre necesariamente enfrentamientos con las poblaciones autóctonas: de la derrota y sometimiento de éstas dependió la posibilidad de supervivencia de aquellos. En realidad, la historia de las civilizaciones indoeuropeas del Mediterráneo (Hélade, Roma, la Céltica...) es la historia de una incesante lucha contra el elemento humano y espiritual aborigen1. Éste fue el caso también de los pueblos que hablaban las lenguas indoeuropeas del grupo anatolio, pueblos que conservaban firmemente su tradición religiosa y jurídico-política indoeuropea en el momento de asentarse en sus sedes históricas2. A su llegada la península se encontraba densamente poblada por gentes pertenecientes al complejo racial mediterráneo, su cultura calcolítica, cuyas raíces se encuentran en el creciente fértil,  se estructuraba en esos momentos alrededor de centros urbanos que dominaban amplios espacios y su religión, omnipresente en el registro, estaba determinada por los cultos ctónios y de fecundidad. Con toda probabilidad la lengua hablada fue la que posteriormente será conocida como hático. Si bien los resultados de su inmigración fueron devastadores3, el impacto demográfico no alteró el predominio del substrato neolítico como han demostrado los trabajos de M. Senyürek: el impacto numérico del elemento indoeuropeo, étnicamente nórdico4, fue demasiado pequeño como para perdurar física y espiritualmente por demasiado tiempo. Con el transcurso de los siglos, la dünne Herrenschicht, el delgado estrato señorial hitita, resultó fatalmente «hurritizado», «mesopotamizado» y «haticizado» y la destrucción del Imperio a fines del II milenio por obra de grupos frigios procedentes de más allá del Helesponto signará la desaparición de la propia lengua hitita. Los llamados reinos neohititas surgidos tras el desastre en el borde meridional del antiguo Imperio utilizarán el luvita en sus textos. Esta lengua, hablada en las zonas occidental y meridional de la península por comunidades en las que el elemento indoeuropeo parece haber presentado una mayor densidad,  resistió el embate, sobreviviendo en el licio5.

    A ojos del observador contemporáneo podría parecer que la presencia de los helenos en  áreas de la franja costera occidental, de los grupos licios y lidios y los aportes indoeuropeos de las invasiones del 1200 acabaría por vincular el Asia Menor a Europa. Sin embargo, tanto los propios testimonios lingüísticos, que nos hablan de la profunda acción del sustrato no indoeuropeo en las lenguas del grupo anatolio, tanto antiguas como recientes, como las influencias no helénicas que podemos descubrir cada vez con mayor peso en toda la Jonia nos demuestran que el destino de los hititas volvía a repetirse en el occidente y el sur peninsular: en ambos ámbitos los cultos de naturaleza telúrica, enraizados en el neolítico anatolio, van recobrando fuerza mostrando la abrumadora presencia de una población «no receptiva» a las concepciones espirituales indoeuropeas6.

     Tras el periodo de dominio persa, las conquistas de Alejandro y de Roma son los últimos empujes en la historia de Anatolia de raíz occidental7. Empujes políticos que tienen como efecto la integración de este territorio en la ecúmene helenística y en el Imperio pero una escasa relevancia en términos étnicos8. Y es en época romana cuando se constata un fenómeno ciertamente revelador: la muy temprana y fácil cristianización del ámbito anatolio que contrasta con el carácter de secta y muy minoritario de los seguidores del Galileo en la parte occidental del Imperio y la misma Grecia9, fenómeno paralelo al resto de áreas no europeas del Imperio.

     El fracaso de la renovatio imperii de Justiniano y las posteriores concepciones teocráticas de lejanas raíces próximo-orientales preludian el destino «no europeo» de Anatolia: Bizancio se percibe por los occidentales romano-germánicos como algo profundamente ajeno: la matanza de latinos de 1182 y las conquistas cruzadas jalonan este desencuentro. Pero este destino quedará sellado a partir de 1071 cuando los selyúcidas ocupen la mitad oriental de Anatolia. Tres siglos después toda Anatolia pertenece a los otomanos. Los procesos de «turquización» étnica y lingüística y de islamización comenzados en el siglo XI, que culminan con las masivas deportaciones contemporáneas de griegos y armenios, borrarán todo resto lingüístico (excepción hecha del pueblo kurdo, cuya lengua pertenece al grupo iranio, que está padeciendo un etnocidio por parte del estado turco del cual no es este lugar para hablar) e ideológico indoeuropeo de la península. Sólo los rasgos nórdicos que muy de tarde en tarde se pueden observar en algún campesino de Capadocia, probablemente de sangre gálata, dan testimonio de aquellos antiguos ciclos de civilización hoy completamente agotados.    

 



1 Véase J. Evola, Rebelión contra el mundo moderno, Buenos Aires 1994, especialmente la Parte II capítulos V-X y la recopilación de textos del mismo autor sobre esta cuestión publicada por Ed. di Ar bajo el título La Tradizione Romana.

2 Véase, por ejemplo, E. Masson, Le combat pour L’inmortalité. Héritage indo-europeen dans la mytologie anatolienne, París 1991 y O. J. Gurney, Los hititas, Barcelona 1995, especialmente pp. 72 y ss.

3 P. Garelli, El Próximo oriente asiático, Barcelona 1982, pp. 27 y A. Romualdi, Los indoeuropeos. Orígenes y migraciones, Barcelona 2002, p. 173 n. 50.

4 V. Christian, «Die frühesten Spuren der Indogermanen in Vorderasien», en Rasse 1935 2ª año, nº 4, p. 121 y ss. y H.F.K. Günther, Rassenkunde des Jüdischen Volkes, Munich 1930, pp. 50-54. La extensión del rito de incineración ha dificultado enormemente el diagnóstico tipológico de los grupos conquistadores indoeuropeos: Gurney (op. cit., pp. 160 y ss.) llama la atención sobre las semejanzas entre los ritos de incineración descritos en las tablillas hititas y los homéricos. Entre las nuevas poblaciones que no incineran a sus muertos también se documentan tipos alpinos, inexistentes en Anatolia con anterioridad. Por otro lado, el proceso de «hurritización» del Imperio hitita se ve acompañado por una difusión desde el este del tipo armenoide o pre-asiático, actualmente muy bien representado entre la población turca (H.F.K. Günther op. cit., pp. 20-40).

5 Para una breve visión de conjunto de la problemática de las lenguas indoeuropeas del grupo anatolio véase F. Villar, Los indoeuropeos y los orígenes de Europa, Madrid 1996, pp.289 y ss. 

6 Baste recordar el culto de Ártemis Efesia como diosa de la fertilidad, el de Attys o el de la «frigia» Cibeles. 

7 Es preciso mencionar la aventura gálata que se inicia con los movimientos de diferentes grupos célticos en el siglo IV a. n. e. Algunos de estos grupos, apenas unos 20.000 individuos en su conjunto, de los cuales unos 10.000 guerreros, tras numerosas vicisitudes fueron asentados por Antíoco Soter en las llanuras frigias y sobre el Halys, tierras que desde entonces recibirán el nombre de Galacia. Derrotados por Atalo I, a cuyo sepulcro pertenecen las impresionantes estatuas helenísticas del guerrero gálata moribundo y de su caudillo quitándose la vida, fueron concentrados en su territorio donde dominarán a una población anatolia mucho más densa. Se helenizarán progresivamente pero conservarán su lengua hasta la cristianización. Sobre los gálatas véase H. Hubert, Los celtas y la civilización céltica, Madrid 1988, pp. 297-307.

8 Una aproximación muy interesante a los estados helenísticos en el que se aplican las categorías interpretativas de G. Dumézil puede verse en C. Preaux, El mundo helenístico, Barcelona 1984, 2 volúmenes.

