El Eterno Retorno no es solo la vida en los ciclos cósmicos. Este es precisamente el deseo del hombre de volver al "tiempo": el tiempo radial del alma, que pasa a través de los anillos del tiempo y se dirige hacia la imagen de la Eternidad.
Se presta especial atención a los problemas de la relación de los sexos en la obra literaria, el equilibrio entre el hombre y la mujer, el peculiar simbolismo matrimonial de Eliade, claramente manifestado en su obra literaria, también se refiere al principio característico de la tercera función según Dumézil: la relación entre los sexos y "estar en la boda".
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Gianfranco de Turris
Julius Evola: The Philosopher and Magician in War: 1943–1945
Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 2020
This English translation of Gianfranco de Turris’s Julius Evola: Un filosofo in guerra 1943–1945 has come along at just the right time, for it shows us how a great man coped both with societal collapse and with personal tragedy. As the title implies, the book focuses on Evola’s activities during the last two years of the Second World War. However, de Turris goes considerably beyond that time frame, dealing with much that happened to Evola after the war, up until about 1950.
De Turris’s main objectives in this work are to solve a number of mysteries about Evola’s activities at the end of the war, and in the post-war years, and to respond to the philosopher’s critics. Because, until now, so little has been known about these years in Evola’s life, they have been the object of a great deal of speculation, especially on the part of hostile, Left-wing writers. De Turris has uncovered fascinating new information about Evola’s activities and provided definitive answers to a great many lingering questions.
The book begins with an episode that will doubtless be the focus of most critical reviews: Evola’s journey to Hitler’s headquarters in August–September 1943. As the war dragged on, public opinion in Italy had begun to turn against Mussolini, especially after Rome was bombed by the Allies for the first time on the 19th of July. Several members of the government had turned against Mussolini, and the Duce felt compelled to summon the Fascist Grand Council for the first time since the beginning of the war. This turned out to be a mistake, for it passed a motion of no confidence in Mussolini, effectively giving King Victor Emmanuel the power to dismiss him. Mussolini, however, behaved as if nothing of significance had occurred. He appeared for an audience at the royal palace the next day, prepared to brief the King on recent events. Instead, the King had Mussolini arrested and imprisoned in a hotel atop Gran Sasso mountain, the highest peak in the Apennines.
The story of Mussolini’s daring rescue (on the 12th of September) by German commandos flying gliders, led by the legendary Otto Skorzeny, is one of the most famous episodes of the war. Mussolini was immediately flown to Munich and then to Hitler’s HQ (“Wolf’s Lair”) in East Prussia. When he arrived on the 14th of September, Julius Evola had already been there for several days. The philosopher was part of a delegation chosen by the Germans to help advise them on what course to take in Italy. The delegation also included the Duce’s son, Vittorio.
Their journey from Italy was undertaken at considerable risk. The plane carrying Evola narrowly escaped interception by Allied aircraft. On the ground, Evola and others were disguised for part of their journey in Waffen SS caps and coats. Once the philosopher had arrived at Wolf’s Lair, he and the other members of the delegation were received by Joachim von Ribbentrop who communicated to them Hitler’s wish that “the Fascists who remained faithful to their belief and to the Duce were to immediately initiate an appeal to the Italian people announcing the constitution of a counter-government that confirmed loyalty to the Axis according to the commitment first declared and then not maintained by the King” (quoting Evola’s account, p. 20).
Believe it or not, this is one of the less interesting parts of de Turris’s book. Far more interesting is what happens to Evola later. Those already familiar with the details of Evola’s life will know what is coming: his flight from Rome, his injury in Vienna, and his long recovery in the years immediately following the war. This part of the book is more interesting not just because it fills in many blanks in Evola’s biography, but because it reveals a more “human” side to the philosopher. I apologize if this seems a somewhat maudlin way to speak of a man like Evola, but I can think of no alternative.
Those who have read Evola extensively know that the philosopher can often seem as remote as the peaks he climbed in his youth. In de Turris’s account, however, we find an Evola who is initially depressed and dispirited by the outcome of the war, and by his injury. He struggles to make sense out of why these things have occurred, and he struggles to define what his mission must be in the post-war situation. Eventually, he emerges triumphant, but it is instructive to see not only how he overcomes his struggles, but that he struggles. In facing our current situation, in which the Western world (especially the US) seems to be falling down around our ears, Evola’s example gives us strength. We see that even Evola, even this “differentiated type” (to use his terminology) had to struggle with adversity — but that he overcame.
On June 4, 1944, the Allies captured Rome. One of the first things their agents did, just hours after entering the city, was to pay Julius Evola a call. Allied intelligence had learned that Evola’s name was on a list of intended agents of a German-led “Post-Occupational Network” for espionage and sabotage (his codename was “Maria”). They showed up at Evola’s apartment, no doubt with the intention of arresting and interrogating him. However, Evola’s elderly mother detained them at the entrance, while the philosopher slipped unnoticed out a side door. The one thing he took with him was a suitcase containing the materials that would eventually become the three-volume Introduction to Magic (Introduzione alla magia).
