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mardi, 21 décembre 2010

Der Winter träumt die Schönheit des Frühlings

snowy-mill-creek-winter.jpg

Der Winter träumt die Schönheit des Frühlings

Die Schönheit bleibt
in unverfälschter Tiefe des Seins
in deren ewigwährendem Strom
das ferne Licht glitzert,
und die lebende Kraft versucht
aus den Gefahren unbekannter Tiefen hervorzugehen
aus endloser Schöpfung oder blendendem Zwielicht,
lange Streifen von hellem Rosa, oder Hellblau
der Götter Himmelsstufen, zur sinkenden Sonne führend,
erneuertes Leben und erhabene Nächte
glühen auf des Mondlichtes Zauberwegen,
das Reich des Blutes verstehend
durch die sonnigen Gärten der neuen Morgendämmerung,
die Seele fängt Feuer
durch die lodernde Röte des himmlischen Meeres
bevor sich die Dunkelheit erhebt, um die Sonne auszulöschen
und unsere eilenden Gefühle neu belebt.
Gefrorene Gänseblümchen bleiben zum Träumen zurück,
in ihrem kalten Winterschlaf,
von goldenem Glitzern des morgendlichen Taus,
der Wiederkehr der Wärme, und des Frühlings.

Xenia Sunic

Herzlichen dank für Ihre inspirierte Übersetzung, Christian S.

Ex: http://autonomotpol.wordpress.com/

The original and related:

THE WINTER DREAM OF THE SPRING BEAUTY

00:15 Publié dans Littérature | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : littérature, lettres, poésie, croatie | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

dimanche, 19 décembre 2010

Les combats d'un Uhlan

Les combats d’un Uhlan

par Georges FELTIN-TRACOL

Ex: http://www.europemaxima.com/

uhlan.jpgLongtemps avant la glaciation de la liberté de pensée, les polémistes brillaient dans les journaux ou publiaient des pamphlets. Dorénavant, du fait de l’étroite surveillance des écrits dissidents et de la stérilisation marchande de la presse, les plumes les plus percutantes s’activent sur la Toile. C’est justement grâce à Internet que j’ai découvert André Waroch et ses articles explosifs. Je me félicite, aujourd’hui, que certains d’entre-eux constituent Les Larmes d’Europe.

Je m’attends que les articles d’André Waroch, Uhlan d’Europe Maxima, susciteront l’irritation, l’agacement, voire le mécontentement de ceux qui n’apprécient pas ses avis tranchés. Oui, Waroch ose – et sait – déplaire ! Je suis bien placé pour le savoir puisque je reçois régulièrement quelques courriels désobligeants volontiers dédaignés.

Les positions défendues par André Waroch sont loin d’être les miennes. Dès nos premiers échanges via Internet, je lui fis part de mes réticences, de mes divergences même, avec certaines de ses analyses. Pourquoi alors ai-je quand même accepté de le mettre en ligne (et de le préfacer) ? Tout simplement parce que je suis un homme libre, adversaire de tout dogmatisme et que je conçois, en outre, Europe Maxima comme un espace de confrontations intellectuelles, fussent-elles vives et polémiques. Il n’est pas anodin qu’on y lise en exergue sur la page d’accueil la belle citation de Dominique de Roux : Europe Maxima est le site où l’« on pourra s’exprimer avec la clarté de n’importe quelle pensée et de toute, à droite, à gauche, ailleurs, où l’on posera plus de questions qu’on n’en résoudra ». On a compris que j’exècre le conformisme ambiant, l’idéologie actuelle des « moutons de Panurge », le politiquement correct. Je partage souvent les dégoûts d’André Waroch envers notre hideuse société contemporaine.

Les Larmes d’Europe s’apparente donc à une Sturmgewehr indispensable aux combats métapolitiques. En dix articles, André Waroch esquisse sa vision du monde qu’il affine, rectifie et corrige par rapport à son premier ouvrage, France Terminus, un véritable abécédaire de la décadence (1). Il soutient que l’idéologie multiculturaliste marchande met désormais en péril l’homme européen. Conscient du risque d’extinction, Waroch s’y oppose de toutes ses forces à l’échéance et en appelle en un sursaut salvateur, d’où sa fougue et sa vindicte qu’il porte aux idoles médiatiques dominantes. En véritable tireur d’élite, il les vise et les abat d’un coup sûr. Au moment de l’affaire de mœurs de Frédéric Mitterrand, collatérale à l’affaire Polanski, Waroch se range immédiatement du côté des petites gens scandalisées par les multiples passe-droits que s’octroie une oligarchie vorace et sans foi. Il attaque aussi avec vigueur toute la clique de saltimbanques, d’acteurs de films abjects et de brailleurs de sons insanes qui encouragent les immigrés clandestins délinquants – les fameux « sans-papiers » – sans aller jusqu’à les héberger dans leurs cossus lofts du XVIe arrondissement, de Montmartre et du Lubéron ! Issu du peuple de France et vivant au quotidien les affres de la « cohabitation » multi-ethnique en banlieue francilienne, Waroch est bien plus habilité à traiter du terrible problème de l’immigration que tel ou tel footeux milliardaire ou chanteuse sans talent.

Outre le Neveu, André Waroch « flingue » magnifiquement Caroline Fourest qui, de Charlie Hebdo au Monde (soit d’une décadence l’autre !), symbolise à merveille l’idéal républicain hexagonal et les contradictions schizophréniques béantes de notre temps. Individualiste radicale et éclairée, Fourest promeut l’abolition de toutes les différences, de toutes les frontières, de tous les genres, bref, de toutes les spécificités essentielles qui donnent au monde sa complexité. Cette zélatrice de la théocratie totalitaire des droits de l’homme mérite pleinement d’être considérée comme la quintessence du « Quart-Monde de la pensée ».

Ces quelques convergences établies (il y en a d’autres !), je puis maintenant exposer mes différends avec notre chevau-léger. Je trouve par exemple que sa perception de l’islam est incomplète et maladroite. Un certain anti-islamisme en vigueur dans les milieux « identitaires » témoigne un aveuglement certain et d’une défaillance évidente de stratégie. Il est bien de contester les Quick hallal. Mais il aurait été plus judicieux de condamner l’existence même des fast foods en France et en Europe. On ne peut, à mon humble avis, refuser le tchador, le voile musulman ou la burqa quand on porte soi-même l’uniforme occidental qu’est le jean’s… Comme d’autres, plus ou moins inspirés, Waroch voit l’islam comme un vaste bloc, ignorant ou sous-estimant l’importance des tribus, des peuples, des États et des contentieux qu’ils engendrent. Les mahométans se réfèrent certes à l’Oumma comme les chrétiens se référaient jadis à la Chrétienté médiévale. On sait ce qu’est devenu l’œcumène euro-chrétien. Un même sort attend probablement l’Islam. André Waroch confond enfin islam et immigration. Or j’estime que le danger majeur pour le devenir des Européens reste le fait migratoire, l’islamisation indéniable du continent n’étant que l’effet immédiat de la « colonisation de l’Europe » contre quoi il faut se battre non pas en reprenant les thématiques de la Modernité laïque et décatie, mais en mettant en valeur nos principes d’enracinement, d’autochtonie et d’identité.

Les relations entre l’Europe et la Russie constituent un autre point d’achoppement. André Waroch est un russophile affirmé et voit, comme naguère Jean Cau dans son Discours de la décadence (2), dans la patrie de Poutine l’ultime recours des peuples autochtones d’Europe. Or il déclare aussi que la Russie et le monde orthodoxe forment une autre civilisation européenne, une civilisation jumelle mais distincte. Là encore, je reste dubitatif sur l’unité civilisationnelle de l’Orthodoxie. Moscou peut jouer de son nombre, mais il doit prendre en compte la susceptibilité des autres patriarcats dont ceux de Constantinople, d’Athènes, de Pec, de Bucarest ou, non reconnu, de Kiev. Par ailleurs, je persiste dans mon scepticisme au sujet d’une Russie, hypothétique sauveuse de l’Europe en déclin. Quand on consulte les essais de Jean-Robert Raviot (3), on constate que le Kremlin pourrait, un jour ou l’autre, se rallier à l’hyper-classe mondialiste. Qu’André Waroch se méfie des enthousiasmes à la fois géopolitistes et impolitiques !

Contre l’idéologie républicaine hexagonale, faut-il néanmoins revenir à une identité néo-gauloise ou celtique comme le souhaite Waroch le bien nommé ? Quand on retrace la généalogie de l’idée gauloise, on remarque qu’elle apparaît à la fin du XVIIIe siècle chez des nobles qui s’estimaient héritiers des conquérants francs sur les descendants des Gaulois. Si, malgré une très forte influence de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine, la Révolution ne s’inspire guère des Gaulois, ceux-ci retrouvent un regain d’intérêt sous le Second Empire d’un Napoléon III fasciné par Vercingétorix et le site possible d’Alésia, avant que la IIIe République en fasse quasiment ses maîtres tutélaires. Il s’agissait pour les républicains d’alors de se démarquer autant de Rome, matrice de la catholicité, que des Francs perçus comme trop germaniques : seuls les Gaulois montraient une compatibilité avec la laïcité, l’anticléricalisme et la « Revanche ». Certes, dans ces charmants lieux de convivialité, de « vivre-ensemble » et de fraternité que sont les « zones de non-droit », une population soi-disant « stigmatisée » et « victime du racisme institutionnel profond » n’hésite pas à qualifier les derniers Français de souche européenne de « Gaulois », de « Céfrans » ou  de « Fromage blanc »… Plutôt que de revenir à d’anciennes racines, il serait plus approprié de diffuser et de répandre une origine européenne commune, notre origine boréenne.

Rédigé au moment de la guerre de décembre 2008 – janvier 2009 entre le Hamas et Israël dans la Bande de Gaza, « Israël et la prophétie de Theodor Herzl » concerne l’interminable conflit israëlo-arabe. André Waroch n’a jamais caché son souhait d’une entente, voire d’une alliance, entre les « nationalistes » français et/ou européens et les sionistes (ou la communauté juive). Je crains qu’il fasse là fausse route. Je ne me définis pas comme nationaliste : le nationalisme procède de la Modernité et ne répond pas aux défis de notre époque fluide et mouvante. Waroch en est lui-même conscient puisqu’il observe le délitement irrémédiable de l’État-nation. Ensuite, on ne peut pas assimiler le sionisme au judaïsme et l’hostilité à Israël à de l’antisémitisme. Des juifs traditionalistes (Neturei Karta ou les Satmar) (4) dénient toute légitimité à l’État hébreux. A contrario, les sionistes les plus fanatiques se recrutent chez les fondamentalistes puritains étatsuniens qui n’en conservent pas moins une forte judéophobie. J’ai l’intime conviction qu’il existe – ou existera à terme – un accord tacite entre certaines franges de l’islam sunnite radical et Israël, car ils partagent la même haine de la civilisation européenne. Sur cette base négative minimale, Tel-Aviv entérinerait sa domination sur la Palestine et l’islam aurait le droit de conquérir notre Vieux Monde. Cela expliquerait pourquoi des groupes ultra-sionistes et les ligues de petite vertu n’ont jamais cessé de condamner tous les mouvements de résistance française et européenne, du raid sanglant au colloque du G.R.E.C.E. de décembre 1979 à l’attaque de la réunion – hommage à Saint-Loup en 1991 en passant par les condamnations judiciaires d’hommes politiques et historiens réfractaires au Diktat ambiant. En outre, comment peut-on être sioniste sur les rives du Jourdain et hostile au moindre patriotisme sur les berges de la Seine, du Tibre, de la Tamise ou de la Moskova ? C’est la raison pour laquelle le mot d’ordre « ni kippa, ni keffieh » reste d’actualité. Comme pour l’Europe, l’avenir du Proche-Orient ne passe ni par une fragmentation d’États minables, ni par le paradigme stato-national épuisé ou la solution fantaisiste d’une entité binationale. Seul, à mes yeux, un grand-espace régional s’étendant du Sinaï au sandjak perdu d’Alexandrette (Iskendenrun en turc) englobant le Liban, la Syrie, la Jordanie, la Palestine et Israël, résoudrait ce lancinant problème. On remarquera que cette vision s’inscrit dans la quête d’une troisième voie salutaire.

Or, dans son avant-propos, André Waroch se réclame du souverainisme européen. Ce serait une belle troisième voie au-delà d’une Europe des nations incapables de s’entendre sur l’essentiel, et de l’Europe de Bruxelles qui se singularise par une absence abyssale de volonté politique et une profusion de visages (présidences tournante semestrielle, du Conseil européen, de la Commission, de l’Euro-Groupe…) témoignant de leur impuissance congénitale. Il espère exposer ses idées sur ce point précis dans un prochain ouvrage et paraît pour l’instant en pleine recherche. Je puis lui annoncer dès à présent qu’il existe déjà une idée qui rejaillira tôt ou tard sous la pression d’événements terrifiants : c’est la notion traditionnelle, anti-moderne et post-moderne d’Empire ! Allez, Cher André Waroch, encore des efforts pour devenir un héraut gibelin, un Français d’Europe et un Gaulois d’Empire ! N’oubliez pas que « la vraie source des larmes n’est pas la tristesse, mais la grandeur (5) ». Il importera après, une fois ses larmes séchées, que l’Europe – notre Europe des peuples autochtones – s’arme.

Georges Feltin-Tracol

Notes

1 : André Waroch, France Terminus, 2008, 64 p., format Word. Ouvrage seulement consultable sur demande gratuite à Europe Maxima.

2 : Jean Cau, Discours de la décadence, Copernic, 1978.

3 : Jean-Robert Raviot, Qui dirige la Russie ?, Lignes-de-Repères, 2007, et Démocratie à la russe. Pouvoir et contre-pouvoir en Russie, Ellipses, 2008.

4 : Issus d’une scission en 1938, les Neturei Karta sont des juifs ultra-orthodoxes qui entendent respecter scrupuleusement la halakha (loi religieuse orthodoxe juive). Estimant que seul le Messie a le droit de restaurer Israël, ils pratiquent un antisionisme militant souvent plus radical que celui des Satmar. Partageant le même antisionisme, les Satmar sont des juifs hassidiques issus de la Transylvanie au début du XXe siècle. Ils n’hésitent toutefois pas à vivre en Israël sans servir dans Tshahal, reconnaître le système judiciaire, payer des impôts ou accepter les aides sociales.

5 : Pierre Gripari, Reflets et réflexes, L’Âge d’Homme, 1983, p. 29.

André Waroch, Les Larmes d’Europe, Le Polémarque Éditions, 2010, préface de Georges Feltin-Tracol, 118 p., 12 € (frais de port de 4 €).

À commander par la Poste aux Éditions Le Polémarque, 29, rue des Jardiniers, 54 000 Nancy, France, accompagné d’un chèque bancaire à l’ordre de « Laurent Schang – Le Polémarque Éditions » ou par courriel à <lepolemarque@gmail.com>.


Article printed from Europe Maxima: http://www.europemaxima.com

URL to article: http://www.europemaxima.com/?p=1415

vendredi, 17 décembre 2010

D. H. Lawrence on Men & Women

D. H. Lawrence on Men & Women

Derek HAWTHORNE

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com/

1. Love and Strife

Lawrence.jpgIn a 1913 letter D. H. Lawrence writes that “it is the problem of to-day, the establishment of a new relation, or the readjustment of the old one, between men and women.” Lawrence’s views about relations between the sexes, and about sex differences are perhaps his most controversial – and they have frequently been misrepresented. But before we delve into those views, let us ask why it should be the case that establishing a new relation between men and women is “the problem of to-day.” The reason is fairly obvious. The species divides itself into male and female, reproduces itself thereby, and the overwhelming majority of human beings seek their fulfillment in a relationship to the opposite sex. If relations between the sexes have somehow been crippled—as Lawrence believes they have been—then this is a catastrophe. It is hard to imagine a greater, more pressing problem.