9 Véase, por ejemplo, M. Simon y A. Benoit, El judaísmo y le cristianismo antiguo, Barcelona 1972, pp. 54.

mardi, 10 mai 2011

El misterio de los chinos rubios

El misterio de los chinos rubios

Ex: http://www.idpress.org/

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Si nos pusiésemos a pensar cuáles son los rasgos físicos y/o característicos de los chinos, coincidiríamos en decir que suelen ser más bajos, ojos rasgados y oscuros, pelo moreno y nariz pequeña. Ahora, imaginaos a un grupo de chinos cuyos rasgos son todo lo contrario: altos, rubios, ojos azules y nariz grande.

Liqian, una población al noroeste de China y a 300 kilómetros del Desierto del Gobi, cuenta entre sus habitantes con un nutrido grupo de personas que responden a estas últimas características.

Pruebas realizadas han demostrado que poseen un 56% de ADN caucásico, y aunque no se descarta ni asegura ninguna hipótesis, las conclusiones apuntan a que estas personas podrían ser herederos genéticos de un grupo de legionarios romanos que, muy posiblemente, llegaros hasta China dos mil años antes…

En el año 53 AC, siete legiones de soldados romanos, comandados por el general Marco Licinio Craso, fueron masacrados en la Batalla de Carrhae, la que debía de ser la gran conquista hacia la Ruta de la Seda del Imperio Romano.

Todo parece indicar que un centenar de legionarios pudieron escapar y huir en dirección a Oriente.

Tras miles de kilómetros y 17 años de peregrinación, llegaron al noroeste de China y allí se asentaron, prestando servicios como mercenarios y ayudando al ejército local en la Batalla de Zhizhi entre chinos y hunos.

Llamó especialmente la atención la forma de luchar de los recién llegados mercenarios. Su perfecta formación y disciplina hicieron que fuesen bien recibidos allí. Tras la batalla, los supervivientes de ese grupo se instalaron en la población de Liqian.

Hoy en día, dos mil años después, se tiene cierto convencimiento de que aquellos legionarios romanos son los antepasados de este grupo de chinos con aspecto europeo.

Esta teoría fue presentada por primera vez en la década de 1950 por Homer Dubs, profesor de Historia China en la Universidad de Oxford.

En el año 2007, se llevaron a cabo una serie de pruebas las cuales detectaron dos tercios de ADN caucásico entre ese grupo de habitantes.

Nadie se atreve a asegurar la ascendencia de esos chinos con rasgos occidentales, y lo atribuyen al continuo paso de diferentes etnias por la ruta de la seda.

Hay que recordar que un porcentaje alto de hunos eran caucásicos, lo cual también podría ser el origen de esta incógnita.

De momento, las diferentes excavaciones llevadas a cabo en la zona no han aportado ningún elemento proveniente de soldados romanos, como monedas, armas o cascos, por ejemplo. Si este hecho se produjese, podría ser esclarecedor para revelar si realmente aquel grupo de legionarios romanos que pudieron huir de la Batalla de Carrhae, llegaron a establecerse en China.


http://es.noticias.yahoo.com/blogs/ciencia_cultura/los-chinos-rubios-descendientes-de-los-romanos-p14121.html

 

dimanche, 08 mai 2011

Indoeuropeos y no indoeuropeos en la Hispania preromana

Las poblaciones y las lenguas prerromanas de Andalucía, Cataluña y Aragón según la información que nos proporciona la toponimia. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. Salamanca 2000

El proceso de indoeuropeización de la Península Ibérica es uno de los problemas más complejos a los que, desde hace ya muchos años, se enfrentan tanto la Prehistoria como la Lingüística. Es tal la cantidad de elementos en juego y de cuestiones a resolver que no resulta difícil augurar que serán muchas las generaciones de arqueólogos, filólogos, historiadores de la religión y antropólogos que investigarán y debatirán sobre este campo.  El camino por recorrer es largo y, como es sabido, son pocos los puntos que han  sido firmemente establecidos y, en consecuencia,  aceptados por todos. No es este lugar para hacer balance de la cuestión: un muy breve resumen se podrá encontrar en un artículo que publicamos en un número anterior de Terra Nostra o una exposición mucho más detallada en la Parte V de otra obra del autor del que nos ocupamos aquí, Francisco Villar, Los Indoeuropeos y los orígenes de Europa, 2ª ed., Madrid 1996. Brevemente, recordaremos que parece clara la existencia de tres estratos lingüísticos indoeuropeos prerromanos: por un lado, el  correspondiente al Alteuropäisch, por otro, el de la lengua de las inscripciones lusitanas y, por último, el celtibérico, existiendo posiciones encontradas sobre la naturaleza de cada una y el tipo de relaciones que pudieran haber existido entre ellas.

Este ya de por sí complejo panorama se ha visto más complicado, si cabe, por la hipótesis que presenta F. Villar en esta obra. En efecto, a lo largo de sus casi 500 páginas el autor intenta demostrar, a través del análisis de una ingente cantidad de material lingüístico, la presencia en la Península Ibérica de un estrato lingüístico indoeuropeo diferente a cualquiera de los otros tres detectados hasta el momento, un estrato de rasgos muy arcaicos que de confirmarse atestiguaría que el proceso de indoeuropeización de la Península fue mucho más complejo y profundo de lo que  se había supuesto.

La obra comienza haciendo repaso de una serie cuestiones relativas a la Lingüística Comparada, en especial un alegato de la validez de su método y una descripción de sus características, para continuar con un amplio comentario de la historia de la investigación paleolingüística en España, desde los dislates del padre Astarloa hasta los autores contemporáneos como Gorrochategui o de Hoz, haciendo especial hincapié en la progresiva complejidad de las concepciones del substrato, desde el vasco-iberismo originario, tesis que no se cansa durante toda la obra de denostar, y con razón, hasta la identificación de los diferentes niveles actualmente admitidos: los ya mencionados indoeuropeos junto al vasco, tartesio, ibérico, etc.

Tras estos dos capítulos a guisa de introducción, se adentra en el examen del material recogido: topónimos, hidrónimos, antropónimos y etnónimos, material organizado en series en función de un componente principal que es estudiado en todos los aspectos filológicos posibles, tanto fonéticos como morfológicos, y del que ofrece su correspondiente distribución geográfica, tanto en la Península como en Europa, norte de África u Oriente Próximo. Así, uno a uno, van siendo analizados todos los elementos susceptibles de formar parte de este estrato, proponiendo el carácter indoeuropeo, entre otros, de los siguientes: uba-, relacionado con las raíces indoeuropeas para agua *ap, *ab, *up; ur, relacionado con el ide *(a)wer- / (a)ûr, agua, río, corriente; urc- con el ide *war- / *ur- más el sufijo ko; uc-, en el que se habrían reunido tres componentes diferentes: uko (diminutivo), uko (sufijo hidronímico que aparece en lituano) y un apelativo relacionado con ûkis (lugar de habitación) también presente en lituano, bai-, relacionado con el ide *gwhêi, brillar, etc. Al estudio de los elementos susceptibles de ser agrupados en series que califica de mayores sigue el de las series menores (tur-, turc- y murc-) y de aquellos, muy numerosos, que por su escasa aparición en las fuentes no pueden ser seriados, pero que responden a unas mismas características lingüísticas, así como el análisis de la antroponimia susceptible de ser relacionada con este estrato.

Una vez analizado el material, Villar se adentra en la caracterización de la lengua o lenguas responsables de esta hidronimia,  toponimia y antroponimia, llegando a la conclusión de que no corresponde a ninguna de las lenguas indoeuropeas conocidas, siendo imposible su identificación con ninguno de los tres estratos indoeuropeos conocidos en la Península por diferentes razones (aquí no podemos dejar de mencionar que en su obra mencionada anteriormente relaciona el elemento tur-, presente en nuestro Turia, con el Alteuropäisch pp. 507-509), y sosteniendo que este estrato presenta fuertes relaciones con las lenguas itálicas y con las bálticas, generalmente, aunque no siempre, en las innovaciones con las primeras y en los arcaísmos con las segundas.