Evola then embarked on a long and arduous journey. On foot, he made his way out of the city and located the retreating German troops. They gave him shelter, and eventually, he wound up in Vienna, where he lived under an assumed name. Exactly why Evola headed for Vienna has been something of a mystery, and de Turris spends a good deal of time on it. Incredibly, it appears that Evola went to Vienna to undertake research on Freemasonry at the request of the SD (Sicherheitsdienst; the “Security Service” of the SS)! The SD’s “Office VII” had been engaged in Freemasonic studies, and they were not going to interrupt it for a small thing like the apocalypse.
Evola later told an associate that the SD had assigned him the task of “a purification work and ‘return to the origin’ of the Freemasonic rituals found during the war by the German troops in various countries” (p. 158). Evola was not sure exactly why the SD was interested in this. Had they sent him in search of the Ark of the Covenant, it would hardly be more surprising. In case it is not obvious what Freemasonry had to be “purified” of, Evola actually makes this clear in his autobiography The Path of Cinnabar (Il cammino del cinabro): “[Freemasonry] initially had an initiatic character but later, in parallel with its politicization, had moved to obey and subject itself to anti-traditional influences. The final outcome was to act out the part as one of the main secret forces of world subversion, even before the French Revolution, and then in general solidarity with the revolution of the Third State [sic]” (quoted in de Turris, p. 159; The translator means “Third Estate,” which, in the French Ancien Régime, was made up of the peasants and bourgeoisie).
On January 21, 1945, Evola decided to take a walk through the streets of Vienna during an aerial bombardment by the Americans (and not the Soviets, as has been erroneously claimed). While he was in the vicinity of Schwarzenbergplatz, a bomb fell nearby, throwing Evola several feet and knocking him unconscious. He was found and taken to a military hospital. When the philosopher awoke hours later, the first thing he did was to ask what had become of his monocle. Once the doctors had finished looking him over, the news was not good. Evola was found to have a contusion of the spinal cord which left him with complete paralysis from the waist down. As Mircea Eliade notoriously said, the injury was roughly at the level of “the third chakra.” It resulted in Evola being categorized as a “100-percent war invalid,” which afforded him the small pension he received for the rest of his life.
Why did Evola go for a walk during a bombing raid? Eliade erroneously claimed that Evola “went to fight on the barricades against the Soviet Russian advance on Vienna” (p. 128). Evola provides an answer himself, in a hitherto unpublished letter to the wife of the Austrian conservative philosopher Othmar Spann:
. . . I would always challenge destiny, so to speak. And from here originate my acts of folly on the glaciers and mountains: hence the principle of my not caring or having any concern about the aerial bombardments. And the same goes for when I was in Vienna when the situation had exacerbated to the point of severe danger. . . . In the end I was caught by a carpet bombing in Schwarzenberg. [p. 125]
But when Evola went out walking that fateful day, he had expected that his destiny would be either to live or to die. He was not expecting that he might be destined to live out the rest of his days as a cripple. This turn of events seems to have utterly perplexed the philosopher, and he struggled to make sense of why this had happened to him, and at that point in his life. Matters were complicated by Evola’s belief, stated years later in The Path of Cinnabar, that “there is no significant event in existence that was not wanted by us before birth” (quoted in de Turris, p. 169).
In the same letter to Erika Spann, Evola writes: “What is not clear to me is the purpose of the whole thing: I had in fact the idea — the belief if you want to call it, naïve — that one either dies or reawakens. The meaning of what has happened to me is one of confusion: neither one nor the other motive” (p. 170). De Turris refers to the “incomprehension and disillusionment” Evola experienced “at the outcome and aftermath of the war” (p. 54). The philosopher had been struggling to understand the cataclysm that had engulfed Europe and destroyed Fascism and National Socialism, concerning which he had cautiously nurtured certain hopes. Now, additionally, he had to make sense of why fate had chosen to permanently cripple this Western kshatriya, this man of action. It is difficult to imagine the desolation and inner turmoil Evola had to endure in the years immediately following the war. Again quoting the letter to Frau Spann: “In this world today — in this world of ruins — I have nothing to do or look for. Even if tomorrow everything magically returns to its place, I would be here without a goal in life, empty. All the more so in this condition and in this clinic” (pp. 199-200).
Evola was eventually transferred to a hospital in Bad Ischl, where he received better treatment. De Turris offers a rather harrowing account of the various operations and therapies used to treat Evola, mostly without success. Despite his condition, while at Bad Ischl, Evola actually traveled to Budapest, where he remained for a couple of months before returning to Austria. Little is known about what Evola was doing in Budapest or who helped him get there (though we now know the address at which he was living). De Turris argues persuasively that Evola went there to be treated by the famous Hungarian neurologist, András Pető, who had some success in the treatment of paralysis using unconventional methods. Unfortunately, he was not able to help Evola.