Lawrence came to relations with women bearing serious doubts about his own manhood, and with the conviction that his nature was fundamentally androgynous. Throughout his life, but especially as a boy, it was easier for him to relate to women and to form close bonds with them. Thus, when Lawrence discusses the nature of woman he draws not only upon his experiences with women, but also upon his understanding of his own nature. One of the questions we must examine is whether, in doing so, Lawrence was led astray. After all, Lawrence eventually came to repudiate the idea of any sort of fundamental androgyny and to claim that men and women are radically different. In Fantasia of the Unconscious he writes, “We are all wrong when we say there is no vital difference between the sexes.” Lawrence wrote this in 1921 intending it to be provocative, but it is surely much more controversial in today’s world, where it has become a dogma in some circles to insist that sex differences (now called “gender differences”) are “socially constructed.” Lawrence continues: “There is every difference. Every bit, every cell in a boy is male, every cell is female in a woman, and must remain so. Women can never feel or know as men do. And in the reverse, men can never feel and know, dynamically, as women do.”

Lawrence saw relations between the sexes as essentially a war. He tells us in his essay “Love” that all love between men and women is “dual, a love which is the motion of melting, fusing together into oneness, and a love which is the intense, frictional, and sensual gratification of being burnt down, burnt into separate clarity of being, unthinkable otherness and separateness.” The love between men and women is a fusing—or a will to fusing—but one that never fully takes place because the relation is also fundamentally frictional. Again and again Lawrence emphasizes the idea that men and women are metaphysically different. In other words, they have different, and even opposed ways of being in the world. They are not just anatomically different; they have different ways of thinking and feeling, and achieve satisfaction and fulfillment in life through different means.

Lawrence’s view of the difference between the sexes can be fruitfully compared to the Chinese theory of yin and yang.  These concepts are of great antiquity, but the way in which they are generally understood today is the product of an ambitious intellectual synthesis that took place under the early Han dynasty (207 B.C.–9 A.D.). According to this philosophy, the universe is shot through with an ultimate principle or power known as the Tao. However, the Tao divides itself into two opposing principles, yin and yang. These oppose yet complement each other. Yang manifests itself in maleness, hardness, harshness, dominance, heat, light, and the sun, amongst other things. Yin manifests itself in femaleness, softness, gentleness, yielding, cold, darkness, the moon, etc.

Contrary to the impression these lists might give, however, yang is not regarded as “superior” to yin; hardness is not superior to softness, nor is dominance superior to yielding. Each requires the other and cannot exist without the other. In certain situations a yang approach or condition is to be preferred, in others a yin approach. On occasion, yang may predominate to the point where it becomes harmful, and it must be counterbalanced by yin, or vice versa. (These principles are of central importance, for example, in traditional Chinese medicine.) The Tao Te Ching, a work written by a man chiefly for men extols the virtues of yin, and continually advises one to choose yin ways over yang. Lao-Tzu tells us over and over that it is “best to be like water,” that “those who control, fail. Those who grasp, lose,” and that “soft and weak overcome stiff and strong.”

Like the Taoists, Lawrence regards maleness and femaleness as opposed, yet complementary. It is not the case that the male, or the male way of being, is superior to the female, or vice versa. In a sense the sexes are equal, yet equality does not mean sameness. The error of male chauvinism is in thinking that one way, the male way, is superior; that dominance and hardness are just “obviously” superior to their opposites.

Yet the same error is committed by some who call themselves feminists. Tacitly, they assume that the male or yang characteristics are superior, and enjoin women to seek fulfillment in life through cultivating those traits in themselves. To those who might wonder whether such a program is possible, to say nothing of desirable, the theory of the “social construction of gender” is today being offered as support. According to this view, the only inherent differences between men and women are anatomical, and all of the intellectual, emotional, and behavioral characteristics attributed to the sexes throughout history have actually been the product of culture and environment. (And so “yin and yang,” according to this view, is really a rather naïve philosophy which confuses nurture with nature.) Clearly, Lawrence would reject this theory. In doing so, he is on very solid ground.

It would, of course, be foolish not to recognize that some “masculine” and “feminine” traits are culturally conditioned. An obvious example would be the prevailing view in American culture that a truly “masculine” man is unable, without the help of women or gay men, to color-coordinate his wardrobe. However, when one sees certain traits in men and women displaying themselves consistently in all cultures and throughout all of human history it makes sense to speak of masculine and feminine natures. It is plausible to argue that a trait is culturally conditioned only if it shows up in some cultures but not in others. Unfortunately, the “social construction of gender” thesis has achieved the status of a dogma in academic circles. And, in truth, ultimately it has to be asserted as dogma since believing in it requires that we ignore the evidence of human history, profound philosophies such as Taoism, and most of the scientific research into sex differences that has taken place over the last one hundred years.

I said earlier that Lawrence believes men and women to be “metaphysically different,” and in his essay “A Study of Thomas Hardy” he does indeed write as if he believes they actually see the world with a different metaphysics in mind:

It were a male conception to see God with a manifold Being, even though He be One God. For man is ever keenly aware of the multiplicity of things, and their diversity. But woman, issuing from the other end of infinity, coming forth as the flesh, manifest in sensation, is obsessed by the oneness of things, the One Being, undifferentiated. Man, on the other hand, coming forth as the desire to single out one thing from another, to reduce each thing to its intrinsic self by process of elimination, cannot but be possessed by the infinite diversity and contrariety in life, by a passionate sense of isolation, and a poignant yearning to be at one.

So, men seek or are preoccupied with multiplicity, and women with unity. What are we to make of such a bizarre claim? First of all, it seems to run counter to the Greek tradition, especially that of the Pythagoreans, which tended to identify the One with the masculine, and the Many with the feminine. However, if one looks to Empedocles, a pre-Socratic philosopher Lawrence was particularly keen on, one finds a different story. Empedocles posits two fundamental forces which are responsible for all change in the universe: Love and Strife. Love, at the purely physical level, is a force of attraction. It draws things together, and without the intervention of Strife it would result in a monistic universe in which only one being existed. Strife breaks up and divides. It is a force of repulsion and separation. Now, Empedocles seems to identify Love with Aphrodite, and we may infer, though he does not say so, that Strife is Ares. In other words, he identifies his two forces with the archetypal female and male. This can offer us a clue as to what Lawrence is up to.

In Lawrence’s view, it is the female who wants to draw things, especially people, together. It is the female who yearns to heal divisions, to break down barriers. “Coming forth as the flesh, manifest in sensation” she seeks to overcome separateness through feeling, primarily through love. In the family situation, it is the female who tries to unite and overcome discord through love, whereas it is the male, typically, who frustrates this through the insistence on rules and distinctions. The ideal of universal love and an end to strife and division is fundamentally feminine—one which men, throughout history, have continually frustrated. It is characteristic of men to make war, and characteristic of women, no matter what cause or principle is involved, to object and to call for peace and unity.

Now the male, as Lawrence puts it, suffers from a sense of isolation, and a “yearning to be one.” He yearns for oneness, in fact, as the male yearns for the female. Yet his entire being disposes him to see the world in terms of its distinctness, and, indeed, to make a world rife with distinctions. Lawrence implies that polytheism is a “male” religion, and monotheism a “female” one. It is easy to see the logic involved in this. Polytheism sees the divine being that permeates the world as many because the world is itself many. Further, societies with polytheistic religions have always been keenly aware of ethnic and social differences, differences within the society (as in the Indian caste system), and between societies. Monotheism, on the other hand, tends toward universalism. Christianity especially, however it has actually been practiced, declares all men equal in the sight of God and calls for peace and unity in the world. (Lawrence, as we shall see later on, does indeed regard Christianity as a “feminine” religion, and blames it, in part, for feminizing Western men.)

This fundamental, metaphysical difference has the consequence that men and women do, in a real sense, live in different worlds. But perhaps such a formulation reflects a male bias towards differentiation. It is equally correct to say, in a more “feminine” formulation, that it is the same world seen in two, complementary ways. Indeed, it may be the case that it is difficult to see, from a male perspective, how the two sexes and their different ways of thinking and perceiving can achieve a rapprochement. Lawrence believes, of course, that they can live together, and that their opposite tendencies can be harmonized. In this way he is like Heraclitus, Lawrence’s favorite pre-Socratic, when he says “what is opposed brings together; the finest harmony is composed of things at variance, and everything comes to be in accordance with strife.” Heraclitus also tells us that “They do not understand how, though at variance with itself, it [the Logos] agrees with itself. It is a backwards-turning attunement like that of the bow and lyre.” In order to make a lyre or a bow, the two opposite ends of a piece of wood must be bent towards each other, never meeting, but held in tension. Their tension and opposition makes possible beautiful music, in the case of the lyre, and the propulsion of an arrow, in the case of the bow. Both involve a harmony through opposition.

In a 1923 newspaper interview Lawrence is quoted as saying “If men were left to themselves, they would rush off . . . into destruction. But women keep life back at its own center. They pull the men back. Women have enormous passive strength, the strength of inertia.” Here Lawrence uses an image he was very fond of: women are at the center, the hub. This is because they are closer to “the source” than men are.

womeninlove.jpgIn Fantasia of the Unconscious, Lawrence tells us “The blood-consciousness and the blood-passion is the very source and origin of us. Not that we can stay at the source. Nor even make a goal of the source, as Freud does. The business of living is to travel away from the source. But you must start every single day fresh from the source. You must rise every day afresh out of the dark sea of the blood.” Lawrence believes that men yearn for purposive, creative activity, which involves moving away from the source. However, the energy and inspiration for purposive activity is drawn from the source, and so there is a complementary movement back towards it.

In The Rainbow, Lawrence describes how Tom Brangwen, besotted with his wife, seems to lose himself in a sensual obsession with her, and with knowing her sexually. But gradually,

Brangwen began to find himself free to attend to the outside life as well. His intimate life was so violently active, that it set another man in him free. And this new man turned with interest to public life, to see what part he could take in it. This would give him scope for new activity, activity of a kind for which he was now created and released. He wanted to be unanimous with the whole of purposive mankind.

Sex is one means of contacting the source. Men contact the source through women. This does not mean, of course, that blood-consciousness is in women but not in men. Rather, it means that in most men the blood-consciousness in them is “activated” primarily through their relationship to women. Second, in women blood-consciousness is more dominant than it is in men. Women are more intuitive than men; they operate more on the basis of feeling than intellect. It should not be necessary to point out that whereas such an observation might, in another author, be taken as a denigration of women, in Lawrence it is actually high praise. Women are also much more in tune with their bodies and bodily cycles than men are. Men tend to see their bodies as adversaries that must be whipped into shape.

When Lawrence continually tells us that we must find a way to reawaken the blood-consciousness in us, he is writing primarily for men. Women are already there—or, at least, they can get there with less effort. There is an old adage: “Women are, but men must become.” To be feminine is a constant state that a woman has as her birthright. Masculinity, on the other hand, is something men must achieve and prove. Rousseau in Emile states “The male is male only at certain moments, the female is female all of her life, or at least all her youth.” We exhort boys to “be a man,” but never does one hear girls told to “be a woman.” One can compliment a man simply by saying “he’s a man,” whereas “she’s a woman” seems mere statement of fact. The psychological difference between masculinity and femininity mirrors the biological fact that all fetuses begin as female; something must happen to them in order to make them male. It also articulates what is behind the strange conviction many men have had, including many great poets and artists, that woman is somehow the keeper of life’s mysteries; the one closest to the well-spring of nature.

In “A Study of Thomas Hardy,” Lawrence states that “in a man’s life, the female is the swivel and centre on which he turns closely, producing his movement.” Goethe tells us “Das ewig Weiblich zieht uns hinan” (“The Eternal Feminine draws us onwards”). The female, the male’s source of the source, stands at the center of his life. The woman as personification of the life mystery entices him to come together with her, and through their coupling the life mystery perpetuates itself. But he is not, ultimately, satisfied by this coupling. He goes forth into the world, his body renewed by his contact with the woman, but full of desire to know this mystery more adequately, and to be its vehicle through creative expression.

Without a woman, a man feels unmoored and ungrounded, for without a woman he has no center in his life. A man—a heterosexual man—can never feel fulfilled and can never reach his full potential without a woman to whom he can turn. As to homosexual men, it is a well-known fact that many cultivate in themselves characteristics that have been traditionally usually associated with woman: refined taste in clothing and decoration, cooking, gardening, etc. What these characteristics have in common is connectedness to the pleasures of the moment, and to the rhythms and necessities of life. Men are normally purpose-driven and future-oriented. They tend to overlook those aspects of life that please, but lack any greater purpose other than pleasing. They tend, therefore, to be somewhat insensitive to their surroundings, to color, to texture, to odor, to taste. They tend, in short, to be so focused upon doing, that they miss out on being. Heterosexual men look to women to ground them, and to provide these ingredients to life—ingredients which, in truth, make life livable. Homosexual men must make a woman within themselves, in order to be grounded. (This does not mean, however, that they must become effeminate – see my review essay of Jack Donovan’s Androphilia for more details.)

Homosexual men are, of course, the exception not the rule. Lawrence writes, of the typical man, “Let a man walk alone on the face of the earth, and he feels himself like a loose speck blown at random. Let him have a woman to whom he belongs, and he will feel as though he had a wall to back up against; even though the woman be mentally a fool.” And what of the woman? What does she desire? Lawrence tells us that “the vital desire of every woman is that she shall be clasped as axle to the hub of the man, that his motion shall portray her motionlessness, convey her static being into movement, complete and radiating out into infinity, starting from her stable eternality, and reaching eternity again, after having covered the whole of time.” Man is the “doer,” the actor, whereas woman need do nothing. Just by being woman she becomes the center of a man’s universe.

The dark side of this, in Lawrence’s view, is a tendency in women towards possessiveness, and towards wanting to make themselves not just the center of a man’s life but his sole concern. In Women in Love, Lawrence’s describes at length Rupert Birkin’s process of wrestling with this aspect of femininity:

But it seemed to him, woman was always so horrible and clutching, she had such a lust for possession, a greed of self-importance in love. She wanted to have, to own, to control, to be dominant. Everything must be referred back to her, to Woman, the Great Mother of everything, out of whom proceeded everything and to whom everything must finally be rendered up.

Birkin sees these qualities in Ursula, with whom he is in love. “She too was the awful, arrogant queen of life, as if she were a queen bee on whom all the rest depended.” He feels she wants, in a way, to worship him, but “to worship him as a woman worships her own infant, with a worship of perfect possession.”

Woman’s possessiveness is understandable given that the man is necessary to her well-being: she is only happy if she is center to the orbit and activity of some man. Again, for Lawrence, such a claim does not denigrate women, for he has already as much as said that a man is nothing without a woman. Nevertheless, some will see in this view of men and woman a sexism that places the man above the woman. From Lawrence’s perspective, this is illusory. It is true that the man is “doer,” but his perpetual need to act and to do stands in stark contrast to the woman, who need do nothing in order be who she is. It is true, further, that men’s ambition has given them power in the world, but it is a power that is nothing compared to that of the woman, who exercises her power without having to do anything. She reigns, without ruling. The man does what he does, but must return to the woman, and is “like a loose speck blown at random without her” – and he knows this. Much of misogyny may have to do with this. From the man’s perspective, the woman is all-powerful, and the source of her power a mystery.