Durante toda la obra, y mediante el estudio de la distribución geográfica de los testimonios de este estrato se va evidenciando una concentración de estos elementos en dos áreas principales: la meridional y la ibérico-pirenaica, como el autor las denomina, que se corresponden con el área que hasta ahora se consideraba no indoeuropea (baste recordar la famosa frontera de los briga-). Resulta evidente que las consecuencias de las propuestas de Villar pueden resultar revolucionarias para nuestra protohistoria. El autor es consciente de ello y en un último capítulo analiza algunos de los etnóminos del área ibérica (ilérgetes, indicetes, volciani, etc.) atribuyéndoles etimologías indoeuropeas relacionadas con el estrato objeto del libro (seguras para dieciséis entre veintitrés, aunque posiblemente sean más todavía), lo que implica un masivo substrato indoeuropeo en todo esta área (Aragón, Cataluña y norte de Valencia), pero, sin embargo, renuncia explícitamente a intentar explicar el mecanismo de entrada de estas lenguas, emplazando a arqueólogos y prehistoriadores a abordar esta cuestión. Lo que sí sostiene es la imposibilidad de relacionar los Campos de Urnas con esta toponimia debido a motivos distribucionales (son prácticamente inexistentes en Andalucía) y cronológicos (relaciona el topónimo Alube de la Ilíada con el Guadalquivir y con los hallazgos micénicos allí efectuados, lo que dataría este estrato con anterioridad a las penetraciones de esta cultura. Por otro lado, considera que la densidad de este estrato casa mal con unos «recién llegados» como los Urnenfelder). No obstante, no parecen argumentos excesivamente fuertes: Infiltración y transformación de la cultura material son fenómenos que a menudo van parejos y aunque en la actualidad se tiende a ver en las transformaciones del bronce final tartésico influencias mediterráneas, algunos de los nuevos elementos no dejan de estar relacionados con el ambiente de las urnas, aunque tampoco podemos dejar de señalar que se ha hecho responsable a influencias del Mediterráneo los elementos indoeuropeos presentes en el tartesio. Por otra parte, la relación del Alube homérico con la Península no deja de ser una conjetura toponímica, apoyada sobre conjeturas cronológicas y arqueológicas, y en cuanto a la excesiva densidad que pueda presentar un substrato depende más bien de la profundidad de la «limpieza étnica» que de la antigüedad del proceso. Todo esto, no obstante, no deja de ser un mero comentario ante la superposición de esta toponimia y los Campos de Urnas en el área nordoriental peninsular, que resulta bastante sugerente y ante la propia naturaleza lingüística del substrato (sobre todo la presencia de elementos compartidos con diferentes grupos del «indoeuropeo nordoccidental») que no deja de evocar constantemente las ideas de H. Krahe sobre el «estado líquido» (flüssige Zustand) del complejo de las urnas desde el punto de vista lingüístico. No obstante, evidentemente es todavía muy pronto para intentar elaborar hipótesis arqueológicas sobre esta cuestión.

Un punto que quizá llame la atención a quienes han seguido la labor de Villar es el escaso espacio dedicado al paleoeuropeo y a sus presuntas relaciones con este estrato recién descubierto. Ya que ambas son lenguas ciertamente arcaicas y siguen un modelo distribucional diferente, aunque muy determinado en ambas por los cursos de agua, cabría esperar un análisis comparativo de ambas lenguas que nadie mejor que Villar está en condiciones de realizar. Estamos convencidos de que no tardará en abordar este problema.

En definitiva se trata de una obra destinada a tener un gran eco entre los especialistas no sólo en paleohispanística sino también en indoeuropeística y que abre nuevos caminos para el conocimiento del pasado de nuestros pueblos.                                                                                                                          

 

Olegario de las Eras.        

vendredi, 29 avril 2011

Croatian Genetics - New Origins

Croatian Origines - New Genetics

vendredi, 22 avril 2011

J. Haudry: la vision cosmique des Indo-Européens (1987)

jean%20haudry%202.jpg

Archives - 1987

LA VISION COSMIQUE

 

 

DES INDO-EUROPÉENS

 

 

Entretien avec Jean Haudry

 

 

Jean Haudry est l'un des principaux spécialistes actuels du monde indo-européen. Il dirige le département de linguistique de Lyon III et enseigne les grammaires indo-européennes comparées à I'École Pratique des Hautes Études. Il est l'un des fondateurs de l'Institut des Études indo-européennes qui dépend de Lyon III. On lui doit notamment deux remarquables "Que sais-je" : L'indo-européen (n°1798, étude linguistique) et Les Indo-Européens (n°1965, sur l'organisation sociale, les divinités, la vision du monde, etc.), ainsi que de nombreux articles dans plusieurs revues. Nous l'avons interrogé à l'occasion de la parution de son ouvrage intitulé : La religion cosmique des Indo-Européens (coédition Archè-Les Belles Lettres). Ce livre est le résultat de nombreuses années de recherches. Il s'appuie principalement sur la linguistique et la mythologie comparées. Sans nul doute, il est un grand pas supplémentaire dans la compréhension du monde indo­-européen, et plus particulièrement de la vision du monde qui l'anime. Signalons aussi que cet ouvrage est accessible au lecteur non-spécialiste, ce qui n'est pas le moindre de ses mérites. Félicitons également les éditeurs pour la présentation et la mise en pages qui est sobre, claire, agréable à la lecture.

 

Ce livre approfondit la question de la tripartition propre au monde indo-européen. Celle-ci n'est pas seulement une organisation sociale, mais découle d'une vision du monde, c'est-à-dire d'une manière de voir et de concevoir l'univers. Aussi, cette tripartition est à la fois valable pour le macrocosme (l'univers) et pour le microcosme (l'homme). Dans un premier temps, Jean Haudry examine la tripartition céleste, ce qu'il nomme "les trois cieux". Puis, il explique l'analogie entre le jour, l'année et le cycle cosmique. Il poursuit par une étude comparative sur la déesse grecque Héra, épouse de Zeus. Celle-ci représente, entre autres, la belle saison de l'année, le printemps, mais aussi l'année toute entière. Il aborde ensuite la notion de héros en partant de l'étymologie qui provient de Héra. Le héros est précisément celui qui conquiert l'année et accède ainsi à l'immortalité. Pour cela il emprunte la "voie des dieux", aussi désignée par le mot védique svarga, "le fait d'aller dans la lumière­ solaire". L'accès à l'immortalité passe par la redoutable traversée de "l'eau de la ténèbre hivernale". Pour finir, Jean Haudry se penche sur la question de l'habitat originel des Indo-Européens (à ne pas confondre avec le dernier habitat commun qui est bien postérieur). Il examine avec attention les nombreuses indications qui ne sont compréhensibles que pour des peuples arctiques. Ce n'est là, bien sür, qu'un survol rapide de cet ouvrage dense, érudit et clair, précis et convaincant, qui captivera tous ceux qui s'intéressent aux mythologies, aux Indo-Européens et aux sociétés anciennes en général. (Christophe LEVALOIS)

 

********

 

Question : Tout d'abord le titre de l'ouvrage. Y avait-­il une religion commune aux différents peuples indo­européens ?

Jean Haudry : Je crois qu'il y a une tradition indo-­européenne commune, laquelle peut se définir de façon très précise en termes de linguistique. Mais une religion ? Je ne sais même pas s’il y avait une religion unique pour chacun des peuples indo-­européens. À toute époque il y a un sentiment religieux du plus superficiel au plus profond. Il y a une pratique sociale commune à tous les membres de la communauté et puis il y a des degrés d'initiation très différents selon les personnes. Nous, ce que nous arrivons à décrire ou à restituer c'est essentiellement la pratique commune, à savoir la plus superficielle. Par ex., quand on évoque la religion grecque il est plus évident de décrire la frise des Panathénées que de dire ce qui se passait dans les mystères d'Éleusis.

 

Q : Néanmoins, quelles sont les caractéristiques communes aux religions indo-européennes ?

J.H. : Le polythéisme, le caractère symbolique, non dogmatique, et le fait qu'elles étaient liées à la communauté du peuple dans tous ses aspects, d'où une grande diversité. Il n'y a aucune prétention universelle.