From the beginning, Evola had entertained the possibility that his paralysis was “psychic” in nature. He was encouraged in this belief by René Guénon, with whom he continued to correspond from his hospital bed in Bad Ischl. Guénon wrote to him:
According to what you tell me, it would seem that what really prevents you from recovering is more of a psychic nature than physical; if this is so the only solution without doubt would be to provoke a contrary reaction that comes forth from your own self. . . . Besides, it isn’t at all impossible that something might have taken advantage of the opportunity provided by the lesion to act against you; but it’s not at all clear by whom and why this may have occurred. [p. 148]
In fact, there does seem to be something mysterious about Evola’s condition. In 1952, he was visited in his apartment by several associates, including the anthroposophists Massimo Scaligero and Giovanni Colazza. During this visit, the men saw Evola move his legs – something that, given his paralysis, should have been completely impossible. After leaving Evola’s presence, they were naturally eager to discuss this. It was reported that Colazza said to Scaligero, “Of course he could! But he doesn’t! He does not want to do it” (p. 197).
Setting this mystery aside, Evola appears to have become reconciled to his condition by reminding himself that, after all, the body is but a temporary vehicle for the spirit. In a letter to a friend, he states that “in regard to my situation — even if I had to remain forever like this, which is not excluded — it spiritually does not signify anything more for me than if my car had a flat tire” (p. 168). Another friend, a Catholic priest, naïvely suggested that Evola travel to Lourdes in hopes of a miracle cure at the Sanctuary of our Lady. Evola responded with kindness and patience, saying, “I have already told you how little this thing means to me . . . The basic premise, which is that of an ardent desire for a healing, is first of all lacking. If grace were to be asked for, it would rather be to understand the spiritual meaning as to why this has happened — whether it remains this way or not; even more so, to understand the reason for my continuing to live” (pp. 168-69).
And, in time, Evola does seem to have come to some understanding of why fate had dealt him this hand, though he never made public these very personal reflections. On the eve of the philosopher’s return to Italy in August 1948, his doctor at Bad Ischl reported that “the general state of the patient has improved considerably in these last days, the initial depressions have become lighter, the irascibility and the problems of relationship with the nursing staff and patients have declined markedly” (p. 176). Indeed, one imagines that Evola was not an ideal patient. He wrote to Erika Spann of the “spirit-infested atmosphere of the diseases of these patients” (p. 193; italics in original).
What undoubtedly lifted Evola’s spirits is that he had at last defined what was to be his post-war mission. In The Path of Cinnabar, he writes that
The movement in the post-war period should have taken the form of a party and performed a function analogous to that which the Italian Social Movement [MSI] had conceived for itself, but with a more precise traditional orientation, belonging to the Right, without unilateral references to Fascism and with a precise discrimination between the positive aspects of Fascism and the negative ones. [Quoted in de Turris, p. 54]
Concerning this, de Turris comments that “all of his [post-war] publishing activities and book-writing projects were specifically oriented in this direction” (p. 54). In 1949, Evola began writing again, initially under the penname “Arthos.” He wrote in bed, in pencil, with a lap desk placed before him, or he used a typewriter, seated at his desk in front of the window. His French biographer, Jean-Paul Lippi, referred to him as “an immobile warrior.”
Around this time, Evola learned that he had become an idol of Right-wing youth in Italy. In September 1950, he addressed the National Youth Assembly of the MSI in Bologna. The inclusion of Evola seems to have been last-minute. The organizers heard that the philosopher was staying at a nearby hospital and paid him an impromptu visit. One of the men present offers this moving account of what happened next:
We introduced ourselves and invited him to attend the assembly. He made himself immediately available and expressed great interest. He asked us if he could have the time only to change and shave. I remember that in his haste he had a small cut on his cheek. We carried him in our arms and placed him in the German military truck. Upon entering the assembly hall he was warmly welcomed by our group and since Evola was unknown to me as a thinker, Enzo Erra introduced him as a heroic invalid of the Italian Social Republic. On stage, while I was supporting him, I noticed that he was pleasantly surprised and moved by the welcome of hundreds of young people. He silently fixed his attention and listened intently to the various interventions, and at the end of the proceedings we took him back to the hospital. It was at that moment that we had the idea of asking him to write a booklet that would be a guide, and that was how the Orientamenti was born. The next day we accompanied him to a small mountain hotel in the Apennines. [p. 207]
Julius Evola was back. Indeed, he wrote some of his most important books in the post-war years: Men Among the Ruins, The Metaphysics of Sex, Ride the Tiger, The Path of Cinnabar, Meditations on the Peaks, and others. Arguably, he enjoyed far more influence after the war than he ever did before. Disturbed by his influence on the youth, Italian authorities arrested Evola in May 1951 and put him on trial for “glorifying Fascism.” He was acquitted — something that would be unimaginable in today’s world, given its unironic concern with “social justice.”