Many modern feminists, however, conceive of power in an entirely male way, as the active power of doing. Lawrence recognized that in trying to cultivate this male power within themselves, women do not rise in the estimation of most men. Instead they are diminished, for men’s respect for and fascination with women springs entirely from the fact that unlike themselves women do not have to chase after an ideal of who they ought to be; they do not have to get caught up in the rat race in order to respect themselves. They can simply be; they can live, and take joy just in living.

One can make a rough distinction between two types of feminism. The most familiar type is what one might call the “woman on the street feminism,” which one encounters from average, working women, and which they imbibe from television, films, and magazines. This feminism essentially has as its aim claiming for women all that which formerly had been the province of men—including not only traditionally male jobs, but even male ways of speaking, moving, dressing, bonding, exercising, and displaying sexual interest. Ironically, this form of feminism is at root a form of masculinism, which makes traditionally masculine traits the hallmarks of the “liberated” or self-actualized human being.

The other type of feminism is usually to be found only in academia, though not all academic feminists subscribe to it. It insists that women have their own ways of thinking, feeling, and relating to others. Feminist philosophers have written of woman’s “ways of knowing” as distinct from men’s, and have even put forward the idea that women approach ethical decision-making in a markedly different way. It is this form of feminism to which Lawrence is closest. Lawrence’s writings are concerned with liberating both men and women from the tyranny of a modern civilization which cuts them off from their true natures. Liberation for modern women cannot mean becoming like modern men, for modern men are living in a condition of spiritual (as well as wage) slavery. In an essay on feminism, Wendell Berry writes

It is easy enough to see why women came to object to the role of [the comic strip character] Blondie, a mostly decorative custodian of a degraded, consumptive modern household, preoccupied with clothes, shopping, gossip, and outwitting her husband. But are we to assume that one may fittingly cease to be Blondie by becoming Dagwood? Is the life of a corporate underling—even acknowledging that corporate underlings are well paid—an acceptable end to our quest for human dignity and worth? . . . How, I am asking, can women improve themselves by submitting to the same specialization, degradation, trivialization, and tyrannization of work that men have submitted to? [Wendell Berry, “Feminism, the Body, and the Machine,” in The Art of the Commonplace: The Agrarian Essays of Wendell Berry, ed. Norman Wirzba (Washington, D.C.: Counterpoint, 2002), 69–70.]

I will return to this issue later.

Having now characterized, in broad strokes, Lawrence’s views on the differences between men and woman, I now turn to a more detailed discussion of each.

2. The Nature of Man

As we have seen, Lawrence believes that men (most men) need to have a woman in their lives. Their relationship to a woman serves to ground their lives, and to provide the man not only with a respite from the woes of the world, but with energy and inspiration. However, this is not the same thing as saying that the man makes the woman, or his relationship to her, the purpose of his life. In Fantasia of the Unconscious Lawrence writes, “When he makes the sexual consummation the supreme consummation, even in his secret soul, he falls into the beginnings of despair. When he makes woman, or the woman and child, the great centre of life and of life-significance, he falls into the beginnings of despair.” This is because Lawrence believes that true satisfaction for men can come only from some form of creative, purposive activity outside the family.

women1.jpgHaving a woman is therefore a necessary but not a sufficient condition for male happiness. In addition to a woman, he must have a purpose. Women, on the other hand, do not require a purpose beyond the home and the family in order to be happy. This is another of those claims that will rankle some, so let us consider two important points about what Lawrence has said. First, he is speaking of what he believes the typical woman is like, just as he is speaking of the typical man. There are at least a few exceptions to just about every generalization. Second, we must ask an absolutely crucial question of those who regard such claims as demeaning women: why is being occupied with home and family lesser than having a purpose (e.g., a career) outside the home? The argument could be made—and I think Lawrence would be sympathetic to this—that the traditional female role of making a home and raising children is just as important and possibly more important than the male activities pursued outside the home. Again, much of contemporary feminism sees things from a typically male point of view, and denigrates women who choose motherhood rather than one of the many meaningless, ulcer-producing careers that have long been the province of men.

Lawrence writes, “Primarily and supremely man is always the pioneer of life, adventuring onward into the unknown, alone with his own temerarious, dauntless soul. Woman for him exists only in the twilight, by the camp fire, when day has departed. Evening and the night are hers.” Lawrence’s male bias creeps in here a bit, as he romanticizes the “dauntless” male soul. Men and women always believe, in their heart of hearts, that their ways are superior. Nevertheless, Lawrence is not here relegating women to an inferior position. Half of life is spent in the evening and night. Day belongs to the man, night to the woman. It is a division of labor. Lawrence is drawing here, as he frequently does, on traditional mythological themes: the man is solar, the woman lunar.

Lawrence characterizes the man’s pioneering activity as follows: “It is the desire of the human male to build a world: not ‘to build a world for you, dear’; but to build up out of his own self and his own belief and his own effort something wonderful. Not merely something useful. Something wonderful.” In other words, the man’s primary purpose is not having or doing any of the “practical” things that a wife and a family require. And when he acts on a larger scale—Lawrence gives building the Panama Canal as an example—it is not with the end in mind of making a world in which wives and babes can be more comfortable and secure (“a world for you, dear”). He seeks to make his mark on the world; to bring something glorious into existence. And so men create culture: games, religions, rituals, dances, artworks, poetry, music, and philosophy. Wars are fought, ultimately, for the same reason. It is probably true, as is often asserted, that every war has some kind of economic motivation. However, it is probably also true to assert that in the case of just about every actual war there was another, more cost-effective alternative. Men make war for the same reason they climb mountains, jump out of airplanes, race cars, and run with the bulls: for the challenge, and the fame and glory and exhilaration that goes with meeting the challenge. It is an aspect of male psychology that most women find baffling, and even contemptible.

Now, curiously, Lawrence refers to this “impractical,” purposive motive of the male as an “essentially religious or creative motive.” What can he mean by this? Specifically, why does he characterize it as a religious motive?

It is religious because it involves the pursuit of something that is beyond the ordinary and the familiar. It is a leap into the unknown. The man has to follow what Lawrence frequently calls the “Holy Ghost” within himself and to try to make something within the world. He yearns always for the yet-to-be, the yet-to-be-realized, and always has his eye on the future, on what is in process of coming to be. Yet there seems to be, at least on the surface, a strange inconsistency in Lawrence’s characterization of the man’s motive as religious. After all, for Lawrence the life mystery, the source of being is religious object—and women are closer to this source. Man is entranced by woman, and with her he helps to propagate this power in the world through sex, but his sense of “purpose” causes him to move away from the source. So why isn’t it the woman whose “motives” are religious, and the man who is, in effect, irreligious?

The answer is that religion is not being at the source: it is directedness toward the source. Religion is possible only because of a lack or an absence in the human soul. Religion is ultimately a desire to put oneself at-one with the source. But this is possible only if one is not, originally or most of the time, at one with it. In a way, the woman is not fundamentally religious because she is the goddess, the source herself. The sexual longing of the man for the woman, and his utter inability ever to fully satisfy his desire and to resolve the mystery that is woman, are a kind of small-scale allegory for man’s large-scale, religious relationship to the source of being itself. He is, as I have said, renewed by his relations with women and, for a time, satisfied. But then he goes forth into the world with a desire for something, something. He creates, and when he does he is acting to exalt the life mystery (religion and art), to understand it (philosophy and science), or to further it (invention and production).

Lawrence speaks of how a man must put his wife “under the spell of his fulfilled decision.” Woman, who rules over the night, draws man to her and they become one through sex. Man, who rules the day, draws woman into his purpose, his aim in life, and through this they become one in another fashion. The man’s purpose does not become the woman’s purpose. He pursues this alone. But if the woman simply believes in him and what he aims to do, she becomes a tremendous source of support for the man, and she gives herself a reason for being. The man needs the woman as center, as hub of his life, and the woman needs to play this role for some man. Without a mate, though a man may set all sorts of purposes before him, ultimately they seem meaningless. He feels a sense of hollow emptiness, and drifts into despair. He lets his appearance go, and lives in squalor. He may become an alcoholic and a misogynist. He dies much sooner than his married friends, often by his own hand. As to the woman, without a man who has set himself some purpose that she can believe in, she assumes the male role and tries to find fulfillment through some kind of busy activity in the world. But as she pursues this, she feels increasingly bitter and hard, and a terrific rage begins to seethe beneath her placid surface. She becomes a troublemaker and a prude. Increasingly angry at men, she makes a virtue of necessity and declares herself emancipated from them. She collects pets.

In Studies in Classic American Literature Lawrence writes:

As a matter of fact, unless a woman is held, by man, safe within the bounds of belief, she becomes inevitably a destructive force. She can’t help herself. A woman is almost always vulnerable to pity. She can’t bear to see anything physically hurt. But let a woman loose from the bounds and restraints of man’s fierce belief, in his gods and in himself, and she becomes a gentle devil.

If a woman is to be the hub in the life a man, and derive satisfaction from that, everything depends on the spirit of the man. A few lines later in the same text Lawrence states, “Unless a man believes in himself and his gods, genuinely: unless he fiercely obeys his own Holy Ghost; his woman will destroy him. Woman is the nemesis of doubting man.” In order for the woman to believe in a man, the man must believe in himself and his purpose. If he is filled with self-doubt, the woman will doubt him. If he lacks the strength to command himself, he cannot command her respect and devotion. And the trouble with modern men is that they are filled with self-doubt and lack the courage of their convictions.

Lawrence, following Nietzsche, in part blames Christianity for weakening modern, Western men. Men are potent—sexually and otherwise—to the extent they are in tune with the life force. But Christianity has “spiritualized” men. It has filled their heads with hatred of the body, and of strength, instinct, and vitality. It has infected them with what Lawrence calls the “love ideal,” which demands, counter to every natural impulse, that men love everyone and regard everyone as their equal.

Frequently in his fiction Lawrence depicts relationships in which the woman has turned against the man because he is, in effect, spiritually emasculated. The most dramatic and symbolically obvious example of this is the relationship of Clifford and Connie  in Lady Chatterley’s Lover. Clifford returns from the First World War paralyzed from the waist down. But like the malady of the Grail King in Wolfram’s Parzival, this is only (literarily speaking) an outward, physical expression of an inward, psychic emasculation. Clifford is far too sensible a man to allow himself to be overcome by any great passion, so the loss of his sexual powers is not so dear. He has a keen, cynical wit and believes that he has seen through passion and found it not as great a thing as poets say that it is. It is his spiritual condition that drives Connie away from him, not so much his physical one. And so she wanders into the game preserve on their estate (representing the small space of “wildness” that still can rise up within civilization) and into the arms of Mellors, the gamekeeper. Their subsequent relationship becomes a hot, corporeal refutation of Clifford’s philosophy.

In Women in Love, Gerald Crich, the industrial magnate, is destroyed by Gudrun essentially because he does not believe in himself. Outwardly, he is “the God of the machine.” But his mastery of the material world is meaningless busywork, and he knows it. Gudrun is drawn to him because of this outward appearance of power, but when she finds that it is an illusion she hates him, and ultimately drives him to his death. For Lawrence, this is an allegory of the modern relationship between the sexes. Men today are masters of the material universe as they have never been before, but inside they are anxious and empty. The reason is that these “materialists” are profoundly afraid of and hostile to matter and nature, especially their own. Their intellect and “will to power” has cut them off from the life force and they are, in their deepest selves, impotent. The women know this, and scorn them.

In The Rainbow, Winifred Inger is Ursula’s teacher (with whom she has a brief affair), and an early feminist. She tells Ursula at one point,

The men will do no more,–they have lost the capacity for doing. . . .  They fuss and talk, but they are really inane. They make everything fit into an old, inert idea. Love is a dead idea to them. They don’t come to one and love one, they come to an idea, and they say “You are my idea,” so they embrace themselves. As if I were any man’s idea! As if I exist because a man has an idea of me! As if I will be betrayed by him, lend him my body as an instrument for his idea, to be a mere apparatus of his dead theory. But they are too fussy to be able to act; they are all impotent, they can’t take a woman. They come to their own idea every time, and take that. They are like serpents trying to swallow themselves because they are hungry.”

In Fantasia of the Unconscious Lawrence writes, “If man will never accept his own ultimate being, his final aloneness, and his last responsibility for life, then he must expect woman to dash from disaster to disaster, rootless and uncontrolled.”

It is important to understand here that the issue is not one of power. Lawrence’s point not that men must dominate or control their wives. In fact, in a late essay entitled “Matriarchy” (originally published as “If Women Were Supreme”) Lawrence actually advocates rule by women, at least in the home, because he believes it would liberate men. He assumes the truth of the claim—now in disrepute—that early man had lived in matriarchal societies and writes, “the men seem to have been lively sorts, hunting and dancing and fighting, while the woman did the drudgery and minded the brats. . . . A woman deserves to possess her own children and have them called by her name. As to the household furniture and the bit of money in the bank, it seems naturally hers.” The man, in such a situation, is not the slave of the woman because the man is “first and foremost an active, religious member of the tribe.” The man’s real life is not in the household, but in creative activity, and religious activity:

The real life of the man is not spent in his own little home, daddy in the bosom of the family, wheeling the perambulator on Sundays. His life is passed mainly in the khiva, the great underground religious meeting-house where only the males assemble, where the sacred practices of the tribe are carried on; then also he is away hunting, or performing the sacred rites on the mountains, or he works in the fields.

Men, Lawrence tells us, have social and religious needs which can only be satisfied apart from women. The disaster of modern marriage is that men not only think they have to rule the roost, but they accept the woman’s insistence that he have no needs or desires that cannot be satisfied through his relationship to her. He becomes master of his household, and slave to it at the same time:

Now [man’s] activity is all of the domestic order and all his thought goes to proving that nothing matters except that birth shall continue and woman shall rock in the nest of this globe like a bird who covers her eggs in some tall tree. Man is the fetcher, the carrier, the sacrifice, and the reborn of woman. . . . Instead of being assertive and rather insentient, he becomes wavering and sensitive. He begins to have as many feelings—nay, more than a woman. His heroism is all in altruistic endurance. He worships pity and tenderness and weakness, even in himself. In short, he takes on very largely the original role of woman.

Ironically, in accepting such a situation without a fight, he only earns the woman’s contempt: “Almost invariably a [modern] married woman, as she passes the age of thirty, conceives a dislike, or a contempt, of her husband, or a pity which is near to contempt. Particularly if he is a good husband, a true modern.”

3. The Nature of Woman

In Fantasia of the Unconscious Lawrence writes, “Women will never understand the depth of the spirit of purpose in man, his deeper spirit. And man will never understand the sacredness of feeling to woman. Each will play at the other’s game, but they will remain apart.” But what is meant by “feeling” here? Lawrence is referring again to his belief that women live, to a greater extent than men, from the primal self. In the case of most men today, “mind-consciousness” and reason are dominant—to the point where they are frequently detached from “blood-consciousness” and feeling.