 

Q : Il y a pourtant des affirmations monothéistes dans certaines traditions indo-européennes, par ex. Ahura Mazda dans l'ancien Iran ?

J.H. : Il est seul dans les premières inscriptions achéménides et accompagné par Mithra et Anâhitâ dans les suivantes. Le monothéisme est profondément étranger à la tradition indo-européenne. Il fut à plusieurs reprises introduit chez des peuples indo­-européens par une propagande extérieure, mais il ne s'y est jamais implanté, sauf chez les peuples qui ont répudié la tradition indo-européenne.

 

Q : Pourtant, dans toutes les traditions indo­-européennes on trouve un dieu-origine, supérieur aux autres dieux ?

J.H. : Il y a toujours un dieu roi, de même que dans la société humaine le roi est au-dessus des autres hommes. Mais le dieu unique est aussi mal vu que le tyran ! De même que le roi est toujours entouré d'un conseil, le dieu suprême est toujours entouré d'un panthéon, le conseil et le panthéon n'étant pas élus !

 

Q : Pourquoi qualifiez-vous la "religion" indo-­européenne de "cosmique" ?

J.H. : Parce que les fondements de ce système que je reconstruis, et qui ne représente pas la totalité de la religion mais seulement un de ses aspects, sont des réalités cosmiques et plus précisément spatio-­temporelles. Par ex., le jour est personnalisé par Zeus, l'année par Héra, le cycle cosmique est à l'image des deux premiers,

 

Q : Vous émettez l'hypothèse que le symbolisme ternaire cosmique est antérieur aux autres tripartitions. Comment êtes-vous arrivé à cette conclusion ?

J.H. : Mon hypothèse sur la priorité du symbolisme ternaire cosmique dans l'univers mental des lndo-­Européens se fonde sur la motivation du symbolisme des trois couleurs, le noir (ou le bleu), le blanc et le rouge, c'est-à-dire leur identité avec les trois couleurs du ciel, ou, selon ma terminologie, les couleurs des "trois cieux". Les autres correspondances sont arbitraires, qu'il s'agisse des trois mondes, eux-mêmes diversement répartis selon les peuples, et des trois castes (même remarque), ainsi que des trois "natures" (ou "qualités", vieil-­indien guna). Par ex., il n'y a pas de lien naturel et nécessaire entre la couleur blanche et le "ciel" (qui change de couleur), la caste supérieure (qu'elle soit ou non sacerdotale), la nature supérieure. En revanche, il existe un lien de nature entre la couleur blanche et le "ciel diurne", la couleur noire et le "ciel nocturne", la couleur rouge et le "ciel auroral et crépusculaire".

 

Naturellement, cette hypothèse s'applique uniquement au domaine indo-européen. De plus, le raisonnement ne vaut que pour le rapport entre les couleurs des trois cieux, considérées comme une donnée de base, et les autres groupes ternaires (mondes, castes, natures). Mais à son tour le caractère ternaire des cieux dans la conception reconstruite appelle une explication. Bien que primitive par rapport aux autres structures ternaires, celle-ci ne peut être considérée comme une donnée immédiate de l'expérience. On peut en concevoir d'autres, par ex. une division binaire (jour/nuit), ou au contraire une division distinguant plus de trois couleurs. À cette question, l'hypothèse proposée n'apporte pas de réponse.

 

Q : Quelle est, selon vous, la signification de ces tripartitions ?

J.H. : On sait que les groupements ternaires sont fréquents dans les diverses cultures. Il peut s'agir tout simplement dé l'application aux cycles temporels (et, par delà, aux structures fondées sur eux) d'un quasi-universel. Dans ce cas, le caractère ternaire ne comporterait pas de signification particulière. Mais elle peut en comporter une. J'en vois un indice dans le rattachement étymologique proposé jadis par E. Benveniste (Hittite et indo­-européen, p. 86-87) du nom de nombre "trois", *tréy­es, à la racine *ter- "traverser", "dépasser" : « Par rapport à "deux", observe Benveniste, le nombre "trois" implique une relation de "dépassement" qui est justement celle que la racine *ter- signifie lexicalement ». Assurément, on peut en dire autant de chaque nombre. Il convient donc de trouver une justification plus précise, qui s'applique seulement à "trois". Peut-être faut-il la chercher dans cesnombreux récits mettant en scène un personnage quiparvient à se tirer d'une situation en apparence inextricable, exprimée sous la forme binaire d'un dilemme, en imaginant un troisième terme : ce qu'on ne peut faire "ni le jour, ni la nuit", on le fera à l'aurore, ou au crépuscule. Le troisième terme est celui qui permet à l'homme supérieur de surmonter l'obstacle des dilemmes qui bloquent le commun des mortels.

 

Q : Quelles sont les questions qui restent en suspens concernant les Indo-Européens ?

J.H. : Il y en a beaucoup du point de vue linguistique, liées à la reconstruction du système grammatical et phonologique. Il y a essentiellement la question de l'habitat primitif et des migrations. Autrement, de façon générale, les idéaux, les valeurs, la vision du monde sont restitués sans grandes difficultés. Il n'y a pas un nombre illimité de sociétés traditionnelles. On arrive assez bien à se les représenter. Il suffit de quelques indices pour les "classer" dans un type ou dans un autre. Par contre, savoir où et quand ils ont vécu est une autre affaire.

 

Q : Plus on recueille d'éléments sur les migrationsindo-européennes, plus on se rendcompteque celles­-ciont couvert une grande partie, sinonla totalitédu continent euro-asiatique. Quesait-onaujourd'huides poussées vers l'est ?

J.H. : Pour la Corée, il existe un témoignage indirect par l'archéologie. Nous situons cette présence au IIIe siècle av. JC, probablement des Iraniens. En Chine, les Tokhariens étaient établis au Turkestan chinois vers les VIe et VIIIe siècles de notre ère. D'eux nous possédons des inscriptions et des textes.

 

Q : Pour vous, d'où viennent les Indo-Européens ?

J.H.: Des régions circumpolaires. Un grand nombre d'éléments tirés des traditions indo-européennes prouvent de façon évidente cette origine.

 

Q : En-dehors de vous-mêmes, y-a-t-il d'autres spécialistes du monde indo-européen qui défendent l'hypothèse de l'origine arctique des Indo-Européens ?

J.H. : Chez les Soviétiques, l'idée fait son chemin. Mais cela est mal vu pour des raisons diverses. Néanmoins ils sont moins inhibés que d'autres !

 

Q : Avez-vous d'autres travaux actuellement en cours ?

J.H. : Oui, beaucoup. Sur différentes épopées du monde indo-européen, notamment sur l'épopée homérique et sur Beowulf. Il y a également un ensemble d'études sur les aurores, ainsi que sur les jumeaux divins. Par ailleurs, j'ai de nombreuses idées sur la Lune, le mois, leurs places dans le monde indo-européen. Enfin, bien entendu, il y a toutes les études linguistiques.