This book is required reading for admirers of Evola, and students of traditionalism generally. It should also be read by Leftist critics of Evola — though it will not be, or, if it is, the contents will be distorted and misrepresented. You see, de Turris does almost too thorough a job of demolishing Evola’s detractors. One wishes, in fact, that he had spent a little less time jousting with these people, as they all come off as dishonest lightweights. Still, I suppose it is necessary. And “jousting” is an appropriate term, as de Turris’s defense of his mentor is gallant and virile in the best tradition of the “aristocrats of the soul.” He has learned from a master, and in his voice we sometimes hear an echo of Evola’s own. De Turris is well-qualified to tell Evola’s story: he knew the philosopher personally, and is the executor of his estate.
Among the fine features of this volume are two interesting appendices. The first consists of illustrations, some of which are fascinating. One is a reproduction of the top of a cigar box signed by the men present at Wolf’s Lair, including Evola, Vittorio Mussolini, and others. The second appendix consists of hitherto-unpublished translations of several articles Evola wrote in 1943 for La Stampa, the daily newspaper in Turin. I will close with a quote from one of these, which is not only prescient, given Evola’s fate after 1943, but also particularly relevant to the situation in which we now find ourselves:
From one day to another, and even from one hour to another, an individual can lose his home to a bombardment: that which has been loved the most and to which one was most attached, the very object of one’s most spontaneous feelings. . . . It has become blatantly clear . . . as a living fact accompanied with a feeling of liberation: all that is destructive and tragic can have value to inspire. This is not about sensitivity or badly understood Stoicism. Quite the contrary: it is a question of knowing and nurturing a sense of detachment from oneself, people, and things, which should instill calm, unparalleled security, and even . . . indomitability. . . . A radical breakdown of the “bourgeois” that exists in every person is possible in these devastating times. . . . [To] make once more essential and important what should always be in a normal existence: the relationship between life and more than life . . . During these hours of trials and tribulations the discovery of the path, where these values are positively experienced and translated into pure strength for as many people as possible, is undoubtedly one of the main tasks of the political-spiritual elite of our nation. [pp. 261–62]
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Le grand précurseur et initiateur de l'école traditionaliste fut René Guénon (1886-1951). Celui-ci fit remonter l'origine de ce qu'il appelait la déviation moderne à la fin du Moyen-Age et au début de la Renaissance, cette grande irruption de la sécularisation qui vit le nominalisme l'emporter sur le réalisme, l'individualisme (ou l'humanisme) remplacer l'universalisme, et l'empirisme bannir la scolastique. Une partie importante de l'œuvre de Guénon fut donc constituée par sa critique du monde moderne d'un point de vue implacablement “platonicien” ou métaphysique. Ceci fut pleinement développé dans ses deux remarquables ouvrages 
Le soleil se leva pour l'école traditionaliste avec l'apparition de l'œuvre de Frithjof 
Nous pouvons à présent revenir à Titus Burckhardt. Bien qu'il ait vu le jour à Florence, Burckhardt était issu d'une famille patricienne de Bâle. Il était le petit-neveu du célèbre historien de l'art Jacob Burckhardt et le fils du sculpteur Carl Burckhardt. Titus Burckhardt était d'un an le cadet de Frithjof Schuon, et ils passèrent ensemble à Bâle leurs premières années d'école à l'époque de la première guerre mondiale. Ce fut le début d'une amitié intime et d'une union intellectuelle et spirituelle profondément harmonieuse qui devait durer toute une vie.
Dans le domaine de l'art, le principal ouvrage de Burckhardt fut son livre 
C'est pendant les années passées chez les Editions Urs Graf que Burckhardt présida à la publication de la collection "Hauts lieux de l'Esprit" (
L'un des chefs d'oeuvre de Burckhardt est sans aucun doute son livre 
René Guénon est naturellement le premier nom traditionaliste à atteindre la Turquie. Le plus ancien document portant son nom remonte à 1938, dans l'intitulé d'un article de journal affirmant: «René Guénon, le philosophe français perdu depuis sept ans a finalement été retrouvé à la célèbre université Al-Azhar au Caire. Tout le monde à Paris est étonné par l’aventure étrange et curieuse du philosophe. » Cependant, cet article s'avère peu pertinent. Les œuvres intellectuelles de Guénon n'atteindront les intellectuels turcs qu'au début des années 80. Cela a commencé par la publication de petits articles dans un magazine conservateur appelé «Résurrection», appartenant à un parti islamo-conservateur qui a ensuite été fermé pour avoir refusé de participer aux élections trois fois d'affilée. À la suite de cette introduction, la traduction de ses livres a été entamé par Nabi Avcı, chroniqueur aux journaux Yeni Şafak, conseiller principal du Premier ministre Erdogan en 2003, ministre de l'Éducation nationale entre 2013-2016, puis ministre de la Culture et Tourisme jusqu'en 2017. Nous constatons déjà que des universitaires et intellectuels particulièrement bien placés ont tenté d'être les «précurseurs» du Traditionalisme en Turquie.