In describing the nature of woman Lawrence once again draws on perennial symbols: “Woman is really polarized downwards, towards the centre of the earth. Her deep positivity is in the downward flow, the moon-pull.” The sun represents man, and the moon woman. Day belongs to him, and night to her. However, another set of mythic images associates the earth with woman and the sky with man. The “pull” in women is towards the earth, and this means several things. First, the earth is the source of chthonic powers, and so, as poetic metaphor, it represents the primal, pre-mental, animal aspect in human beings. In a literal sense, however, Lawrence believes that women are more in tune than men with chthonic powers: with the rhythms of nature and the cycle of seasons. Further, the “downward flow” refers to Lawrence’s belief that the lower “centres” of the body are, in a sense, more primitive, more instinctual than the upper, and that women tend to live and act from these centers more than men do. Lawrence writes, “Her deepest consciousness is in the loins and belly. . . . The great flow of female consciousness is downwards, down to the weight of the loins and round the circuit of the feet.”

Finally, to be “polarized downwards, towards the centre of the earth” means to have one’s life, one’s vital being fixed in reference to a central point. If Lawrence intends us to assume that man is polarized upwards then we may ask, toward what? If woman is oriented towards the center of the earth, then–following the logic of the mythic categories–is man oriented toward the center of the sky? But the sky has no center. Man is less fixed than woman; he is a wanderer. He is a hunter, a seeker, a pioneer, an adventurer. Woman, on the other hand, lives from the axis of the world. Mircea Eliade writes that “the religious man sought to live as near as possible to the Center of the World.” Woman is at the center. Man begins there, then goes off. He returns again and again, the phallic power in him rising in response to the chthonic power of the woman. And his religious response is an ongoing effort to bring his daytime self into line with the life force he experiences when in the arms of the woman.

Woman, Lawrence tells us, “is a flow, a river of life,” and this flow is fundamentally different from the man’s river. However, “The woman is like an idol, or a marionette, always forced to play one role or another: sweetheart, mistress, wife, mother.” The mind of the male is built to analyze and categorize. But the nature of woman, like the nature of nature itself, defies categorization. Even before Bacon, man’s response to nature was to force it to yield up its secrets, to bend it to the human will, or to see it only within the narrow parameters of whatever theory was fashionable at the moment. The male mind attempts to do this to woman as well–and the woman, to a great extent, cooperates. She fits herself into the roles expected of her by authority figures, whether it is dutiful daughter-sister-wife-mother, or dutiful feminist and career-woman.

Lawrence writes, “The real trouble about women is that they must always go on trying to adapt themselves to men’s theories of women, as they always have done.” Two opposing wills exist in women, Lawrence believes: a will to conform or to submit, and a will to reject all boundaries and be free. In Women in Love, Birkin compares women to horses:

“And of course,” he said to Gerald, “horses haven’t got a complete will, like human beings. A horse has no one will. Every horse, strictly, has two wills. With one will, it wants to put itself in the human power completely—and with the other, it wants to be free, wild. The two wills sometimes lock—you know that, if ever you’ve felt a horse bolt, while you’ve been driving it. . . . And woman is the same as horses: two wills act in opposition inside her. With one will, she wants to subject herself utterly. With the other she wants to bolt, and pitch her rider to perdition.”

Ursula, who is present at this exchange, laughs and responds “Then I’m a bolter.” The trouble is that she is not.

Lawrence’s fiction is filled with vivid portrayals of women (arguably much more vivid and well-drawn than his portrayals of men). The central characters in several of his novels are women (The Rainbow, The Lost Girl, The Plumed Serpent, and Lady Chatterley’s Lover). All of Lawrence’s major female characters exhibit these two wills, but frequently he presents pairs of women each of whom represents one of the wills. This is the case in Women in Love. Ultimately, in Ursula’s character the will to surrender emerges as dominant. In her sister Gudrun the will to be free and wild dominates, with tragic results. In Lady Chatterley’s Lover, Connie Chatterley exhibits the will to surrender, and her sister Hilda the will to be free. The two lesbians in Lawrence’s novella The Fox are cut from the same cloth. Similar pairs of women also crop up in Lawrence’s short stories. In each case, one woman learns the joys of submitting, not to a man but to the earth, to nature, to the life mystery within her. The man is a means to this, however. The best example of this in Lawrence’s fiction is probably Connie Chatterley’s journey to awakening. In John Thomas and Lady Jane, an earlier version of Lady Chatterley’s Lover, Lawrence has Connie speak of the significance of her lover and of his penis: “I know it was the penis which really put the evening stars into my inside self. I used to look at the evening star, and think how lovely and wonderful it was. But now it’s in me as well as outside me, and I need hardly look at it. I am it. I don’t care what you say, it was penis gave it me.” As to the other woman in Lawrence’s fiction, she tends to be horrified by the primal self in her, and its call to surrender. She lives from the ego. She rages against anything in her nature that is unchosen, and against anything else that would hem her in, especially any man. She views herself as “realistic” and hardheaded, but the general impression she gives is of being hardhearted and sterile.

In his portrayals of the latter type of woman, Lawrence is partly depicting what he believes to be a perennial aspect of the female character, and partly depicting what he regards as the quintessential “modern” woman. It is in the nature of woman to counterbalance the will to submit with an opposing will that “bolts,” and kicks against all that which limits her, including her own nature. Lawrence believes that modern womanhood and all the problems of women today arise from the over-development of that will to freedom.

A “will to freedom” sounds like a good thing, so it is important to realize that essentially what Lawrence means by this is a negative will which tries either to control, or to destroy all that which it cannot control. Lawrence’s critique of modernity is a major topic in itself, but suffice it say that he believes that in the modern period a disavowal of the primal self takes place on a mass, cultural scale. The seeds of this disavowal were sown by Christianity, and reaped by modern scientism, which becomes the avowed enemy of the religion that helped foster it. Individuals live their lives from the standpoint of ego and mental-consciousness, and distrust the blood-consciousness. The negative will in women seizes upon reason and ego-dominance as a means to free herself from the influence of her dark, chthonic self, and from the influence of the men that this dark, chthonic self draws her to. The will to negate, using the mind as its tool, thus becomes the path to “liberation.”

Lawrence writes in Apocalypse:

Today, the best part of womanhood is wrapped tight and tense in the folds of the Logos, she is bodiless, abstract, and driven by a self-determination terrible to behold. A strange ‘spiritual’ creature is woman today, driven on and on by the evil demon of the old Logos, never for a moment allowed to escape and be herself.

And in an essay he writes, “Woman is truly less free today than ever she has been since time began, in the womanly sense of freedom.” This is, of course, exactly the opposite of what is asserted by most pundits today, when they speak of the progress made by woman in the modern era. Why does Lawrence believe that woman is now so unfree? The answer is implied in the quotation from Apocalypse: she is not allowed to be herself.

In Studies in Classic American Literature Lawrence tells us

Men are not free when they are doing just what they like. The moment you can do just what you like, there is nothing you care about doing. Men are only free when they are doing what the deepest self likes.

And there is getting down to the deepest self! It takes some diving.

Because the deepest self is way down, and the conscious self is an obstinate monkey. But of one thing we may be sure. If one wants to be free, one has to give up the illusion of doing what one likes, and seek what IT wishes done.

aaron'srod.jpgWhat Lawrence says here is applicable to both men and women. “To be oneself” in the true sense means to answer to the call of the deepest self. We can only achieve our “fullness of being” if we do so. The mind invents all manner of goals and projects and ideals to be pursued, but ultimately all that we do produces only frustration and emptiness if we act in a way that does not fundamentally satisfy the needs of our deepest, pre-mental, bodily nature.

Lawrence writes further in Apocalypse: “The evil Logos says she must be ‘significant,’ she must ‘make something worth while’ of her life. So on and on she goes, making something worth while, piling up the evil forms of our civilization higher and higher, and never for a second escaping to be wrapped in the brilliant fluid folds of the new green dragon.” Earlier in the same text, Lawrence tells us that “The long green dragon with which we are so familiar on Chinese things is the dragon in his good aspect of life-bringer, life-giver, life-maker, vivifier.” In short, the “green dragon” represents the life force, the source of all, the Pan power. Lawrence is saying that modern woman, in search of something “significant” to do with her life, falls in with all the corrupt (largely, money-driven) pursuits that have brought men nothing but ulcers, emptiness, and early death. “All our present life-forms are evil,” he writes. “But with a persistence that would be angelic if it were not devilish woman insists on the best in life, by which she means the best of our evil life-forms, unable to realize that the best of evil life-forms are the most evil.” Like men, she loses touch with the natural both within herself and in the world surrounding her. Lawrence’s dragon symbolizes both of these: primal nature as such, and the primal nature within me. It is this dragon which Lawrence seeks to awake in himself, and in his readers. The tragedy of modern woman is that she has renounced the dragon, whereas she would be better off being devoured by it.

In John Thomas and Lady Jane Lawrence also links the ideal of fulfilled womanhood to the dragon. Following Connie Chatterley’s musings on the meaning of the phallus (which I quoted earlier), Lawrence writes:

The only thing which had taken her quite away from fear, if only for a night, was the strange gallant phallus looking round in its odd bright godhead, and now the arm of flesh around her, the socket of the hand against her breast, the slow, sleeping thud of the man’s heart against her body. It was all one thing—the mysterious phallic godhead. Now she knew that the worst had happened. This dragon had enfolded her, and its folds were pure gentleness and safety.

Make no mistake, Lawrence believes that women can adopt the ways of men; he believes that they can succeed at traditionally male work. But he believes that they do this at great cost to themselves. “Of all things, the most fatal to a woman is to have an aim,” Lawrence tells us. In general, he believes that the ultimate aim of life is simply living, and that we set a trap for ourselves when we declare that some goal or some ideal shall be the end of life, and believe that this will make life “meaningful.” This applies to men, but even more so to women. Why? Because, again, women are so much closer to the source that men tend to regard women as the life force embodied (“Mother Nature”). For a woman to live for something other than living is to pervert her nature, and her gift. Again, Lawrence’s position is not that a woman is incapable of doing the work of a man, but ultimately she will find it deadening: “The moment woman has got man’s ideals and tricks drilled into her, the moment she is competent in the manly world—there’s an end of it. She’s had enough. She’s had more than enough. She hates the thing she has embraced.”

In our age, many women who have forgone marriage and children in order to pursue a career are discovering this. The body has its own needs and ends, and the organism as a whole cannot flourish and achieve satisfaction unless these needs and ends are satisfied. With some exceptions, women who have chosen not to have children regret it, and suffer in other ways as well (for example, they are at higher risk for developing ovarian cancer than women who have given birth). The same goes for men, many of whom spend a great many “productive” years without feeling a need to reproduce–then are suddenly hit by that need and launch themselves on a frantic, sometimes worldwide search for a suitable mate able to father them a child. Lawrence wrote the following, prophetic words in one of his final essays:

It is all an attitude, and one day the attitude will become a weird cramp, a pain, and then it will collapse. And when it has collapsed, and she looks at the eggs she has laid, votes, or miles of typewriting, years of business efficiency—suddenly, because she is a hen and not a cock, all she has done will turn into pure nothingness to her. Suddenly it all falls out of relation to her basic henny self, and she realizes she has lost her life. The lovely henny surety, the hensureness which is the real bliss of every female, has been denied her: she had never had it. Having lived her life with such utmost strenuousness and cocksureness, she has missed her life altogether. Nothingness!

This quote suggests that Lawrence believes that the woman, the hen, ruins herself by taking up the ways appropriate and natural for the cock – but this is not exactly what he means. In Lawrence’s view, the modern ways of the cock are destroying the cock as well, but they are doubly bad for the hen. What’s bad for the gander is worse for the goose. Lawrence believes that in order to achieve satisfaction in life, we must get in touch with that primal self that the woman is fortunate enough always to be closer to.

4. A New Relation Between Man and Woman

So what is to be done? How are we to repair the damage that has been done in the modern world to the relation between the sexes? How are we to make men into men again, and women into women?

Lawrence has a great deal to say on this subject, but one of his oft-repeated recommendations essentially amounts to saying that relations between the sexes should be severed. By this he means that in order for men and women to come to each other as authentic men and women, they must stop trying to be “pals” with each other. In a 1925 letter he writes, “Friendship between a man and a woman, as a thing of first importance to either, is impossible: and I know it. We are creatures of two halves, spiritual and sensual—and each half is as important as the other. Any relation based on the one half—say the delicate spiritual half alone—inevitably brings revulsion and betrayal.”

In order for men and women to be friends, they must deliberately put aside or suppress their sexual identities and their very different natures. They must actively ignore the fact that they are men and women. They relate to each other, in effect, as neutered, sexless beings. They can never truly relax around each other, for they must continually monitor the way that they look at each other or (more problematic) touch each other. Sitting in too close proximity could awaken feelings that neither wants awakened. If, with respect to their “daytime selves,” men and women are forced to relate to each other in this way regularly, it has the potential of wrecking the ability of the “nighttime self” to relate to the opposite sex in a natural, sensual manner. Once accustomed to the daily routine of suppressing thoughts and feelings, and taking great care never to show a sexual side to their nature, these habits carry over into the realm of the romantic and sexual. Dating and courtship become fraught with tension, each party unsure of the “appropriateness” of this or that display of sexual interest or simple affection. The man, in short, becomes afraid to be a man, and the woman to be a woman. “On mixing with one another, in becoming familiar, in being ‘pals,’ they lose their own male and female integrity.” Writing of the modern marriage, Wendell Berry states

Marriage, in what is evidently its most popular version, is now on the one hand an intimate “relationship” involving (ideally) two successful careerists in the same bed, and on the other hand a sort of private political system in which rights and interests must be constantly asserted and defended. Marriage, in other words, has now taken the form of divorce: a prolonged and impassioned negotiation as to how things shall be divided. During their understandably temporary association, the “married” couple will typically consume a large quantity of merchandise and a large portion of each other.

If we must suppress our masculine and feminine natures in order to be friends with the opposite sex, in what way then do we actually relate to each other? We relate almost entirely through the intellect. Lawrence writes, “Nowadays, alas, we start off self-conscious, with sex in the head. We find a woman who is the same. We marry because we are ‘pals.’” And: “We have made the mistake of idealism again. We have thought that the woman who thinks and talks as we do will be the blood-answer.” Modern men and women begin their relationships as sexless things who relate through ideas and speech. The man looks for a woman, or the woman for a man who thinks and talks as they do; who “knows where they are coming from,” and has “similar values.” They might as well not have bodies at all, or conduct the initial stages of their relationships by telephone or email. Indeed, that is exactly the way many modern relationships are now beginning. But the primary way men and women are built to relate to each other is through the body and the signals of the body; through the subtle, sexual “vibrations” that each gives off, through the sexual gaze (different in the male and in the female), and through touch. No real, romantic relationship can be forged without these, and without feeling through these non-mental means that the two are “right” for each other. We cannot start with “mental agreement” and then construct a sexual relationship around it.

Lawrence, like Rousseau, had a good deal to say about education, and in fact much of what he says is Rousseauian. His ideas on the subject are expressed chiefly in Fantasia of the Unconscious and in a long essay, “The Education of the People.”