 

(Propos recueillis par Christophe Levalois)

 

jeudi, 24 mars 2011

Urheimat: alle origini del Popolo Europeo

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Urheimat: alle origini del Popolo Europeo

Molteplici le teorie sulle origini etniche, addirittura c’è chi sostiene che gli Ittiti provengano dal popolo dei Chatti, stanziati in Europa tra Reno e Weser

Gianluca Padovan

Ex: http://rinascita.eu/ 

L’improbabile origine asiatica
La questione più dibattuta tra archeologi e linguisti è la sede originaria (dal tedesco Urheimat) dei cosiddetti “Indoeuropei”, popolo che tra il IV millennio a. e il I millennio a. sembra comparire, oltre che in Europa, anche in Asia e in Africa. Ma, inizialmente, si pensa che tale popolazione provenga dall’India e approdi in Europa foriera di cultura e tradizione: cosa mai avvenuta. Così pure si desidera vedere la provenienza di genti, che fanno fiorire culture sul suolo europeo, dalle steppe e dalle tundre dell’est e dai deserti di sudest, basandosi più che altro sui testi biblici e sulla propria religione. A mio avviso il concetto espresso nella frase “ex Oriente lux” è da riconsiderare e soprattutto da evitarne la pedissequa e acritica applicazione.
Alcuni ritengono che la patria originaria sia da ricercarsi nell’Asia Centrale, in un territorio compreso tra il Turkestan e il Pamir, altri nella cosiddetta Russia Europea, ovvero ad ovest degli Urali. Ma vi è chi ritiene che l’ “Urheimat” sia l’Europa del Nord. Oggi i più tendono a considerare che essa sia da collocarsi tra la Germania del Nord e l’Elba e la Vistola, fino alle steppe che vanno dal Danubio agli Urali, quasi in una sorta di compromesso. In buona sostanza la provenienza della luce culturale e sociale è ancora da definirsi e, sostanzialmente, le idee al proposito rimangono varie anche e soprattutto in campo accademico.
Ad esempio, uno dei luoghi comuni dell’Antropologia è l’origine asiatica degli “Indoeuropei”. E a sostegno della tesi della provenienza asiatica vi è la questione del cavallo. Si afferma che esso è addomesticato e allevato nelle grandi pianure dell’est e del sudest asiatico e da qui introdotto in Europa. In realtà il cavallo è già noto almeno fino dal paleolitico superiore, con attestazioni, ad esempio, in Scania (Svezia meridionale). Ma sulla questione si potrebbero leggere fiumi di parole sia pro che contro.
Calvert Watkins scrive: “Molti studiosi ritengono che la zona della steppa siberiana a nord e a est del Mar Nero sia stata, se non la ‘culla’ originaria degli Indoeuropei, almeno un’importante area di sosta negli spostamenti verso ovest nei Balcani e oltre, verso l’Anatolia e verso il sud e poi verso l’est nell’Iran e in India, a cominciare dalla metà del quinto millennio a.C. Questa è quella che viene chiamata dagli archeologi cultura Kurgan, dalla parola russa per i suoi caratteristici monumenti o tumuli sepolcrali” (Watkins C., Il proto-indoeuropeo, in Campanile E., Comrie B., Watkins C., Introduzione alla lingua e alla cultura degli Indoeuropei, Il Mulino, Bologna 2005, p. 49). Tali teorie sono basate anche sugli scritti dell’archeologa americana di origini lituane Marija Gimbutas.
Innanzitutto è probabilmente da ricercare in Europa il fenomeno del megalitismo, che ha lasciato sul territorio monumenti a tumulo che si perpetuano nel tempo e anche all’esterno dei confini continentali. L’argomento è più che noto ed è superfluo riprenderlo, ma un passo è doveroso riportarlo: “L’architettura territoriale neolitica realizza i suoi capolavori nelle regioni europee che costeggiano l’Atlantico e il Mare del Nord - la facciata atlantica europea - dal Portogallo alla Svezia. Gordon Childe ha avuto l’intuizione di rilevare che in Europa i grandi centri dell’architettura megalitica corrispondono alle regioni in cui le sopravvivenze paleolitiche sono più numerose e meglio attestate. Perciò c’è forse un rapporto, sconosciuto e mediato dal tempo, di educazione, atteggiamento e cultura tra i pittori delle caverne paleolitiche e i costruttori di monumenti megalitici. È significativo ricordare il profondo cambiamento di opinione, nella comunità archeologica, sulle origini delle culture megalitiche europee. In passato si pensava che derivassero dalle grandi civiltà urbane del Vicino Oriente. Attraverso i sistemi moderni di datazione al radiocarbonio Colin Renfrew ha potuto dimostrare che i manufatti europei risalgono a prima del 4000 a.C. e sono “creazioni autonome, uniche nel loro genere: i più antichi monumenti di pietra eretti al mondo”. Molte costruzioni furono cominciate nel V millennio a.C. e modificate fino al I millennio a.C.” (Benevolo L., Albrecht B., Le origini dell’architettura, Editori Laterza, Bari 2002, p. 97).
 
La forza culturale Europea
Così ricorda Romualdi: “L’espansione della cultura nordica nella Russia centrale e meridionale si lascia seguire attraverso la cultura megalitica di Volinia, quella del medio Dnepr e quella di Fatyanovo: tutte queste culture sono caratterizzate da ceramica globulare o cordata e da asce da battaglia. Esse invadono il territorio dei cacciatori ugro-finnici della ceramica a pettine, e premono su quello degli agricoltori della ceramica dipinta di Tripolje. Queste invasioni sono state appassionatamente negate dalla scuola archeologica sovietica di Marr e compagni, pei quali l’esistenza di una Urheimat indoeuropea era “un pregiudizio borghese, esattamente come la fede nell’esistenza di Dio” e per i quali le invasioni indoeuropee facevan parte della mitologia capitalistica” (Romualdi A., Gli Indoeuropei, Edizioni di Ar, Padova 1978, p. 29).
E ancora Romualdi sottolinea l’improbabilità di forti migrazioni da est verso ovest, apportatrici di caratteri culturali: “Ci si trova sempre di fronte alla vaga suggestione delle ‘orde indoeuropee irrompenti nelle steppe euroasiatiche’, contro la quale già Hermann Hirt aveva obiettato che a nessun popolo delle steppe è mai riuscito di diffondere lingue in Europa” (Ivi).
Herman Hirt, nel suo Die Indogermanen, afferma: “L’agricoltura può nutrire su uno stesso territorio assai più uomini dei nomadi delle steppe. È in grado di produrre forze sempre nuove che rafforzano e vivificano la prima corrente. L’assalto dei popoli delle steppe può abbattersi straordinariamente violento, può distruggere come una fiumana di lava ma, poiché non ha nulla dietro di sé, si riassorbe ben presto nella sabbia” (Hirt H., Die Indogermanen I, S. 190; in Romualdi A., op. cit., p. 70). Se qualcuno nutre dei dubbi, guardi che cos’hanno lasciato, ad esempio, gli Unni in Europa: solo un ricordo e per giunta negativo.
Fin dagli albori della storia in Asia e nell’Africa del Nord si incontrano Europei in quanto minoranze che riescono a imprimere una propria impronta alla storia locale. La lingua che diffondono è quella di una aristocrazia conquistatrice, probabilmente poco rispecchiante i multiformi aspetti della vita quotidiana, ma in grado di perdurare nel tempo.
 
Ittiti, Hittiti, Hatti o Chatti
Rimanendo cauti su traduzioni, trascrizioni, vocalizzazioni più o meno azzeccate, e interpretazioni, parrebbe che la terra di Hatti o di Chatti sia quella occupata dagli Ittiti, che verrebbero così scritti: Hittites, Héthéens, Hetiter, etc. Il territorio, o patria di origine o di semplice sviluppo, è stato localizzato nella penisola anatolica, ad est dell’attuale città di Ankara, antica Angora, capitale della Turchia, ed è la regione detta Hatti. La città principale è Hattusa, o Chattusa, vecchia Boğhazköy (“villaggio nella gola”), odierna Boğazkale. Ma la domanda canonica rimane comunque la seguente: da dove provengono gli Ittiti? Anche qui le ipotesi, ognuna con i suoi bravi dati a sostegno, sono varie. All’occhio di un profano come me sono tutte ugualmente interessanti e valide. Ma una mi ha colpito per la sua originalità e, senza che la si prenda troppo sul serio, la riporto semplicemente perché mi piace, invitando le persone competenti a rifletterci sopra. C’è chi sostiene che gli Ittiti provengano dal popolo dei Chatti, stanziati in Europa tra Reno e Weser. Alcuni linguisti sostengono che varie parole ittite derivino da una forma di linguaggio “antico-alto-tedesco” (Lehman J., Gli Ittiti, Garzanti, Milano 1997, p. 61). Fermo restando che la lingua ittita appartiene alla “famiglia indoeuropea” (meglio identificabile come Famiglia Europea), non basta l’assonanza dei nomi a fornire dati probanti: “Tuttavia non ci basiamo solo su questo. Theodor Bossert, una delle autorità dell’ittitologia, ha pubblicato nel suo Alt-Anatolien (Anatolia antica) una mappa in cui sono registrate tutte le località archeologiche dove sono state rinvenute divinità raffigurate su un toro o nell’atto di cavalcarlo. È una traccia lineare che dalla Siria, oltrepassando Boğhazköy, corre lungo il Danubio fino al Reno, piegando per una sua parte anche verso l’Italia. Un bellissimo esemplare di epoca romana, raffigurante questa divinità ittita con tutti i suoi attributi (fascio di saette e doppia ascia) a cavallo del toro, è stato trovato all’inizio del secolo a Heddernheim, che oggi è un quartiere di Francoforte sul Meno. Werner Speiser forse esagera, quando nel suo Vorderasiatische Kunst (Arte dell’Asia Anteriore) del 1952 sostiene che gli ittiti, con le loro teste e i lunghi nasi vigorosi, avevano un aspetto addirittura “falico” (cioè vestfalico); ma se si accetta la tesi di fondo c’è da riflettere. In definitiva anche i Galati dell’Asia Minore, cui scriveva l’apostolo Paolo, sono parenti dei celti nordeuropei” (Ibidem, pp. 74-75).
 