En tout cas il y a une argumentation parfaitement bien menée et une vraie réponse à la question posée. Nous sommes loin d'un Islam irrationnel tel que notre Pape émérite Benoît l'a dénoncé assez raisonnablement dans son fameux discours de Ratisbonne (Regensburg). Il était dans le juste, mais parce que c'est cet Islam là qui domine et fait des ravages. Je m'approche pour donner envie de lire ce livre mais il faut suivre l'enchaînement des chapitres et le discursif au sein de chaque chapitre, même si, comme mystique, ce soufi se base sur une expérience qui dépasse le discursif, il en tire justement le meilleur au delà du meilleur de toute philosophie qui n'irait pas jusqu'à la mystique. 
Je dois revenir face à la contradiction qui m'a été faite sur le cas du mystique soufi Hallàdjj dans ce tournant du Xème. A noter puisque cela m'a été dit qu'il a été condamné aussi par des autorités libellées soufies ce qui porte au comble de la confusion sans explications précises. Nous sommes en cette année 922. Il a été crucifié et décapité ensuite, c'est dire tout de même dans cette mise à mort l'importance de la symbolique, comme chez nos révolutionnaires français. Je continue donc à penser qu'il a bien été sacrifié non comme un cas isolé d'un mystique délirant mais parce que nous sommes dans une période de tournant de l'Islam où il s'écarte de son ésotérisme tout à fait comme on le fait aussi en occident dans le Moyen Age chrétien... La doctrine de l'unité de l'existence a des relents panthéistes que la théologie musulmane ne pourra admettre.
René Guénon is naturally the first Traditionalist name to reach Turkey. The oldest document bearing his name dates back to 1938, in the heading of a newspaper article stating : « René Guénon, the French philosopher who was lost for seven years has been finally found at the famous Al-Azhar University in Cairo. Everyone in Paris is astonished by the philosopher’s weird and curious adventure. » However, this article proves irrevelant. The intellectual works of Guénon will only reach Turkish intellectuals at the beginning of the 80’s. It began with small articles being published on a conservative magazine called ‘Ressurection’, belonging to an islamo-conservative party that was later closed down for refusing to participate in elections thrice in a row. Following this introduction, the translation of his books were lead off by Nabi Avcı, who was a column writer at Yeni Şafak newsapapers, the chief advisor of Prime Minister Erdogan in 2003, the Minister of National Education between 2013-2016 and then the Minister of Culture and Tourism until 2017. We already notice that peculiarly high placed academicians and intellectuals have tried to be the ‘precursors’ of Traditionalism in Turkey.
An increased effort can also be noticed in introducing the school of thought to the younger generation. GZT ( the youth section of the Yeni Şafak newspaper we had pointed out earlier, a conservative daily newspaper known for its hardline support of president Erdogan, having close relations with the AKP regime and frequently accused of using excessive hate speech and anti-semitism) has written a thorough and well-researched article about Traditionalism aimed at the younger generation, and has even made a 20 minute YouTube video explaining the legacy of Guénon. This ‘youth gazette’ which, along with Yeni Şafak, belongs to Albayrak Holding, a billion-dollar conglomerate involved in telecommunication, real estate, engine production, textile and paper, has also organised a live stream with Ibrahim Kalin ( the current chief advisor of president Erdogan ) where he harshly criticised modernity and recommanded the young Turkish populations to read Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s ‘Man and Nature’. New articles about Traditionalist writers appear very frequently in youth magazines of many universities ranging from Istanbul to Erzurum. We can therefore observe that, unlike in Europe where it appears as a dissident current, Traditionalism in Turkey can be found intertwined in the ruling class, the place you would least expect it.
Let us not omit the opposition as well. The strongest opposition to Guénon came from Zübeyir Yetik ( from Erbakan’s Milli Görüş) who consecrated a whole book on critisizing Guénon’s esoteric and ‘suprareligious’ positions, called “Man’s supremacy and Guenonian esoterism”.
We can easily take notice of the growing attention towards Traditionalism, particularly with arrival of Ernst Jünger on Turkish shelves. Jünger is the most recent thinker who has entered this ongoing ‘intellectual renaissance’ and oddly enough, the first translated book was ‘Gläserne Bienen’ (Glass Bees) in 2019, followed by ‘In Stahlgewittern’ (Storms of Steel) later that year. Thus, it took 99 years for Ernst Jünger to reach a Turkish audience. We can therefore conclude that, Traditionalism is still settling and creating significant intellectual changes in different parts of the world, each in independent contexts and Turkey, is only recently but thoroughly embracing this perennial worldview.