In Fantasia of the Unconscious, in a chapter entitled “First Steps in Education,” Lawrence lays out a new program for educating girls and boys: “All girls over ten years of age must attend at one domestic workshop. All girls over ten years of age may, in addition, attend at one workshop of skilled labour or of technical industry, or of art. . . . All boys over ten years of age must attend at one workshop of domestic crafts, and at one workshop of skilled labour, or of technical industry, or of art.” The difference between how boys and girls are to be educated (at least initially) is that whereas both are required to attend a “domestic workshop,” only boys are required to attend a “workshop of skilled labour or of technical industry, or of art.” Keep in mind that Lawrence is laying down the rules for education in his ideal society. He anticipates that whereas all males will work outside the home (in some fashion or other), not all females will. His system is not designed to force women into the role of homemakers, for he leaves it open that girls may, if they choose, learn the same skills as boys. As to higher education, Lawrence leaves this open: “Schools of mental culture are free to all individuals over fourteen years of age. Universities are free to all who obtain the first culture degree.” The system is designed in such a way that individuals are drawn to pursue certain avenues based on their personalities and natural temperaments. Unlike our present society, in Lawrence’s world there would be no universal pressure to attend university: only individuals with certain natural gifts and inclinations would go in that direction. Similarly, the system leaves open the possibility that some women will pursue the same path as men, but only if that is their natural inclination. The intent of Lawrence’s program is not to force individuals into certain roles, but to cultivate their natural, innate characteristics. And as we have seen, Lawrence believes that males and females are innately different.

Lawrence makes it clear elsewhere that in the early years education will be sex-segregated. This is intended to facilitate the development of each student’s character and talents. Males, especially early in life, relate more easily to other males and are better able to devote themselves to their studies in the absence of females. The same thing applies to females. Sex-segregated education in the early years also has the advantage, Lawrence believes, of promoting a healthier interaction between males and females later on. In Fantasia of the Unconscious he states, “boys and girls should be kept apart as much as possible, that they may have some sort of respect and fear for the gulf that lies between them in nature, and for the great strangeness which each has to offer the other, finally.” After all, “You don’t find the sun and moon playing at pals in the sky.”

But this is, of course, all in the realm of fantasy. Lawrence’s system would be practical, if modern society could be entirely restructured, and he is aware that this is not likely to occur anytime soon. So what are we to do in the meantime? Here we encounter some of Lawrence’s most controversial ideas, and most inflammatory prose. He writes, “men, drive your wives, beat them out of their self-consciousness and their soft smarminess and good, lovely idea of themselves. Absolutely tear their lovely opinion of themselves to tatters, and make them look a holy ridiculous sight in their own eyes.” It is this sort of thing that has made Lawrence a bête noire of feminists. Yet, in the next sentence, he adds “Wives, do the same to your husbands.” Lawrence’s intention, as always, is to destroy the ego-centredness in both husband and wife; to destroy the modern tendency for men and women to relate to each other, and to themselves, through ideas and ideals.

As a man and a husband, however, he writes primarily from that standpoint: “Fight your wife out of her own self-conscious preoccupation with herself. Batter her out of it till she’s stunned. Drive her back into her own true mode. Rip all her nice superimposed modern-woman and wonderful-creature garb off her, Reduce her once more to a naked Eve, and send the apple flying.” Does he mean any of this literally? Is he advocating that husbands beat their wives? Perhaps. Lawrence and Frieda were famous for their quarrels, which often came to blows, though the blows were struck by both. Lawrence states the purpose of such “beatings” (whether literal or figurative) as follows: “Make her yield to her own real unconscious self, and absolutely stamp on the self that she’s got in her head. Drive her forcibly back, back into her own true unconscious.”

As we have already seen, Lawrence believes that healthy relations between a man and a woman depend largely on the man’s ability to make the woman believe in him, and the purpose he has set for himself in life. Sex unites the “nighttime self” of men and women, but the daytime self can only be united, for Lawrence, through the man’s devotion to something outside the marriage, and the woman’s belief in the man. This is just the same thing as saying that what unites the lives of men and women (as opposed to their sexual natures) is the woman’s belief in the man and his purpose. And so Lawrence writes:

You’ve got to fight to make a woman believe in you as a real man, a pioneer. No man is a man unless to his woman he is a pioneer. You’ll have to fight still harder to make her yield her goal to yours: her night goal to your day goal. . . . She’ll never believe until you have your soul filled with a profound and absolutely inalterable purpose, that will yield to nothing, least of all to her. She’ll never believe until, in your soul, you are cut off and gone ahead, into the dark. . . . Ah, how good it is to come home to your wife when she believes in you and submits to your purpose that is beyond her. . . . And you feel an unfathomable gratitude to the woman who loves you and believes in your purpose and receives you into the magnificent dark gratification of her embrace. That’s what it is to have a wife.

Friends of Lawrence must have smiled when they read these words, for he was hardly giving an accurate description of his own marriage. As I have mentioned, Lawrence and Frieda frequently fell into violent quarrels, and she would often demean and humiliate him, and he her. Yet, ultimately, Frieda believed in Lawrence’s abilities and his mission in life; he knew it and derived strength from it. Those who may think that Lawrence’s prescriptions for marriage require an extraordinarily submissive and even unintelligent wife should take note of the sort of woman Lawrence himself chose.

Now, some might respond to Lawrence’s description of marriage by asking, understandably, “Where is love in all of this? What has become of love between man and wife?” Yet Lawrence speaks again and again, especially in Women in Love, of love between man and wife as a means to wholeness, as a way to transcend the false, ego-centered self. In a 1914 letter he tells a male correspondent:

You mustn’t think that your desire or your fundamental need is to make a good career, or to fill your life with activity, or even to provide for your family materially. It isn’t. Your most vital necessity in this life is that you shall love your wife completely and implicitly and in entire nakedness of body and spirit. Then you will have peace and inner security, no matter how many things go wrong. And this peace and security will leave you free to act and to produce your own work, a real independent workman.

Initially in these remarks Lawrence seems to be taking a position different from the one he expressed in the later Fantasia of the Unconscious, where he asserts that the man derives his chief fulfillment from purpose, not from the home and family. But Lawrence’s position is complex. He believes that the man requires a relationship to a woman in order to be strengthened in the pursuit of his purpose. Recall the lines I quoted earlier, “Let a man walk alone on the face of the earth, and he feels himself like a loose speck blown at random. Let him have a woman to whom he belongs, and he will feel as though he had a wall to back up against; even though the woman be mentally a fool.” Man fulfills himself through having a purpose beyond the home, but he must have a home and a wife to support him. Through romantic love (which always involves a strong sexual component) the man comes to his primal self, and emerges from the encounter with the strength to carry on in the world. Lawrence is telling his correspondent—and this becomes clear in the last lines of the passage quoted—that in order to accomplish anything meaningful he must first submerge himself, body and soul, into love for his wife.

Of course, this makes it sound as if Lawrence regards married love merely as a means to an end: merely as a means to pursuing a male “purpose.” Elsewhere, however, he speaks of it as if it were an end in itself. This is particularly the case in Women in Love. Early in the novel Birkin tells Gerald, “I find . . . that one needs some one really pure single activity—I should call love a single pure activity. . . . The old ideals are dead as nails—nothing there. It seems to me there remains only this perfect union with a woman—sort of ultimate marriage—and there isn’t anything else.” Again, Lawrence is seeking a way to get beyond idealism, and all the corrupt apparatus of modern, ego-driven life. To get beyond this, to what? To the true self, and to relationships based upon blood-consciousness and honest, uncorrupted sentiment. In Women in Love, Lawrence’s plan for achieving this involves a “perfect union” with a woman (and, as he states in the same novel, “the additional perfect relationship between man and man—additional to marriage”).

Birkin wants to achieve this with Ursula, but he keeps insisting over and over (much to her bewilderment and anger) that he means something more than mere “love.” The reason for this is that Birkin and Lawrence associate “love” with an ideal that is drummed into the heads of people in the modern, post-Christian world. We are issued with the baffling injunction to “love thy neighbor,” where thy neighbor means all of humanity. Any intelligent person can see that to love everyone means to love no one in particular. And any psychologically healthy person would find valueless the “love” of someone who claimed also to love all the rest of humanity. Lawrence is reacting also against the lovey-dovey, white lace, sanitized, billing and cooing sort of “love” that society encourages in married couples. Lawrence’s disgust for this sort of thing is expressed in his short story “In Love.” The main character, Hester, is repulsed by the “love” her fiancé, Joe, shows for her. They had been friends prior to their engagement and got on well

But now, alas, since she had promised to marry him, he had made the wretched mistake of falling “in love” with her. He had never been that way before. And if she had known he would get this way now, she would have said decidedly: Let us remain friends, Joe, for this sort of thing is a come-down. Once he started cuddling and petting, she couldn’t stand him. Yet she felt she ought to. She imagined she even ought to like it. Though where the ought came from, she could not see.

Birkin (like Lawrence) wants to avoid at all costs falling into this sort of scripted, stereotyped love relationship, but Ursula has a great deal of difficulty understanding what it is that he does want. He tries his best to explain it to her:

“There is,” he said, in a voice of pure abstraction, “a final me which is stark and impersonal and beyond responsibility. So there is a final you. And it is there I would want to meet you—not in the emotional, loving plane—but there beyond, where there is no speech and no terms of agreement. There we are two stark, unknown beings, two utterly strange creatures, I would want to approach you, and you me. And there could be no obligation, because there is no standard for action there, because no understanding has been reaped from that plane. It is quite inhuman—so there can be no calling to book, in any form whatsoever—because one is outside the pale of all that is accepted, and nothing known applies. One can only follow the impulse, taking that which lies in front, and responsible for nothing, giving nothing, only each taking according to the primal desire.”

The “final me and you” refers to the primal self. “The old ideals are dead as nails” and so is modern civilization. Birkin does not want his relationship to Ursula to “fit” into the modern social scheme, to become conventional or “safe.” He also fears and abhors the impress of society on his conscious, mental self. He does not want to come together with Ursula “though the ego,” as it were. He wants them to come together through their primal selves and to forge a relationship that is based on something deeper and far stronger than what the overly socialized creatures around him call “love.” Yet, at the same time, one could simply say that what he wants is a truer, deeper love, and that what passes for love with other people is usually not the genuine article. They are doing what one “ought” to do, even when in bed together.

In The Rainbow (to which Women in Love forms the “sequel”), Tom Brangwen offers his views on love and marriage in a famous passage:

“There’s very little else, on earth, but marriage. You can talk about making money, or saving souls. You can save your own soul seven times over, and you may have a mint of money, but your soul goes gnawin’, gnawin’, gnawin’, and it says there’s something it must have. In heaven there is no marriage. But on earth there is marriage, else heaven drops out, and there’s no bottom to it. . . . If we’ve got to be Angels . . . and if there is no such thing as a man or a woman among them, then it seems to me as a married couple makes one Angel. . . . [An] Angel can’t be less than a human being. And if it was only the soul of a man minus the man, then it would be less than a human being. . . . An Angel’s got to be more than a human being. . . . So I say, an Angel is the soul of a man and a woman in one: they rise united at the Judgment Day, as one angel. . . . If I am to become an Angel, it’ll be my married soul, and not my single soul.”

À la Aristophanes in Plato’s Symposium, men and women form two halves of a complete human being. Human nature divides itself into two, complementary aspects: masculinity and femininity. A complete human being is made when a man and a woman are joined together. But they cannot be joined—not really—through the mental, social self, but only through the unconscious, primal self.

In Women in Love, this view returns but in a modified form. Now Birkin tells us, “One must commit oneself to a conjunction with the other—for ever. But it is not selfless—it is a maintaining of the self in mystic balance and integrity—like a star balanced with another star.” And Lawrence tells us of Birkin, “he wanted a further conjunction, where man had being and woman had being, two pure beings, each constituting the freedom of the other, balancing each other like two poles of one force, like two angels, or two demons.” Tom Brangwen’s view implies that men and women, considered separately, do not have complete souls, and that a complete soul is made only when they join together in marriage. There is a suggestion in what he says that the “individuality” of single men and women is false, and that only a married couple constitutes a true individual. Birkin’s ideal, on the other hand, involves the man and the woman each preserving their selfhood and individuality and “balancing” each other.

Despite the fact that Birkin frequently, and transparently, speaks for Lawrence we cannot take him as speaking for Lawrence here. I believe that it is Brangwen’s position that is closest to Lawrence’s own. When Women in Love opens, Birkin is in a relationship with Hermione, who Lawrence portrays as a woman living entirely from out of her head, without any naturalness or spontaneity. Yet there is a bit of this in Birkin as well, which is perhaps why he reacts against it so violently when he sees it in Hermione. After the passage just quoted from Women in Love, Lawrence writes of Birkin, “He wanted so much to be free, not under the compulsion of any need for unification, or tortured by unsatisfied desire. . . . And he wanted to be with Ursula as free as with himself, single and clear and cool, yet balanced, polarised with her. The merging, the clutching, the mingling of love was become madly abhorrent to him.” Lawrence then goes on to describe Birkin’s fear and loathing of women’s “clutching.” Birkin is a conflicted character. He wants to lose himself in a relationship with a woman, but fears it at the same time. He wants Ursula, and talks on and on about spontaneity and the evil of ideals, yet he is continually preaching to Ursula about his ideal relationship which, conveniently, is one in which he can unite with her yet preserve his ego intact. This at first bewilders then infuriates Ursula, who never understands what it is that he wants. In the end, the problem resolves itself, probably just as it would in real life. Drawn to Ursula by a power stronger than his conscious ego, Birkin eventually drops all of his talk, surrenders his will, and settles into a married bliss that is marred only by his continued desire for the love of a man.

Ultimately, Lawrence believes that the “establishment of a new relation” between men and women depends upon a return to the oldest of relationships, and that this is possible only through a recovery of the oldest part of the self. We must, he believes, drop our ideal of the unisex society and be alive again to the fundamental, natural differences between men and women. Men and woman do not naturally desire to enjoy each other’s society at all times. We must not only educate men and women apart, but re-establish “spaces” within civilized society where men can be with men, and women with women. We must not force men and women together and command them to forget that they are men and women. Education and, indeed, much else in society must work to cultivate and to affirm the natural, masculine qualities and virtues in men, and the feminine qualities and virtues in women. Having become true men and women and having awakened, through their apartness, to the mystery and the allure that is the opposite sex, they will then come together and forge romantic alliances that are not based upon talk and “common values” but upon the “pull” between man and woman. Lawrence is not referring here simply to lust. A sexual element is, of course, involved, but what he means is the mysterious, ineffable attraction between an individual man and a woman, what we often call “chemistry,” which has nothing to do with the words they utter or the ideals they pay lip service to. And once this attraction is established, if the two desire to become bound to each other, then they must surrender themselves to the relationship. They must overcome their fear of the loss of ego boundaries. They must drop all talk of “rights” and not fall into the trap of treating the marriage as if it were a business partnership. For both, it is a leap into the unknown but in this case the unknown is the natural. When we plant a seed we must close the earth over it and go off and wait in anticipation. But we know that nature, being what it is, will produce as it has before. If all goes well, in that spot will grow the plant we were expecting. Similarly, marriage is not a human invention but something that grows naturally between a man and woman if its seed is planted in the fertile soil of the primal selves of each.

mercredi, 15 décembre 2010

Antonin Artaud: Sul suicidio e altre prose

Antonin Artaud: SUL SUICIDIO E ALTRE PROSE

di Andrea Ponso

Ex: http://www.camarillaonline.com/

artaud.jpgIl “blocco Artaud” ci permette di entrare nel vivo di una crisi, una crisi di pensiero e di rappresentazione, con un movimento che non può non chiamare in causa il rapporto con il mondo e con il reale, la lucidità e le mille trappole del letterario: tutto il suo lavoro è un vero e proprio corpo a corpo con il sistema delle conoscenze occidentali e non solo, con la religione (certo Artaud non era un ateo: un ateo non lotta così a lungo con Dio) e con le varie suddivisioni dei saperi. Partendo dalla tematica principale attorno alla quale si raccolgono questi scritti (frecciabr.gif Sul suicidio e altre prose, Via del vento, 4 euro) cercheremo di dimostrare, entrando nel vivo di questi brevi ma veramente preziosissimi testi, le frizioni che la macchina da pensiero produce a contatto con la mobilità e il corpo del nostro autore.