Caratteri distintivi
Leggendo nei vari testi e osservando le testimonianze della loro cultura possiamo vedere che gli Ittiti hanno la fronte alta e arrotondata, il naso dritto è senza l’angolo di attaccatura e i capelli sono tendenzialmente sciolti, lunghi e diritti. Possiamo ravvisarvi dei connotati “greci” come per esempio il naso? Attenzione: riferendosi agli Ittiti le iscrizioni egizie li descrivono aventi capelli chiari o probabilmente castano-chiari; inoltre c’è chi ha la barba, tagliata in varie fogge, verosimilmente a seconda della moda del momento. Per curiosità andiamo a vedere che cosa ci dice Tacito a proposito dei germanici Chatti, i quali sono stanziati a nordest del fiume Reno: “abitano il territorio che comincia dalla selva Ercinia, in luoghi non così pianeggianti e palustri come le altre regioni nelle quali si estende la Germania; infatti vi continuano i colli, che a poco a poco si fanno più rari, e la selva Ercinia continua insieme ai suoi Chatti e alla fine li mette al sicuro. La conformazione fisica è più resistente, solide le membra, truce l’aspetto, maggiore la forza d’animo. Possiedono - per essere dei Germani - molto raziocinio e abilità: mettono a capo delle truppe condottieri scelti, ubbidiscono ai comandanti, mantengono il loro posto nelle file dell’esercito; sanno riconoscere l’opportunità favorevole, ritardare gli attacchi, distribuire opportunamente le occupazioni della giornata e fortificarsi di notte; ascrivono la fortuna alle cose dubbie, e invece il valore alle cose sicure, e, cosa ben rara e concessa soltanto alla disciplina romana, ripongono maggior fiducia nel comandante che nell’esercito. La loro forza militare risiede interamente nella fanteria, che oltre alle armi caricano anche di arnesi da lavoro e vettovaglie: gli altri li vedi andare in battaglia, i Chatti in campagna militare. Rare presso di loro le scorrerie e scaramucce. Ottenere rapidamente la vittoria e altrettanto rapidamente ritirarsi è tipico del combattimento a cavallo: la velocità è connessa al timore, la ponderatezza invece alla costanza” (Tacito C., Germania, Risari E. (a cura di), Mondadori Editore, Milano 1991, 30, 1-3).
Tacito sottolinea quindi la capacità dei Chatti di possedere due cose non comuni tra Germani e Celti, che sono la ponderatezza, la costanza, la disciplina e la logistica. Inoltre spiega che dalla tribù dei Chatti, nel 38 a., si staccano i Batavi per andarsi a stabilire alla sinistra orografica del fiume Reno, quindi nel territorio occupato dai Romani, ma da questi “non subiscono l’umiliazione di pagare tributi, né sono oppressi dagli esattori; sono esenti da oneri di imposte e da contribuzioni straordinarie e tenuti in serbo soltanto per il combattimento; li si destina alla guerra come fossero armi da offesa e da difesa” (Ibidem, 29, 1).
 
Arii o Ariani.
Con il nome di Arii o di Ariani si designano comunemente le genti di lingua “indoeuropea” che dilagarono nelle attuali regioni dell’Iran e dell’India del nord. Taluni hanno sostenuto che si tratta di genti provenienti da nord o da est del Mar Nero, altri da settori ad ovest che oggi portano il nome di Romania e Ucraina. Nel corso del XIX sec. altri studiosi indicano invece come ariani i popoli di lingua europea, di razza bianca e in particolare quelli provenienti dalle regioni del Nord Europa.
Ad ogni buon conto non si è stabilita, o non si è voluta stabilire, con esattezza la loro terra d’origine, andando a negare l’esistenza di una cosiddetta “razza ariana”. Dagli Anni Trenta in avanti, e soprattutto a conclusione della Seconda guerra mondiale, si tende ad assimilare il termine di ariano con le teorizzazioni sulla razza e le formulazioni e le applicazioni delle cosiddette “leggi razziali”. Pertanto l’argomento viene accantonato come scomodo e inopportuno.
Ecco un’altra curiosità che ci viene dal passato tramite Tacito e ancora sui Germani: “Io, personalmente, condivido l’opinione di chi ritiene che le popolazioni della Germania non si siano mescolate con altre genti tramite matrimoni, e che quindi siano una stirpe a sé stante e pura, con una conformazione fisica propria. Da ciò deriva un aspetto simile in tutti, nonostante il gran numero di individui: occhi azzurri e torvi, capelli biondo-rossastri, corpi saldi e robusti, in grado però di costituire una massa d’urto: la loro capacità di sopportare prestazioni faticose è di gran lunga inferiore, e non sono avvezzi a tollerare la sete e il caldo; il clima e la configurazione del territorio li abituano infatti ad adattarsi al freddo e alla fame” (Ibidem, 4, 3).
In particolare, Tacito parla della numerosa tribù dei Suebi, costituita da più tribù: “Attraversa e divide il paese dei Suebi una catena continua di montagne, al di là della quale abitano numerose genti; tra di esse è ampiamente diffuso il nome di Lugi, applicato a molte tribù. Basterà qui ricordare le più forti: Harii, Helveconi, Manimi, Helisi, Nahanarvali” (Ibidem, 43, 2). Stando ad alcuni studiosi la catena montuosa è stata individuata nei Carpazi occidentali e i territori nelle odierne Slesia e Polonia, dalla Vistola all’Oder; inoltre si esprime perplessità sul fatto che fossero della tribù dei Suebi, propendendo per quella degli Slavi.
Vediamo ora cosa ci dice Tacito di una tribù in particolare, quella degli Harii: “Per tornare agli Harii, alla forza per la quale superano le popolazioni sopra elencate aggiungono un’aria truce, e accrescono l’innata ferocia con artifici e con la scelta del momento opportuno: neri gli scudi, tinti di scuro i corpi, scelgono per l’attacco le notti più buie: un esercito di spettri che incute terrore col suo aspetto tenebroso. Non c’è nemico in grado di fronteggiare quella vista tremenda e quasi infernale. Infatti in qualsiasi combattimento i primi a essere sconfitti sono gli occhi” (Ibidem, 43, 4).
Gli studi delle nostre origini e quindi delle popolazioni che abitarono il continente europeo servono allo sviluppo delle conoscenze, nel senso più ampio del termine. Questo porrà probabilmente dei limiti a quello che fu propugnato fin dall’Ottocento come “pangermanesimo”, a cui Stalin oppose, nella prima metà del secolo successivo, il suo ideale di “panslavismo”, dimenticando come gli Slavi siano gente di stirpe europea e non già asiatica. È auspicabile che tutto ciò ponga fine all’equivoco ottocentesco e novecentesco di credere che da altrove sia pervenuta la nostra cultura, definendola “indoeuropea”. Sarebbe un po’ come dire (mi si conceda il paragone) a persone che vivono onestamente del proprio lavoro che gli asini volano ed è bello vederli volare: a furia di ripeterlo, decennio dopo decennio, qualcuno per creduloneria, qualcuno per problemi psichici, altri per piaggeria, affermeranno di vedere gli asini volare.
Noi siamo Europei e la nostra cultura è a tutti gli effetti europea. Non ci credete? La storia si ripete sempre e non sono certo io a dirlo: basti pensare, ad esempio, al filosofo napoletano Giambattista Vico e alla sua teoria riguardo corsi e ricorsi storici. Quindi è necessario e bastante vedere cos’hanno fatto, nel bene e nel male, le genti europee in questi ultimi duemilacinquecento anni e da dove sono partite, dove sono giunte, cos’hanno fondato, cos’hanno costruito, quale sia il contributo sociale, nazionale e culturale che hanno ovunque lasciato. Reimpariamo a pensare con la nostra testa... da veri Europei.
 