By now, even the most docile Gutmensch citizens of the West are turning to the online world of social and alternative media when they need substantial information about real-world events and developments. In the Netherlands, even the ‘hardcore’ readership of the governing VVD party’s
The only serious discursive push-back against the MSM’s globalist Brave New World narrative comes from the New Right (French: Nouvelle Droite, German: Neue Rechte, Dutch: Nieuw Rechts). The New Right is a meta-political project of revolutionary counter-deconstruction, consisting of a loose agglomerate of dissident thinkers, speakers, writers and activists ever since the founding of the French think tank GRECE (Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne, ‘European Civilization Research and Study Group’) on 17 January 1969. The New Right bases itself on the political-philosophical work of French thinkers such as Alain de Benoist, Guillaume Faye and Dominique Venner and is internationally supported by famous publicists such as Anthony Burgess, Mircea Eliade and Arthur Koestler.
(1) Widespread popular mistrust of the MSM can be exploited by the establishment of reliable - i.e. objective, non-factionalist - alternative media outlets. These would need to provide up-to-date news and rapid analyses as well as in-depth research journalism and wide-spectrum opinion pieces. These would need to adhere to the principle of cross-party solidarity for the sake of a ‘minimum program’ set of common goals such as anti-globalism, anti-liberalism, ethno-national self-determination and culture conservation. Within these parameters, the principle of total freedom of expression would have to be respected concerning all major divisive issues within the New Right: ‘JQ’, ‘Islam’, ‘alt-sexuality’, ‘climate’, ‘free market’, etc.
In the mid-‘10s, a new ethno-nationalist movement arose across the Western world: the so-called ‘Alt-Right’ started appearing besides - and replacing - the growing civic-nationalist ‘populist’ movement: together, these movements caused several significant anti-globalist phenomena - ‘Brexit’ in the UK, ‘Trump’ in the US, ‘Lega’ in Italy and ‘FvD’ in the Netherlands. The ‘Alt-Right’ movement focused on metapolitical mobilization, asymmetric ‘memetic’ warfare and digital anti-MSM guerrilla tactics - it deliberately stayed away from institutional politics. The ‘Alt-Right’ wave was effective but short-lived: it was stopped by the hostile elite’s well-coordinated counter-strategy of ‘doxxing’ (character assassination, employer pressure), digital censorship (‘deplatforming’, ‘shadow bans’) and violent intimidation (‘antifa’, ‘home searches’). Its formal end is marked by ‘Charlottesville’, i.e. the sabotage, through infiltration and provocation, of the ‘Unite the Right’ rally in August 2017. The short-lived ‘Alt-Right’ movement, which owed its impetus to the autodidactic and digitally proficient ‘post-MSM’ generation, provided a much-needed boost to the older New Right movement that it became part of - it provided new faces, new ideas and new abilities. One new face widely. but not entirely correctly, associated with the ‘Alt-Right’ was that of Irish-Canadian podcaster Stefan Molyneux, who ran - and still runs - the independent media channel Freedomain Radio. The ‘extreme right’ and ‘white nationalist’ frame to which he has been assigned by the MSM - including the Great Soviet Encyclopaedia-style outfit ‘Wikipedia’ - is so self-evidently ridiculous that it is almost laughable: Stefan Molyneux is a (semi-)anarcho-libertarian philosopher whose online shows focus on men’s rights promotion, anti-feminist social critique, psychotherapy and philosophical analyses of current affairs. His intelligent, sincere and eloquent approach of various substantive issues in breach of political correctness, including the ‘controversial’ links between race and IQ, feminism and mass-immigration, welfare dependence and matriarchal social conditioning, apparently caused so much unease within the MSM that they have banished Molyneux to one-size-fits-all Devil’s Island of the ‘extreme right’. Of course, this idealistic Papillon is not exactly ‘at home’ in ‘extreme right’ exile. In fact, in the New Right - particularly among its impatient ‘young guards’ - Molyneux’ idealistic (cooperative-pacifist) ethics and naive (anarcho-libertarian) ideology are regarded with some suspicion. But the New Right would do well to pay attention to what Molyneux has to say: as a serious thinker and an amusing debater he deserves not only the benefit of the doubt but also the courteous consideration that was once part and parcel of Anglo-Saxon sportsmanship in the public arena. The author contends that the New Right owes Molyneux a debt of gratitude.