La morte è vista da Artaud come un eterno presente:

"… il sentimento dell’uniformità di ogni cosa. Un assoluto magnifico. Avevo senza dubbio appreso ad avvicinarmi alla morte..."
In realtà, la morte è quindi in sé l’abolizione della differenza, dello smembramento (ricordiamo l’invenzione artaudiana del corpo senza organi) ma, tramite il suicidio, non si può raggiungere che attraverso un atto di smembramento, di distacco, di rottura di una uniformità, che ci rende prigionieri ancora una volta del pensiero che lo ha pensato, dividendo e preparando, tra l’altro, l’infiltrazione del divino e di ogni trascendenza che, insinuandosi, crea continuamente il due, la divisione, il “non”, rubandoci il dolore-essere in cambio di una rappresentazione, espropriandoci, eternizzandoci:
"il suicidio non è che la conquista favolosa e lontana degli uomini che pensano bene."
Non una preclusione morale quindi, bensì una impossibilità: il non poter risolvere l’organicità e la differenza con una ulteriore divisione-differenza; non ci sono vie di fuga per il rigore di Artaud e per un pensiero che pensa l’unità di un corpo senza organi da una prospettiva (ma anche qui, di nuovo, ogni prospettiva è una parzialità) che esclude risolutamente ogni metafisica.
In realtà, è da sempre troppo tardi:
"non sento l’appetito della morte, sento l’appetito del non essere, di non essere mai caduto in questo trastullo d’imbecillità, di abdicazioni, di rinunce e di ottusi incontri che rappresenta l’io di Antonin Artaud"
; nonostante ciò, Artaud si rende conto che in questa insofferenza si nasconde la tentazione della trascendenza: 9788887741162g.jpgè in fondo la stessa visione di certo cristianesimo (e non solo) che svaluta la terra e propone prospettive salvifiche future (è lo stesso meccanismo che nella testualità promette un senso a venire e nello stesso momento instaura e salva una oscurità strategica?).
Allora Artaud tronca ogni possibile via di fuga e nello stesso tempo accetta i mille rivoli che smembrano ogni uomo, poiché neanche il corpo senza organi deve essere visto in prospettiva, ma anche (rompendo l’ordine della logica, come succede sempre nei punti di maggiore tensione della scrittura artaudiana) non può che essere visto così: è un In – stante per chi sceglie di rimanere nel cortocircuito, nel punto in cui ogni rappresentazione persiste e non smette di crollare:
"questo io virtuale, impossibile, che si trova tuttavia nella realtà."
Tutta la speculazione di questo autore, il suo continuo cortocircuitare nel pensiero che lo pensa, non è altro che una lotta sul posto, contro il "pensare ciò che mi vogliono far pensare" (del resto, lo ricorda lui stesso nel suo Van Gogh "mi si è suicidato"), infatti ci si sente
"fin nelle ramificazioni più impensabili (…) irriducibilmente determinati ( … ) e il fatto che mi ucciderò è probabilmente inscritto in un ramo qualsiasi del mio albero genealogico"
(viene in mente il lavoro di liberazione dalle ‘parti’ e dal ‘modo’ del teatro di Bene).
Artaud arriva quindi alla perentorietà di questa bruciante affermazione:
"Dio mi ha collocato nella disperazione come in una costellazione di vicoli ciechi il cui irradiamento approda a me stesso. Non posso ne morire, ne vivere, ne desiderare di morire o vivere. E tutti gli uomini sono come me."
C’è una ricerca di chiarezza in questa scrittura, davvero sconvolgente (soprattutto se pensiamo alla vita dell’uomo Artaud, ai suoi dolori, all’elettrochoc e ai vari internamenti psichiatrici) - una chiarezza che, per illuminarsi non accetta la logica e il pensiero sul mondo in vigore ma che non li accantona sbrigativamente ma li vive dal di dentro, li porta come abiti che continuamente si è costretti a togliere e a rimettere: per arrivare alla chiarezza, Artaud non vuole semplificare, bensì adattare il suo sguardo e il suo corpo alla complessità della materia e all’ordine non rappresentativo del mondo poiché
"la vita non mi appare che come un consenso all’apparente leggibilità delle cose e alla loro relazione nello spirito"
e ancora,
"la nostra attitudine all’assurdo e alla morte è quella della migliore ricettività"
, sgombrando da subito il campo da atteggiamenti di passività o maledettismo, e spostando lo sguardo verso l’attenzione e la lucidità, verso un mondo in movimento, privo d’ombra e di rifugi (soprattutto rifugi letterari, artistici: ad Artaud non basta più essere un artista, poiché l’artista è diventato un uomo della consolazione o della rassegnazione infinita; poiché l’artista è anch’esso determinato e inserito nella casella che la divisione aristotelica dei saperi ancora gli impone ).
Insomma, si tratta di scegliere la lucidità, il proprio dolore, la propria pulizia anche (e si badi bene: tutto ciò non presuppone l’accantonamento di quel "trastullo d’imbecillità, di abdicazioni (…) che rappresenta l’io di Antonin Artaud" e, aggiungiamo noi, di tutta l’armatura del nostro occidente …) oppure di rimanere passivi all’esproprio del nostro essere ( del nostro dolore senza motivo) in cambio di una rappresentazione che non è il mondo e che si frappone tra noi e il nostro oggetto.
E a questo proposito, fatte naturalmente le dovute proporzioni, verrebbe forse da pensare agli immensi depositi di larve umane del film Matrix, derubate e risucchiate della propria energia, della propria vita vera (ha senso usare questo aggettivo?), sezionate e aperte da fori, in cambio di una vita che è rappresentazione e spettacolo. E tuttavia questa sorte, che tocca ai poveri umani del film, ricade anche, aldilà della finzione, su ogni singolo spettatore, sommerso da un numero imprecisato di effetti speciali: insomma, sono gli stessi cattivi di Matrix a creare il film, Matrix è il programma e il film stesso.
Il lavoro di Artaud ingloba le dicotomie e le aporie del pensiero senza parificarle, non procede per disgiunzioni ed esclusioni, non sostituisce alla prepotenza della materia un sistema simbolico convenzionale : in questo suo vagabondaggio eversivo, non poteva non approdare ai bordi, alle valvole di sicurezza che il sistema stesso ha ideato, quindi alla medicina e in particolare alla psichiatria – anche qui Artaud soccombe e vince:
"Ecco psichiatri (…) radunatevi attorno a questo corpo (…) è intossicato, vi dico, e si attiene alle vostre inversioni di barriere, ai vostri vuoti fantasmi (…) tu hai vinto, psichiatria, hai vinto ed egli ti oltrepassa"
ed è proprio quel “ed” che mette in crisi il tutto
Sotto l’insopprimibile ombra del dover essere, dietro alla parte determinata, dietro ai modi che ci perseguitano e ci salvano
"in fondo dunque a questo verbalismo tossico, c’è lo spasmo fluttuante di un corpo libero e che riguadagna le sue origini, la muraglia di morte essendo chiara, essendo capovolta e rasente il terreno. Poiché è qui che la morte procede, attraverso il filo di un’angoscia che il corpo non può finire di attraversare."

dimanche, 12 décembre 2010

Le Bulletin célinien n°325

Le Bulletin célinien n°325

 
Décembre 2010
 
Vient de paraître : Le Bulletin célinien n°325 de décembre 2010.
 
Au sommaire :

- Marc Laudelout : Bloc-notes
- M. L. : Lucien Descaves au « Club du Faubourg »
- Claude Duneton : Céline et la « tourbe » du langage populaire
- V. M. : Une adaptation théâtrale exemplaire
- Benoît Le Roux : Anouilh et Céline
- Laurence Viala : Illustrer le texte célinien (1)
- Ramon Fernandez : « L’Église » (1933)
- Les souvenirs de Maurice Gabolde
- Willy de Spens : Un après-midi chez L.-F. Céline

Un numéro de 24 pages, 6 € frais de port inclus à :
Le Bulletin célinien
Bureau de poste 22
B. P. 70
B 1000 Bruxelles
 
Bloc-Notes:
 
À propos du « refus de parvenir », expression (rendue célèbre par Albert Thierry et les syndicalistes révolutionnaires) traduisant une volonté d’être fidèle à ses origines populaires, Paul Yonnet trace un parallèle avec la figure de Céline : « ...C’est une exigence du même ordre qui traverse Voyage au bout de la nuit, mais aussi l’œuvre entière de Céline, jusque dans les images qu’il nous donne de lui, durant les dix dernières années de sa vie, asilaires (1)». Et de renvoyer aux pages que le psychiatre Yves Buin consacre à ce thème : « Sa déshérence, Céline tient à la montrer. Plus qu’au clochard exhibé, au hâbleur volontaire du déclin, c’est à l’asilaire que Céline fait penser si l’on s’en réfère aux photographies de l’ère Meudon se déroulant tel un film. Un asilaire ? C’est-à-dire un de ses falots personnages d’hospice, de foyer social hors le monde, et plus encore des grandes concentrations carcérales où, au milieu des déments et des agités que l’on enferme, subsistent des êtres atones, ravinés, habitacles d’une vie éteinte, des êtres lassés, revenus de tout et de nulle part, que rien ne dérange plus et qui ne dérangent plus personne. (…) Il est de l’humanité invisible. Le Céline des trois ou quatre dernières années est de cette confrérie d’abandonnés. Probablement n’y siège-t-il pas en permanence. Aux parutions de ses livres, et entre elles, il doit concéder à la représentation mais avec les habits de scène qu’il s’est choisis pour le dernier acte et, l’asilaire, en lui, affleure (2). » En d’autres termes, Céline donnerait à voir, de manière spectaculaire, qu’il n’est pas parvenu, qu’il a refusé de parvenir, qu’il a tout fait pour qu’il en soit ainsi.
 
Cette vision du Céline de la fin contraste avec celle d’un autre biographe, Philippe Alméras, qui voit en l’ermite de Meudon un épigone de Chodruc-Duclos : « Sous la Restauration, Chodruc-Duclos, l’“homme à la longue barbe”, exhibait chaque jour au Palais-Royal sa misère et sa saleté pour exposer l’ingratitude des Bourbons. Céline, aidé par l’incurie des artistes, et grâce à Match ou à L’Express, confronte route des Gardes ses contemporains d’une façon pas tellement différente (3). »
 
Et si au lieu de voir l’intention de témoigner de ceci ou de cela, il ne fallait pas tout uniment constater chez lui une totale indifférence à son aspect vestimentaire ? Sauf durant une brève période – des années vingt au début des années trente –, Céline ne s’est jamais préoccupé de sa mise. Certains le lui reprochaient d’ailleurs (4). Exilé au Danemark, il s’en est encore moins soucié et cette attitude, qui n’était nullement une pose, n’a fait que s’accentuer durant les dix dernières années de sa vie. Cela en fit un personnage aussi pittoresque que Paul Léautaud avec, comme autres points communs, un attachement profond pour les animaux allant de pair avec une misanthropie foncière (5). Et surtout une volonté farouche de demeurer libre.

Marc LAUDELOUT

1. Paul Yonnet, « La sortie de la révolution » in Le Débat, n° 160, mai-août 2010, pp. [37]-46. Rappelons que Paul Yonnet est l’auteur du Testament de Céline (Bernard de Fallois, 2009).
2. Yves Buin, Céline, Gallimard, coll. « Folio biographies », 2009, pp. 436-437.
3. Philippe Alméras, « Céline vu de gauche, vu de droite » in Nouvelle École (« Les écrivains »), n° 46, automne 1990, pp. 40-48.
4. « On me fait volontiers grief de bouder les assemblées… (…) On m’y trouve mal habillé… N’est-ce pas, Monsieur Ménard ? » (Lettre à Jean Lestandi, 10 septembre 1942. Reprise dans Cahiers Céline 7, 2003 [rééd.], p. 171.)
5. Sur ce parallèle, voir Pierre Lalanne : « Louis-Ferdinand Céline et Paul Léautaud » sur le blog L’ombre de Louis-Ferdinand Céline à la date du 15 février 2010. À Jacques Chancel, en juillet 1957, il confie : « Je ne suis qu’un bouffon. Paul Léautaud est mort. Il fallait un pauvre qui pue. Me voilà. ». Repris dans Cahiers Céline, 2 (« Céline et l’actualité littéraire, 1957-1961 »), 1993 (rééd.), pp. [95]-99.

 

samedi, 11 décembre 2010

Ezra Pound, maître d'une poésie romanesque et brutale

Ezra Pound, maître d'une poésie romanesque et brutale

Ex: http://racinescharnelles.blogspot.com/

Qu'on ne s'y trompe pas. Malgré son prénom aux consonances bibliques et les airs de prophète qu'il prenait volontiers vers la fin de sa vie, Ezra Pound n'a été ni dans son œuvre ni dans son existence l’enfant de cœur tourmenté par la notion de péché ou d'humilité. Dis­sident de l'Amérique, du mauvais goût et des valeurs approximatives d'un pays où la Bible et le dollar tiennent lieu de référence, Pound l'est déjà dès son plus jeune âge. « J'écrirai, déclare-t-il à l'âge de 12 ans, les plus grands poèmes jamais écrits ». En cette fin de XIXe siècle, en plein Wild West américain, il se découvre une vocation poétique pour le moins incongrue si l'on en juge par les préoccupations de ses compatriotes de l'époque, plus soucieux de bâtir des empires financiers que de partir en guerre contre des moulins à vent. Pendant des années, en subissant les vexations des cuistres, il va se consacrer à l'étude du provençal et à l'art des ménestrels et troubadours précurseurs de la littérature moderne.

Des poèmes comme "L'arbre", témoins, comme le note Tytell, d'un paga­nisme croissant, et sa haine de l'Amérique sont le signe avant-coureur que sa vie entière allait devenir un défi lancé aux systèmes occidentaux et une dénonciation de la religion moderne qu'il tenait pour la servante de ces systèmes. Les conflits incessants avec le monde universitaire qui lui refuse quelque chaire, l'ordre moral et l'étroitesse d'esprit de ses contemporains vont avoir pour conséquence le départ de Pound pour l'Europe. Venise, tout d'abord, où il s'exerce au dur métier de gondolier, puis Londres, où son talent va enfin éclore. C'est pour lui le temps des amitiés littéraires avec George Bernard Shaw, puis James Joyce, T.S. Eliot.

Le Londres aux mœurs victo­riennes ne nuit en rien pour l'heure à l'effervescence d'un génie que l'on commence à voir poindre ici et là dans les revues auxquelles il collabore. La guerre de 14 éclate et nombre des amis de Pound n'en reviendront pas. « C'est une perte pour l'art qu'il faudra venger », écrit-il, plus convaincu que quiconque que cette guerre est une plaie dont l'Europe aura bien du mal à cicatriser. Peu après, il se met à travailler à un nouveau poème, « un poème criséléphan­tesque d'une longueur incommen­surable qui m'occupera pendant les quatre prochaines décennies jusqu'à ce que cela devienne la barbe ». Les Cantos, l'œuvre maîtresse et fondamentale de Pound, était née.

Puis, las de la rigueur anglaise et des Britanniques qu'il juge snobs et hermétiques à toute forme d'art, Pound décide de partir pour la France.