11 Marzo 2011 12:00:00 - http://rinascita.eu/index.php?action=news&id=7010

mardi, 26 octobre 2010

La psico-antropologia de L. F. Clauss

LA PSICO-ANTROPOLOGÍA DE L.F. CLAUSS:

UNA ALTERNATIVA FRUSTRADA
Sebastian J. Lorenz
 
Frente al concepto materialista de la antropología nórdica, que consideraba la raza como un conjunto de factores físicos y psíquicos, se fue haciendo paso una antropologíade tipo espiritual, que tendrá su máximo exponente en el fundador de la “psico-raciología” (Rassenseelenkunde) Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss. Frente a la preeminencia de los rasgos fisiológicos, a los que se ligaba unas características intelectuales, Clauss inaugurará la “ley del estilo” . Para él, la adscripción a una etnia es, fundamentalmente, un estilo que se manifiesta en una multiplicidad de caracteres, ya sean de tipo físico, psíquico o anímico que, conjuntamente, expresan un determinado estilo dinámico: «por el movimiento del cuerpo, su expresión, su respuesta a los estímulos exteriores de toda clase, el proceso anímico que ha conducido a este movimiento se convierte en una expresión del espacio, el cuerpo se convierte en campo de expresión del alma» (Rasse und Seele).
Robert Steuckers ha escrito que «la originalidad de su método de investigación raciológica consistió en la renuncia a los zoologismos de las teorías raciales convencionales, nacidas de la herencia del darwinismo, en las que al hombre se le considera un simple animal más evolucionado que el resto». Desde esta perspectiva, Clauss consideraba en un nivel superior las dimensiones psíquica y espiritual frente a las características somáticas o biológicas.
Así, la raciología natural y materialista se fijaba exclusivamente en los caracteres externos –forma del cráneo, pigmentación de la piel, color de ojos y cabello, etc-, sin reparar que lo que da forma a dichos rasgos es el estilo del individuo. «Una raza no es un montón de propiedades o rasgos, sino un estilo de vida que abarca la totalidad de una forma viviente», por lo que Clauss define la raza «como un conjunto de propiedades internas, estilo típico y genio, que configuran a cada individuo y que se manifiestan en cada uno y en todos los que forman la población étnica». Para él, la forma del cuerpo y los rasgos físicos no son sino la expresión material de una realidad interna: tanto el espíritu (Geist) como el sentido psíquico (Seele) son los factores esenciales que modelan las formas corpóreas exteriores. Así, en lo relativo a la raza nórdica, no es que al tipo alto, fuerte, dolicocéfalo, rubio y de ojos azules, le correspondan una serie de caracteres morales e intelectuales, sino que es a un determinado estilo, el del “hombre de acción”, el hombre creativo (Leistungsmensch), al que se deben aquellos rasgos físicos, conjunto que parece predestinar a un grupo determinado de hombres. La etnia aparece concebida, de esta forma, como una unidad físico-anímica hereditaria, en la que el cuerpo es la “expresión del alma”. Klages dirá que «el alma es el sentido del cuerpo y el cuerpo es la manifestación del alma».
La escuela “espiritualista” fundada por Clauss tuvo, ciertamente, una buena acogida por parte de sus lectores, que se vieron liberados de las descripciones antropológicas del tipo ideal de hombre nórdico, las cuales no concurrían en buena parte de la población alemana, reconduciendo, de esta forma, el estilo de la raza a criterios idealistas menos discriminatorios. Pero lo que, en el fondo, estaba proponiendo Clauss, no era una huida del racismo materialista sino, precisamente, un reforzamiento de éste a través de su paralelismo anímico, según la fórmula “a una raza noble, le corresponde un espíritu noble”. Distintos caminos para llegar al mismo sitio. Así, podrá decir que «las razas no se diferencian tanto por los rasgos o facultades que poseen, sino por el estilo con que éstas se presentan», esto es, que no se distinguen por sus cualidades, sino por el estilo innato a las mismas. Entonces, basta conceder un “estilo arquitectónico” a la mujer nórdica, a la que atribuye un orden metódico tanto corporal como espiritual, frente a la mujer africana que carece de los mismos, para llegar a las mismas conclusiones que los teóricos del racismo bio-antropológico.
Por todo ello, las ideas de Clauss no dejan de encuadrarse en el “nordicismo” más radical de la época. El hombre nórdico es un tipo cuya actuación siempre está dirigida por el esfuerzo y por el rendimiento, por el deseo y por la consecución de una obra. «En todas las manifestaciones de actividad del hombre nórdico hay un objetivo: está dirigido desde el interior hacia el exterior, escogiendo algún motivo y emprendiéndolo, porque es muy activo. La vida le ordena luchar en primera línea y a cualquier precio, aun el de perecer. Las manifestaciones de esta clase son, pues una forma de heroísmo, aunque distinto del “heroísmo bélico”». De ahí a afirmar que los pueblos de sangre nórdica se han distinguido siempre de los demás por su audacia, sus conquistas y descubrimientos, por una fuerza de empuje que les impide acomodarse, y que han marcado a toda la humanidad con el estilo de su raza, sólo había un paso que Clauss estaba dispuesto a dar.
El estilo de las otras razas, sin embargo, no sale tan bien parado. Del hombre fálico destaca su interioridad y la fidelidad por las raíces que definen al campesinado alemán (deutsche treue), puesto que la raza fálica se encuentra profundamente imbricada dentro de la nórdica. Respecto a la cultura y raza latina (Westisch) dirá que no es patrimonio exclusivo del hombre mediterráneo, sino producto de la combinación entre la viveza, la sensualidad gestual y la agilidad mental de éste con la creatividad del tipo nórdico, derivada de la productiva fertilización que los pueblos de origen indogermánico introdujeron en el sur de Europa (Rasse und Charakter).
De los tipos alpino (dunkel-ostisch) y báltico-oriental (hell-ostisch), braquimorfos y braquicéfalos, dirá que son el extremo opuesto del nórdico, tanto en sus formas corporales como en las espirituales, porque son capaces de soportar el sufrimiento y la muerte de forma indiferente, sin ningún tipo de heroísmo, pero su falta de imaginación los hace inútiles para las grandes ideas y pensamientos, en definitiva, el hombre evasivo y servicial. Curiosamente, el estudio que hace de la raza semítico-oriental –judía y árabe-, con las que se hallaba bastante involucrado personalmente, no resulta tan peyorativo, si bien coincidía con Hans F.K. Günther en que existe entre los hebreos un conflicto entre el espíritu y la carne que acaba con la victoria de esta última, con la “redención por la carne”, mientras que de los árabes destaca su fatalismo y la inspiración divina que les hace creer –como iluminados- que son los escogidos o los enviados de Dios.
Por lo demás, Clauss admitió que los diferentes estilos, al igual que sucede con los tipos étnicos, se entrecruzan y están presentes simultáneamente en cada individuo. Según Evola, «para él, dada la actual mezcla de tipos, también en materia de “razas del alma”, en lo relativo a un pueblo moderno, la raza es objeto menos de una constatación que de una “decisión”: hay que decidirse, en el sentido de seleccionar y elegir a aquel que, entre los diferentes influjos físico-espirituales presentes simultáneamente en uno mismo, a aquel que más se ha manifestado creativo en la tradición de aquel pueblo; y hacer en modo tal que, entonces una tal influencia o “raza del alma” tome la primacía sobre cualquier otra.»
No obstante lo anterior, el nordicismo ideal y espiritual de Clauss fracasó estrepitosamente porque nunca pudo superar la popularidad que tuvo el tipo ideal de hombre nórdico que Hans F.K. Günther proponía recuperar a través de los representantes más puros de la cepa germánica, si bien no como realidad, sino como una aspiración ideal, de tal forma que, finalmente, Clauss se vio apartado de todas las organizaciones del tejido nacionalsocialista a las que, desde un principio, había pertenecido.