In the early and mid-‘10s, many young Westerners owed their ‘red pill’ moment to Stefan Molyneux: their online discovery of his systematic deconstruction of liberal-left political correctness allowed them to break out of the perceptive straightjacket that they were being squeezed into by parents, schools and MSM. Many of them may look back at that moment as no more than a ‘stepping stone’, but, with hindsight, it may very well be that that particular moment was much more than just a developmental ‘stage’ - it may have been a crucial turning point in the collective Weltanschauung revolution of a whole generation. It was the moment that many young Westerners freed themselves from their deeply internalized psycho-social conditioning through Molyneux simple recipe: sustained thinking, consistent truthfulness and ruthless self-examination. This combination is resurrecting the true direction of an old but much-misunderstood discipline: above all else, philo-sophy is the ‘love of wisdom’. It is possible to point out many gaps and shortcomings in Stefan Molyneux’ philo-sophy (e.g. his emotive appeals to ethical philosophy and his - typically Anglo-Saxon - neglect of transcendental philosophy), but he should not be denied praise for his authentically philo-sophical dissection of the psycho-social conditioning of contemporary Western ‘counter-culture’. At the core of Molyneux’ approach, sustained throughout his enormous and omnivorous oeuvre over decades, is the search for awareness - consciousness at the personal level above all. He operationalizes this approach by deep-digging analyses of the poisonous (cultural-marxist) ideological roots of the devolutionary conditioning of Western children. He points to the psycho-historical origins and psycho-social dynamics of contemporary Western society - a society that heavy-weight cultural-historical critiques, such as those of Peter Sloterdijk and Pim Fortuyn, have called ‘orphaned’ and ‘fatherless’. Molyneux points out the many negative but unnamed effects of ‘social progress’ and ‘individual freedom’: the anti-civilizational effects of hyper-feminism (activist anti-hierarchy, hedonist anti-rationalism, sadomasochist narcissism), the neo-slavery effects of totalitarian state control (fiscal exploitation of productive white males to subsidize ‘single mothers’ and ‘ethnic diversity’), the all-levelling ‘idiocracy’ that results from the ‘dictatorship of the feminist-multiculturalist proletariat’ and the cultural-marxist ‘permanent revolution’ against everything that retains a trace of masculine honour, white identity and Western civilization.
Even if Molyneux’ analyses focus on the inner sphere of Western civilization, they are still relevant to the New Right as the guardian of its outer sphere: every individual human guardian originates in the inner sphere - it is there that he is raised, motivated and equipped for his task. To the extent that the guardian lacks in character, motivation and equipment he is forced to account for the failings of the inner sphere: he is forced to become aware of the reasons for these failings. In the contemporary West, these failings are profound and elementary: they stem from an existential crisis. The contemporary West suffers from nothing less than an identity crisis, as evidenced by a simultaneous failure of bio-evolutionary continuity (the biological group - race, nation, lineage) and cultural transmission (the cultural forms, norms and values attached to the biological group). It is exactly at this point that Molyneux’ analyses are of great value to the New Right: he consistently traces the collective identity crisis of the West - failing parenthood and failing education at the individual level. It is exactly here that the globalist hostile elite is most guilty of deliberate maliciousness: the subtle combination of socio-economic manipulation, psycho-social deconstruction and anti-identitarian ‘diversity’ that it is forcing upon the Western peoples cause Western parenting and education to fail. Thus, the argument returns to what was said earlier on: nowhere is the inhuman hostility of the globalist elite towards the Western peoples more in evidence than in its insidious and cowardly attack on its most precious and most vulnerable group: the children of the West.
Quantitatively by the judicial outlaw status of traditional family structures and marriage contracts through the legalization, even the encouragement, of what any sane person would immediately recognize as irresponsible, even obscene, ‘freedoms’: ‘free partner choice’, ‘no-fault divorce’, ‘same-sex marriage’, ‘artificial insemination’, ‘donor reproduction’ and ‘free-choice abortion’. In combination with the suppression of traditional social controls over pre-marital intercourse, extra-marital childbirth and free-choice single motherhood these ‘new freedoms’ were bound to result in nothing less than neo-matriarchal and neo-primitivist social implosion. The exponentially multiplying non-standard ‘new family’ forms – step-parenting, adoptive parenting, foster parenting, open family parenting - are mathematically certain to lead in one direction: child abuse.
After eighty years, De Kadt’s analysis has not lost its validity. The globalist hostile elite ruling the early 21st Century is combining the failures of fascism with the failures of the other two failed historical-materialist ideologies of the 20th Century: (communo-)socialism and (neo-)liberalism. The hostile elite ruling the contemporary West on behalf of the now openly totalitarian New World Order project of globalism has achieved a remarkable fusion between the lowest decay forms of each of these three ideologies: the all-levelling resentment of socialism, the low-life anti-intellectualism of fascism and the malicious ‘money mind’ of liberalism. The children of the West deserve a different future: they deserve to see the day that the rule of the globalist hostile elite ends - the day that its pathological ideas and its demonic practices are eradicated from the surface of the planet for once and for all. The time has come for them to break out into their New Freedom:
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Paul-Georges Sansonetti, faut-il le préciser, est un spécialiste des mythes et des symboles, titulaire d’un doctorat de lettres traitant de l’ésotérisme des romans arthuriens. Il a également écrit de nombreux articles et conférences, notamment dans l’excellente revue hélas disparue, « 
Le second, « Présence de la Tradition primordiale » (aux éditions Oeil du Sphinx), est un recueil de nombreux articles parus dans la défunte revue « Hyperborée ». Paul-Georges Sansonetti vient ici poser le doigt sur des œuvres que l’on pensait connaître, pour nous montrer toutes les traces que leurs auteurs y ont cachées plus ou moins volontairement. Nous revisitons ainsi des grands classiques. Tolkien bien sûr avec son « Seigneur des anneaux », mais aussi Howard Phillips Lovecraft, ou plus curieusement Alain Fournier et son « Grand Meaulnes ». Un grand chapitre est consacré à l’immense film de Stanley Kubrick « 2001, Odyssée de l’espace ». 