Il débarque dans le Paris léger et enivrant de l'après-guerre lorsque brillent encore les mille feux de l'intelligence et de l'esprit. Les phares de l'époque s'appellent Coc­teau, Aragon, Maurras et Gide. Pound s'installe rue Notre-Dame­-des-Champs et se consacre à la littérature et aux femmes. À Paris toujours, il rencontre Ernest Hemingway, alors jeune joumalis­te, qui écrira que « le grand poète Pound consacre un cinquième de son temps à la poésie, et le reste a aider ses amis du point de vue matériel et artistique. Il les défend lorsqu'ils sont attaqués, les fait publier dans les revues et les sort de prison. »

La France pourtant ne lui convient déjà plus. À la petite histoire des potins parisiens, il préfère l'Histoire et ses remous italiens. L'aura romanesque d'un D'Annun­zio et la brutalité de la pensée fas­ciste l'attirent comme un aimant.


Pound obtient une tribune à la radio de Rome. L'Amérique, « Jew York » et Confu­cius vont devenir ses chevaux de bataille. Pendant des années, le délire verbal et l'insulte vont tenir lieu de discours à Pound, un genre peu apprécié de ses compatriotes...

En 1943 le régime fasciste s'écroule, mais la République de Salo, pure et dure, mêlera la tragédie au rêve. Les GI's triomphants encagent le poète à Pise avant de l'expédier aux États-Unis pour qu'il y soit jugé. « Haute trahison, intelligence avec l'ennemi », ne cessent de rabâcher ses détracteurs nombreux. Pound échappe à la corde mais pas à l'outrage d'être interné pendant douze ans dans un hôpital psychiatrique des environs de Washington. Lorsqu'on lui demanda de quoi il parlait avec les toubibs, il répondit : « D'honneur. C'est pas qu'ils y croient pas. C'est simplement qu'ils n'en ont jamais entendu parler. »
Le 9 juillet 1958, le vieux cowboy revient à Naples et dans une ultime provocation répond à l'attente des journalistes par le salut fasciste, dernier bras d'honneur du rebelle céleste.

• Ezra Pound, le volcan solitaire, John Tytell, Seghers.

mercredi, 08 décembre 2010

Autonom: To the Magic of the Sun

TO THE MAGIC OF THE SUN

Shall I worship You
In the garden of yellow chrysanthemums,
Where you weave your last golden web
Of auburn autumn shades,
Before the cold winter sets in,
And the silver frost sparkles appear,
On the butterflies’ hoary yellow wings,
On their last winter flight
Towards your powerful, marigold orange,
And vine coloured, quivering body.
Your wintry airiness appear,
On your sun’s steps,
Sparkling with silver sky pearls
Of unutterable silence,
In the icy depths of forgetfulness,
Between the scintillating stars,
And frigid white lily paths;
Where hushed sounds of life,
Wait for deathless music of Pan
To be again awaken,
Along the snowy, sweet sun,
Honey scented, pine trees paths;
Lanterns to living universe.
 
By Xenia Sunic, December , 2010

Ex: http://autonomotpol.wordpress.com/

00:18 Publié dans Littérature | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : littérature, poésie, lettres, croatie | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

samedi, 04 décembre 2010

Mishima, l'eterna giovinezza di un samurai

Mishima, l'eterna giovinezza di un samurai

Quarant’anni fa moriva lo scrittore giapponese

Lo ricorda un ex ragazzo che crebbe nel suo mito

Strumenti utili
mishimacccvvvv.jpgLe parole non bastano. Così parlò Yukio Mishima, e il 25 novembre del 1970 si uccise davanti alle telecamere col rito tradizionale del seppuku. Alle parole seguì il gesto e la scrittura debordò nella vita per compiersi nella morte. Il suicidio eroico di Mishima scosse la mia generazione, versante destro. Era il nostro Che Guevara, e sposava in capitulo mortis la letteratura e l’assoluto, l’esteta e l’eroe, il Superuomo e la Tradizione. Lasciò un brivido sui miei quindici anni. Poi diventò un mito a diciassette, quando uscì in Italia Sole e acciaio, il suo testamento spirituale. È uno di quei libri che trasforma chi lo legge; gustato riga per riga, non solo letto ma vissuto, come un libro d’istruzioni per montare la vita, pezzo per pezzo. Altro che Ikea, il pensare si riversava nell’agire. Le parole non bastano.

Andammo in palestra, dopo quel libro, tra i manubri e i pesi, sulla scia di Mishima e del suo acciaio per scolpire il corpo all’altezza dei pensieri e per dare una vita ardita a un’indole intellettuale. Correvamo a torso nudo d’inverno con alcuni pazzi amici per andare incontro al sole. Dopo una corsa di dieci chilometri c’era un ponte che era la nostra meta finale perché sembrava che corressimo verso il cielo. Arrivavamo sfiniti ma a testa alta, con uno scatto finale, e una benda rossa sulla fronte. Pazzi che eravamo, illusi di gloria. Ridicoli. Vedevamo il sole come obbiettivo, non guardavamo sotto, all’autostrada, che banalmente scorreva sotto il ponte. Eravamo nella via del Samurai, mica sull’asfalto. Inseguivamo il mito. Un mito impolitico, che ci portava lontano dall’impegno militante e ci avvicinava a quella comunità eroica che Mishima aveva fondato due anni prima di darsi la morte. Mishima diventò col tempo il nostro Pasolini, disperato cantore di un mondo antico contro il mondo moderno e le sue macerie spirituali, l’americanizzazione e i consumi. Oggi di Mishima non è più proibito parlare, tutte le sue trasgressioni restano vietate, eccetto una che però basta a glorificarlo agli occhi del nostro tempo: Mishima era omosessuale. Sposato, ma omosessuale. E così viene oggi celebrato dai media e riabilitato.

Su Radio3 è andato in onda qualche giorno fa un bel programma a lui dedicato di Antonella Ferrera. Ho scritto più volte di lui, accostandolo al Che, d’Annunzio e Pasolini. Fu grande gioia ripubblicare, con un mio saggio introduttivo, Sole e acciaio, dieci anni dopo la sua prima lettura. Avevo ventisette anni ma avevo un conto in sospeso con la mia giovinezza, e fui felice di onorarlo. Il peggior complimento che ricevetti fu da un professore che allora mi disse: è più bella la tua introduzione del testo. Mi piace ricevere elogi, non nego la vanità. Ma quell’elogio fu peggio di un insulto, disprezzava il breviario della nostra gioventù. Come poteva paragonare un saggetto giovanile e letterario a un testamento spirituale così denso e forte? L’ho riletto dopo svariati anni, quel piccolo libro; non era un libro sacro, d’accordo, ma lo trovai ancora bello e teso, spirituale e marziale.

Poi c’era Mishima romanziere, gran letterato, ma poco rispetto al testimone dell’Assoluto. Certo, Mishima soffriva di narcisismo eroico, c’era in lui una componente sadomaso e molto di quel che lui attribuiva allo spirito dell’antico Giappone imperiale proveniva in realtà dalla letteratura romantica d’occidente e dalle sue letture. Mishima era stato lo scrittore più occidentale del Giappone, era di casa in America, veniva in Italia, amava Baudelaire e d’Annunzio, Keats e Byron, perfino Oscar Wilde. Faceva il cinema, scriveva per il cinema e per il teatro moderno, amava i film di gangster, era amico di Moravia. E c’era in lui quell’intreccio di vitalismo e decadentismo comune agli esteti nostrani. La stessa voluttà del morire di d’Annunzio, lo stesso culto della bella morte degli arditi e poi di alcuni fascisti di Salò...

Ma il miracolo di Mishima fu proprio quello: ritrovare nella modernità occidentale il cuore antico del suo Giappone, il culto dell’imperatore, la via del samurai, il pazzo morire; il nostro pensiero e azione che diventano in Giappone il crisantemo e la spada. Ribelle per amor di Tradizione. Certo, dietro il suicidio non c’è solo il grido disperato e irriso verso lo spirito che muore; c’è anche il gusto del beau geste clamoroso e c’è soprattutto l’orrore della vecchiaia, del lento e indecoroso morire nei giorni, negli anni. Dietro il samurai c’era Dorian Gray. Ma colpisce la sua cerimonia d’addio, vestito di bianco come si addice al lutto in Giappone, e prima il suo congedo in scrittura. Saluto gli oggetti che vedo per l’ultima volta... Mi siedo a scrivere e so che è l’ultima volta... Poi il pranzo dai genitori alla vigilia, la ripetizione fedele delle abitudini, come se nulla dovesse accadere. E il giorno dopo conficcarsi una lama nel ventre e farsi decapitare, dopo aver gridato tra le risa dei soldati, l’occhio delle telecamere e il ronzio degli elicotteri, il suo discorso eroico caduto nel vuoto.

Quell’immagine ti resta conficcata dentro, come una spada, capisci che l’unica morale eroica è quella dell’insuccesso, pensi che il successo arrivi quando il talento di uno si mette al servizio della stupidità di molti; diffidi delle vittorie e accarezzi la nobiltà delle sconfitte. E leggi Morris e la Yourcenar che a Mishima dedicò uno splendido testo, per accompagnare con giuste letture il suo canto del cigno. Su quegli errori si fondò la vita di alcuni militanti dell’assoluto, alla ricerca di una gloria sovrumana che coincideva con la morte trionfale, la perdita di sé nel nome di una perfetta eternità... Perciò torno oggi in pellegrinaggio da Mishima e porto un fiore di loto ai suoi 45 anni spezzati, e ai nostri quindici anni spariti con lui.

vendredi, 03 décembre 2010

Il cuore di Mishima

mishimaMMMMMMKKK.jpg

Il cuore di Mishima

di Marco Iacona

Ex: http://www.scandalizzareeundiritto.blogspot.com/ 

Yukio Mishima (ma è più corretto scrivere Mishima Yukio), è stato un personaggio – non solo persona, appunto, ma personaggio – capace di esprimere la grandezza e la pienezza del vivere in ogni gesto o frase e per tutti i momenti che hanno composto i quarantacinque anni della sua breve vita (l’ultima sua frase prima del suicidio: «la vita umana è breve, ma io vorrei vivere per sempre.»). A quarant’anni esatti dalla morte (25 novembre 1970), lo ricordiamo come uno degli intellettuali, scrittori e uomini d’azione (personaggio, dunque, assolutamente novecentesco), capaci di dare un senso ben preciso al cosiddetto “secolo breve”.
 
 In Mishima c’è un pezzo – anche piccolo – di ogni personalità che ha arricchito gli anni del nostro passato. Lui è innanzitutto il D’Annunzio d’oriente (poeta, prosatore, acceso patriota, esteta, uomo dalla forte personalità che “confonde” vita ed epica), ma è anche un uomo pronto al sacrificio per il rispetto dei principi e politicamente non-etichettabile come Che Guevara; Mishima è un uomo destinato a suscitate scandalo ed essere, contemporaneamente, venerato dai propri sostenitori come Lawrence d’Arabia l’avventuriero, ma anche profondamente influenzato da una cultura che non è quella del proprio paese (il Giappone) come il grande Akira Kurosawa (e come lui non amatissimo in patria); infine un uomo segnato da un destino tragico e contraddistinto da un’esistenza inquieta come Drieu La Rochelle e Camus: un uomo nato e poi vissuto con un deficit di libertà (all’interno del Giappone crebbe peraltro con un’educazione molto rigida), ma che questa stessa ricercò dappertutto, nelle lettere, nei costumi e nell’amore per una patria sottoposta a rigide imposizioni di politica internazionale.
 
 Come tutti i (veri) grandi intellettuali del Novecento – viene in mente anche il nostro Pasolini – Mishima subisce l’influenza di “correnti” di pensiero opposte le une alle altre, c’è tanta modernità – nella forma di una “antichità riadattata” – ma tanta tradizione nelle sue prose che risulta davvero difficile produrre le giuste coordinate per un “pensiero” eternamente sfuggente. Conservatore anzi tradizionalista? Senz’altro, data la venerazione per il Giappone imperiale. Decadente? Anche, come decadenti furono gli scrittori che esibirono “moralità” proprie e chiusero un’epoca fra estetiche nietzscheane e pulsioni romantiche. Mishima è autore d’inarrivabile profondità e narratore schietto, senza censure “ideologiche” ai limiti della sfacciataggine, un Rimbaud dei nostri tempi.
 
Al momento del suicidio – con la cerimonia del seppuku – davanti alle televisioni, con migliaia di curiosi e in straordinario “fortuito” anticipo sulla scoperta del potere “condizionante” dei media, lui che parla con poetica delicatezza di omosessualità e frigidità citando Freud e Fromm, in Italia si litiga - molto più “banalmente” - sulla legge sul divorzio e si dibatte sui progetti per la costruzione del ponte sullo stretto di Messina (!); lui bisessuale dichiarato anticipa gli “outing” di artisti e intellettuali del terzo Millennio, anticipa le preoccupazioni che un gesto compiuto davanti a milioni di spettatori possa influire sul comportamento di altrettanti concittadini e sulle elite del proprio paese, e anticipa il “gusto” per i riflettori accesi sulla cultura giapponese. La “morte in diretta” in Italia sarebbe arrivata “soltanto” undici anni dopo nel 1981 con le sofferenze di Alfredino Rampi all’interno di un pozzo poco lontano da Roma, la “mania” per il Giappone – un certo tipo di Giappone spesso però caricaturale – sarebbe arrivata grazie alla cultura di Manga e Anime dal 1978 in poi. Il cinema Giapponese invece era già noto in Italia dai primi anni Cinquanta, ma ben poca cosa forse.
 
In un’Italia bacchettona sfiorata appena dalle novità del Sessantotto (il Sessantotto che è anche quello del suicidio di Jan Palach però), un paese nel quale in pochi vanno oltre un americanismo da “buon padre di famiglia”, Mishima è un autore che dà fastidio. Nonostante le candidature al premio Nobel, alcuni quotidiani italiani non ne citano il nome quando danno la notizia del gesto estremo (nel titolo si parla solo di un celebre scrittore; la “Stampa” titola: “Uno scrittore di Tokio”…); a far notizia è il “fanatismo” dei protagonisti nonché la stranezza degli accadimenti. Punto. Molti cadono vittima della “cattiva” fama di Mishima compresa quella del “militarista”: lo scrittore ha fondato due anni prima un corpo paramilitare privato l’“associazione degli scudi” del quale è naturalmente il comandante, e peraltro ha deciso di morire con un gesto da “onesto” avanguardista, dando prova che il protestare contro la rinuncia del Giappone alle proprie tradizioni non è mera chiacchiera giornalistica (si ripassi il suo “Sole e acciaio” per capire meglio).
È il rigore mishimiano a dar fastidio ancora oggi a chi ritiene che il “disprezzo per la morte” degli uomini del Sol-levante sia solo il cattivo ricordo degli anni della seconda guerra mondiale. Ed è l’idea che la guerra, dopo venticinque anni (e con la capitolazione definitiva del Giappone), non sia definitivamente finita a “terrorizzare” gli osservatori, e con essa il doppio pensiero che l’«assoluta inefficienza delle forza armate giapponesi ad assicurare la difesa del paese» e «la vigente Costituzione imposta al Giappone dagli accordi di Yalta e Potsdam», sia un’intollerabile ferita per un paese dalle eccellenti tradizioni militari. Una “maledizione” che Mishima si porta addosso da decenni. La maledizione del “fascista”, militarista e ultranazionalista, la maledizione che colpisce chi decide di non rassegnarsi ai verdetti della seconda guerra mondiale: quanti nomi si potrebbero fare in proposito… Quella “malattia della politica” che Mishima ha cercato di scansare per decenni (si definiva un antipolitico), torna dunque nella vita dello scrittore sotto la forma di una condanna senza appello anche nel post-mortem. Lui si batte per il ritorno del Giappone allo “spirito tradizionale” - quello che fu dei samurai - e per il ripristino delle condizioni di difesa dell’Imperatore che incarna lo spirito della nazione (prima di morire Mishima urla: «Tenno Heika Bazan!» - Viva l’Imperatore!), ma per gli “osservatori” invece è solo un tipo “fascista”, un nazionalista come “tanti” negli anni caldi del ritorno alle contrapposizioni ideologiche. Se a ciò aggiungiamo l’amore mishimiano per la Grecia classica e il teatro tradizionale giapponese (passioni indigeste per chi è accecato dal sol dell’avvenire), la cura maniacale del corpo (dagli anni Cinquanta Mishima si dedica al culturismo e al Kendò e la sua immagine diventa icona della bellezza fisica maschile), e l’importanza data ai valori dello stile, del gusto e dell’azione non è arduo pensare che il destino dell’autore di “Neve di primavera” fosse rigidamente scritto fin dai primi anni.
 