vendredi, 15 octobre 2010

Noi, Celti e Longobardi

Michele Fabbri:

Noi, Celti e Longobardi

http://www.centrostudilaruna.it/

Nel 1997 Gualtiero Ciola pubblicava un’opera, poi ristampata, che costituiva un originale punto di riferimento per un’adeguata considerazione delle origini etniche dei popoli italiani. Nel suo corposo studio Noi, Celti e Longobardi, Ciola analizza le testimonianze archeologiche e linguistiche che hanno segnato il territorio della penisola italica, fornendo utili indicazioni per seguire nuovi percorsi di ricerca.

Il libro di Ciola è un’opera dal carattere decisamente militante che vuole mostrare le tracce lasciate, soprattutto nei territori settentrionali della penisola, da popolazioni di origine celtica e germanica. Si tratta quindi di un testo particolarmente importante per favorire la ricostituzione di una coscienza identitaria dei popoli padani. Infatti la classe dirigente italiana, soprattutto nell’ultimo mezzo secolo, ha utilizzato massicci flussi migratori di meridionali e di extracomunitari con l’intento di sottoporre la Padania a un processo di denordizzazione che rischia di cancellarne per sempre l’identità etnica.

In una vera e propria controstoria dell’Italia etnica, Ciola col suo libro indica la via della liberazione dai tabù e dai pregiudizi che vengono inculcati dalla cultura di regime, particolarmente insistente nel contesto del mondialismo.

A partire dal secondo millennio a.C. si verifica l’irruzione nella penisola italica di genti ariane che segneranno in modo indelebile le culture del territorio, sebbene a macchia di leopardo, come Ciola mostra nel suo libro. La differenza più evidente fra i nuovi venuti e le popolazioni preesistenti è nel fatto che gli Indoeuropei si caratterizzavano per i culti solari e patriarcali, mentre gli autoctoni celebravano culti matriarcali riferiti alla Madre Terra. Gli Etruschi sono probabilmente gli eredi dei culti matriarcali, anche se la civiltà etrusca fu di gran lunga la più avanzata fra quelle italiche delle origini, e assorbì elementi culturali di civiltà indoeuropee, soprattutto di quella greca.

L’espansione etrusca nella pianura padana venne subito fermata dai Celti che si affermarono in tutta la zona lasciando un vasto patrimonio di toponimi nonché di parole che sono arrivate fino all’italiano moderno. Ciola elenca in tavole apposite una lunga serie di lemmi di origine celtica, di cui i dialetti padani sono letteralmente infarciti. Proprio per cancellare queste tracce di cultura nordica la classe dirigente italiana ha sempre cercato di oscurare le culture dialettali, soprattutto settentrionali, sia col regime liberale, sia con quello fascista, soprattutto con quello democristiano, e ancora di più con l’attuale sistema mondialista. Assai più ampia tolleranza, invece, è stata mostrata verso i dialetti meridionali…

La parte nord-orientale della penisola era abitata dai Veneti, popolazione di origine indoeuropea che l’autore ritiene ascrivibile anch’essa all’ethnos celtico. Si tratta di una questione storiografica ancora dibattuta, sulla quale Ciola propone numerosi spunti di approfondimento.

Molte feste popolari sono chiaramente ispirate alle feste solstiziali celebrate dai Celti, e talune sono state cristianizzate, come la festa della Candelora, che originariamente era la festa della dea celtica Brigit.

Purtroppo in Italia è sempre esistito un malanimo anticeltico che risale ai tempi dei Romani e che si è perpetuato nel Risorgimento e nel fascismo, che hanno cercato di inculcare l’idea di un’Italia “schiava di Roma”: un dogma che ancora oggi viene propagandato dai governi italiani, con l’aggravante del mondialismo, di cui la classe politica è totalmente succube.

Un altro momento importante per la formazione delle identità etniche italiane è l’arrivo dei Germani col crollo dell’Impero Romano. L’invasione dei “Barbari” rappresenta un significativo apporto di sangue nordico nella penisola: i Germani si caratterizzavano per un solido senso della stirpe e per una più accentuata divisione in caste della società. Tuttavia nessuna tribù germanica riuscì a dare un assetto stabile al territorio, aprendo la strada alla riconquista bizantina e alla formazione del territorio pontificio.

L’invasione longobarda fu l’ultima occasione di instaurare un regno “nordico” in Italia. La questione, com’è noto, fu ampiamente dibattuta al tempo del Risorgimento, suscitando l’interesse anche di personalità importanti come Alessandro Manzoni. Sta di fatto che la strenua resistenza bizantina, la diplomazia papale e l’intromissione dei Franchi resero impossibile ai Longobardi la conquista dell’Italia.

Tuttavia l’apporto culturale longobardo ha lasciato tracce significative in numerosi vocaboli, nei toponimi, nonché nelle caratteristiche razziali soprattutto nel Nord Italia e in Toscana.

La diffusione dei Longobardi in Toscana ha dato origine anche a particolari teorie sul Rinascimento. Lo studioso tedesco Ludwig Woltmann sosteneva che il Rinascimento, che ebbe in Toscana la sua sede privilegiata, era un fenomeno essenzialmente nordico: un’aspirazione alla libertà e alla curiosità intellettuale che è molto meno sentita nelle culture mediterranee. In effetti l’arte toscana di quell’epoca presenta caratteri assai poco meridionali: simbolo del Rinascimento fiorentino sono le Grazie e la Venere del Botticelli, che hanno un aspetto decisamente ariano!

L’ultima parte del libro passa in rassegna tutte le regioni italiane delineandone la composizione etnica che è chiaramente celtico-germanica al Nord, con un consistente apporto celtico nelle Marche e con influenze umbre che, secondo Ciola, sono da far risalire a elementi proto-celtici. L’elemento etrusco è diffuso al Centro, ma in Toscana è frammisto a una consistente presenza longobarda. Nel Sud, invece, nonostante alcuni insediamenti longobardi e normanni, durarono a lungo le occupazioni musulmane, e ancor oggi prevalgono elementi di origine meridionale e levantina che determinano le tipiche caratteristiche psicorazziali della popolazione locale.

Il saggio di Ciola è opera di notevole erudizione, ricca di indicazioni che possono essere utili anche in ambito accademico, ma soprattutto è un invito a non dimenticare i valori delle culture nordiche che hanno segnato per tanti secoli la nostra civiltà: la sete di libertà, l’aspirazione alla giustizia, la fedeltà alla parola data, il coraggio, il senso dell’onore…

Si tratta di espressioni che rischiano di scomparire dal vocabolario, in un contesto come quello del mondialismo, dove dominano la menzogna, l’inganno, la truffa, il doppio gioco: gli ingredienti della società multicriminale.

Noi, Celti e Longobardi è un libro che ha il sapore di una boccata di aria fresca nell’ambiente asfittico della cultura ufficiale, e ha potenzialità dirompenti per la mentalità dominante, bigotta e conformista al di là di ogni ragionevole immaginazione.

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Gualtiero Ciola, Noi, Celti e Longobardi, Edizioni Helvetia, Spinea (VE) 2008, pp.416, € 27,00.