In the wake of the populist revolt against globalist tyranny, and its controversial tribunes like Trump, it’s time for a look at what can now be discerned as an equally new development, on the fringes of Western civilization, among what came to be known as “popular culture,” during the so-called pre- and post-war eras: a new kind of spiritual teacher or “guru,” one more interested in methods, techniques and results than in dogmas, institutions, or — especially — followers.
From this followed another error, “alienation from the ancestral tradition.” 
Existe una idea de elite que es amiga de Allah (swt), la cual para acceder a ese grado, a pasado por sucesivos estadíos, en los cuáles su elevación espiritual es variada. La elite compuesta por obviamente, los profetas, pero también otras categorías como los "Siddiqin" (los verídicos), los "Shuhada" (testigos o mártires) o los "Salihin" (hombres de bien).
Ibn Arabi de Murcia, llamado el "Shaykh Al Akbar" (el más grande los maestros), también hizo uso de la tinta para plasmar a través de sus textos sobre Caballería espiritual enseñanzas que provienen de una profunda raíz Abrahámica. En su libro, cada profeta realiza la Futuwah, de un modo que varía, sin embargo, muestran a través de sus actos su amistad con la Divinidad, su proximidad a Allah (swt).
In The Symbolism of Chess, which Titus Burckhardt (1908-1984) had published in the Spring 1969 issue of Studies in Comparative Religion, the Traditionalist School thinker shares with his readers an interesting viewpoint on the relationship between free will and destiny. 
Once states and empires began herding the masses beneath a single banner, many of those struggling to adapt to the game of life gradually discovered that the pieces on the chess board had already been set up on their behalf. In Burckhardt's example, a failure to conform with the rules has dire consequences and that also holds true for those who find themselves on the receiving end of the political establishment. The difference between his idea that spiritual liberty is attained by adhering to a primordial framework of truth, something that can be justified within that specific context, the very nature of the political system into which we are formally inducted at birth means that unless we retain the freedom to reject the game altogether our liberty remains non-existent. After all, I am perfectly sure that Burckhardt's competitor will have entered the tournament at his or her own discretion and yet from the very first move becomes subject to the parameters that have been carefully formulated by its architects.
We will surely remember 1994 better than 1984, which Orwell immortalised by writing his celebrated apocalyptic book predicting an ultra-totalitarian world in which we all would have been irredeemably crushed. We will not remember it solely for the political event of 27 March in Italy, but above all for the consequences that this “reversal” might (I insist on the conditional!) have in the cultural sphere. Whatever one may thing of the victory of Berlusconi and his allies, it has already had a first result: the organisation of a colloquium dedicated to the personality of Giovanni Gentile; it was held in Rome on 20 and 21 May 1994 on the initiative of the leftist municipal council (which does honour to the Italian left, as does the other colloquium it dedicated to Nietzsche). We remember he whom we always defined as the “philosopher of Fascism,” fifty years after his death, when he was assassinated by a commando of communist partisans in Florence on 15 April 1944. After having beaten a long and sinuous intellectual course, many post-Marxist philosophers, such as Colletti, Marramao and Cacciari, claimed him for an authentic figure of the left, at least in a decent part of his work.
La mission des êtres différenciés est triple : elle consiste d’abord à se protéger, à survivre pour faire repartir le nouveau cycle ; inutile de s’investir dans la mêlée ; laissons-les s’entretuer. Le deuxième volet de cette mission consiste à rassembler les bagages pour franchir le gué, c’est le sous-titre de mon livre : La Roue et le sablier ; cette mission consiste à réunir tout ce qui a fait la grandeur de l’Europe. Enfin, le troisième volet consiste, par notre seule présence et notre seule volonté, comme une sorte d’égrégore, à empêcher nos ennemis d’arrêter le mouvement de la roue et la naissance du nouveau cycle.
En su elaboración se han tocado, a nuestro parecer, todas las teclas que se debían de tocar: desde las bases socio-políticas en que deberá asentarse esa nueva Europa, que no soslaya cuál será su organización territorial-administrativa, pasando por la geoestrategia que deberá hacer propia, continuando por hasta cuál será la heráldica que deberá representarlo y acabando por tratar la que deberá ser su posición en el tema de la Trascendencia.