Come Céline, come Pound come altri (compreso il nostro D’Annunzio), l’approccio a Mishima è ancora oggi schizofrenico... Fascista illeggibile per qualche “anima bella”, ma in realtà scrittore amatissimo dalle donne e dagli uomini in egual misura (e ciò lo rende ancora una volta unico), e dalle capacità narrative paragonabili a quelle di un Dostoevskij (edito peraltro in Italia anche da Feltrinelli). Il rapporto – letterario – fra Mishima  e le donne è un capitolo a se stante della biografia dello scrittore tokyoto; anche nei suoi lavori meno recenti o più commerciali come “Musica” o la “Leonessa” la donna assume un ruolo da protagonista sconosciuto a gran parte della letteratura moderna. Donna non come “parte” di un universo maschile ma come protagonista “alla pari” soprattutto nei rapporti d’amore. Eccola la “cifra mishimiana”: l’andare oltre lo schema occidentale – capitalistico-borghese – che tipicizza il rapporto maschio/femmina per aprire nuovi capitoli attraverso l’analisi delle proprie tradizioni, attraverso la fitta indagine psicologica. Dopotutto, anche questo è l’autore che seppe riversare in autentici capolavori - e quasi da subito - come “Confessioni di una maschera” il proprio disagio esistenziale per la cosiddetta normalità; si trovasse al di “dentro”, nel suo animo, o al di “fuori” dell’essere umano, cioè nella società.
 
È quasi scontato in cauda ricordare che fra i suoi ammiratori ci fosse Marguerite Yourcenar capace di percepirne, così come fece per Julius Evola, una cifra “trascendente”, un quid  di eccezionalità. Ancora oggi però c’è l'intellettuale sconosciuto a chi ha gli occhi bendati dal pregiudizio... Caduti i muri, i veti e le censure, siamo sicuri cadrà anche la barriera che impedisce di entrare nell’universo di Yukio Mishima, nell’universo delle "confessioni" di chi strappò al secondo Novecento la grigia maschera del conformismo.
Maia

Seppuku vor 40 Jahre: Yukio Mishima

yukio_mishima.jpg

Seppuku vor 40 Jahren: Yukio Mishima

von Daniel Napiorkowski

Ex: http://www.sezession.de/

Vor 40 Jahren beging der japanische Schriftsteller Yukio Mishima feierlich Selbstmord. Seine Tat war konsequent. In einem Abschiedsbrief an seinen englischen Übersetzer, den Wissenschaftler Donald Keene, schrieb er: »Es war schon seit langem mein Wunsch, nicht als Literat, sondern als Soldat zu sterben«.

Als solcher starb er auch. Mit vier Kameraden aus der »Schildgesellschaft«, seiner kleinen Privatmiliz, drang er, bewaffnet mit Samuraischwertern und gekleidet in eine Phantasieuniform, am Vormittag des 25. November 1970 in das Hauptquartier der japanischen Selbstverteidigungsstreitkräfte in Tokio ein. Dort nahm er einen General als Geisel und forderte als Gegenleistung für dessen Freilassung, eine Rede vor den Soldaten der Garnison halten zu dürfen. Über tausend Soldaten versammelten sich auf dem Kasernenhof des Quartiers, während Mishima sich auf den Balkon stellte, die Hände in die Hüften stützte und einen Appell auf die Kaiserherrschaft, die altehrwürdige Tradition Japans und den Samuraigeist hielt.

Der Appell blieb unverstanden, Mishima erntete Spott und Beschimpfungen aus der Menge und brach die Rede vorzeitig ab. Er zog sich mit seinen Begleitern in ein Zimmer zurück und beging seppuku, die traditionelle japanische Form des Selbstmords durch Bauchaufschneiden, wie sie auch die Samurai praktiziert haben. Noch bevor Mishima unter Schmerzen starb, köpfte ihn einer seiner Begleiter. So hatte man es abgesprochen, und vereinbart war auch, daß ihm ein anderer Begleiter (pikanterweise Mishimas Geliebter Morita) in den Tod folgte. Das Bild von Mishimas abgetrenntem Kopf, den immer noch ein Stirnband mit dem Symbol der aufgehenden Sonne zierte, ging um die Welt.

Ein anderer Abgang Mishimas ist nur schwerlich vorstellbar. Der Großteil seines Lebens gleicht einer zeremoniellen Selbstinszenierung, und der Großteil seines künstlerischen Schaffens kreist um den Gedanken des Selbstmords: Ungezählt sind seine literarischen Arbeiten, in denen der Suizid als ästhetisches Ritual idealisiert wird; ungezählt sind seine Auftritte, bei denen er sich als Schauspieler in Film und Theater in langen, schmerzvollen Akten selbst tötet.

Als Kind und Jugendlicher war der am 14. Januar 1925 als Kimitake Hiraoka in Tokio geborene Mishima schmächtig, unnatürlich blaß und zurückhaltend. Seine dominante Großmutter, die einen großen Einfluß auf die gesamte Familie ausübte, verbat ihm den Umgang mit gleichaltrigen Jungen; er durfte nur mit Mädchen spielen. Männerkörper – vor allem Samuraikrieger und europäische Ritter, die er aus Bilderbüchern kannte – übten daher bereits im Kindesalter einen besonderen Reiz auf ihn aus. Als er eines Tages erfuhr, daß der Ritter auf einem seiner Lieblingsbilder eine Frau, Jeanne d’Arc, sei, war er darüber sehr enttäuscht.

Als Heranwachsender verbrachte Mishima seine Freizeit vornehmlich mit Lesen, wobei ihn auch europäische Literatur, insbesondere Raymond Radiguet – dessen Roman Der Teufel im Leib (1923) vielfach verfilmt wurde –, Oscar Wilde und Rainer Maria Rilke, prägte. Später wird er Thomas Mann als den Schriftsteller benennen, den er am meisten schätzt. Da bei Mishima irrtümlich eine beginnende Tuberkulose diagnostiziert wurde, mußte er den Militärdienst im Zweiten Weltkrieg nicht leisten.

Um dem Eindruck der Verletzlichkeit entgegenzuwirken, widmete sich Mishima fortan intensiv dem Kampf- und Kraftsport. Dank einer gnadenlosen Selbstdisziplin hatte er schon bald den muskelgestählten Körper, den er sich wünschte. Nicht selten wurden Mishima später Narzißmus und dandyhafte Züge nachgesagt; tatsächlich zeigen ihn viele seiner Bilder in heroischer Samuraipose mit nacktem, eingeöltem Oberkörper oder herrisch dreinblickend in dunklem maßgeschneidertem Anzug. Mishima wurde sein eigenes Ideal, er wurde der Held, den er als Kind so bewundert hatte.

Nachdem seine ersten schriftstellerischen Schritte weitgehend unbeachtet blieben, gelang ihm 1949 mit Geständnis einer Maske sein erster Erfolg. Das streckenweise autobiographische Werk ist das Porträt eines sensiblen, von Selbstzweifeln bedrängten Jungen an der Schwelle zum Erwachsensein. Bereits hier treten zahlreiche Themen auf, die sich wie rote Fäden durch Mishimas Werk ziehen: die Todessehnsucht, die erotische Zuneigung zu Knaben, die auffallende Betonung von Brust- und vor allem Achselhaar an männlichen Körpern.

Ein weiteres stets wiederkehrendes Motiv in seinem Werk ist die Figur des Heiligen Sebastian, des römischen Soldaten, der zum christlichen Märtyrer wurde. In Geständnis einer Maske bewirkt der Anblick eines Gemäldes des italienischen Barockmalers Guido Reni, das den Heiligen, malträtiert und halbnackt an einen Baum gefesselt, abbildet, die erste Ejakulation des Erzählers; 1966 veröffentlichte Mishima eine Übersetzung von Gabriele d’Annunzios Bühnenwerk Märtyrertum des heiligen Sebastian und ließ sich von dem japanischen Fotografen Kishin Shinoyama in der Pose, die Guido Reni für sein Sebastian-Gemälde ausgewählt hatte, fotografieren: mit nacktem, von mehreren Pfeilen durchbohrtem Oberkörper – wobei ein Pfeil markant aus seiner linken, schwarz behaarten Achselhöhle herausragt.

Obwohl Mishima zu einem auch international erfolgreichen und gefeierten Schriftsteller avancierte, schrieb er auch weiterhin immer wieder etliche anspruchslose Auftragsarbeiten, die in Magazinen oder als Fortsetzung in Tageszeitungen veröffentlicht wurden. Auf dem quantitativen Höhepunkt seines Schaffens entstanden bis zu drei Romane und ein Dutzend Kurzgeschichten im Jahr. Aus der breiten Masse der in den 50er Jahren entstandenen Werke stechen insbesondere Die Brandung (1954), eine zeitgenössische japanische Interpretation der antiken Liebesgeschichte um Daphnis und Chloe, und Der Tempelbrand (1956) hervor. Hierin erzählt Mishima von dem authentischen Fall eines Priesteranwärters, der im Nachkriegsjapan einen der schönsten buddhistischen Tempel, der den Bombenhagel im Zweiten Weltkrieg unbeschadet überstanden hat, anzündet.

Neben seinen Romanen schrieb Mishima auch zahlreiche Theaterstücke und trat selbst als Schauspieler von NÕ-Stücken auf. NÕ bezeichnet ein klassisches japanisches Theater, das traditionell nur von Männern gespielt wird und sich vornehmlich mit Motiven der japanischen Mythologie befaßt. 1957 verbrachte Mishima ein halbes Jahr in den USA, wo er sich u.a. die Aufführung seiner Stücke anschauen wollte. Verbittert und unvermittelt brach er seinen Aufenthalt am Silvestertag ab. Auch wenn ihn gewisse Aspekte am amerikanischen Lebensstil reizten, ödete ihn auf Dauer die dortige Selbstsucht, die Fixierung auf Materielles ab, wie sein englischer Übersetzer Keene mit Blick auf das – leider nicht ins Deutsche übersetzte – »Reisebilderbuch« Mishimas feststellt.

Insoweit blieb sein Verhältnis zum Westen, insbesondere zu den USA zeitlebens ein gespaltenes. Am deutlichsten drückte Mishimas eigenes Haus diese Ambivalenz aus: Es bestand aus einem westlich und einem traditionell japanisch möblierten Trakt. Überhaupt zeichnete eine gewisse Zerrissenheit Mishimas Leben aus: Privat changierte es zwischen Bürgertum und Provokation. Er heiratete und wurde Vater zweier Kinder, nachts durchstreifte er hingegen die einschlägigen Homosexuellen-Bars in Tokio. Künstlerisch machte der weltweit anerkannte, mehrmals für den Literaturnobelpreis vorgeschlagene Schriftsteller Seitensprünge, indem er auch Rollen in billig produzierten Trashfilmen spielte.

Als Mishima 1968 erneut als einer der engeren Kandidaten für den Literaturnobelpreis diskutiert wurde, schmeichelte ihm dies natürlich. Die Wahl fiel schließlich auf den Japaner Kawabata Yasunari. Mishima eilte zu Yasunari, um ihm als erster gratulieren zu dürfen, und auch auf den gemeinsamen Fotos bei der Pressekonferenz macht Mishima einen erfreuten Eindruck. Doch so ganz ist ihm die Beherrschung nicht geglückt; sein Biograph Henry Scott Stokes, der Mishima auch privat gut kannte, beobachtete in den kommenden Tagen eine gewisse Enttäuschung und Niedergeschlagenheit. Vielleicht waren dies jene seltenen Momente, die Mishima ohne Maske zeigten: sensibel und von Selbstzweifeln bedrückt.

In den 60er Jahren streifte sich Mishima allmählich eine weitere Maske über: er entdeckte die Politik. Bereits in den 50er Jahren trat die japanische Kommunistische Partei mit der Anregung an ihn heran, über einen Eintritt in die Partei nachzudenken; diesem Kuriosum darf jedoch kaum eine ernstzunehmende Relevanz beigemessen werden. Literarisch näherte sich Mishima erstmals im Jahre 1960 politischen Themen an. Der Roman Nach dem Bankett erzählt von den Verstrickungen eines Diplomaten in politische Machtstrukturen, zweifelhafte Geldgeschäfte und private Liebschaften. Die Geschichte beruht auf einem authentischen Fall – die Romanfigur ist an einen ehemaligen liberalen Außenminister Japans angelehnt –, Mishimas eigene politische Position bleibt aber unklar.

Die im selben Jahr erschienene Kurzgeschichte Patriotismus ist hingegen eine deutliche Verbeugung vor dem Ethos des japanischen Soldatentums. Als Hintergrund der Geschichte dient der Ni-Ni-Roku-Aufstand vom 26. Februar 1936, bei dem sich eine Reihe junger Offiziere infolge außenpolitischer Diskrepanzen zwischen Regierung und militärischer Führung gegen letztere erhob und dabei den Tod fand. Patriotismus beschreibt den letzten Abend eines jungen, frisch verheirateten Leutnants, der gemeinsam mit seiner Frau den Freitod wählt, um nicht gegen seine Kameraden – die aufständischen Offiziere – vorgehen zu müssen. In einer bis dato nicht bekannten Detailliertheit schildert Mishima den Selbstmord als einen zeremoniellen Akt, als selbstverständliche Antwort auf einen moralischen Interessenkonflikt. In der fünf Jahre später unter seiner Regie entstandenen Verfilmung spielte Mishima die Rolle des jungen Offiziers selbst. Auch hier gleicht der Suizid einem feierlichen Ritual.

Das schicksalhafte Jahr 1968 ließ auch Japan nicht unberührt. Auch hier herrschte eine politische und gesellschaftliche Unruhe, deren Stifter mehrheitlich links standen. Mishima beobachtete die Entwicklung mit Interesse und suchte zu den wenigen rechten Studentengruppen Kontakt. Im Sommer 1968 gründete er eine paramilitärische Vereinigung, die sogenannte Schildgesellschaft (japanisch: Tatenokai), die sich ausschließlich aus jungen Studenten rekrutierte und die für die Rückkehr der klassischen Kaiserherrschaft eintrat. Es war der Versuch, eine an ästhetischen Idealen und traditionellen japanischen Vorstellungen orientierte Elite aufzubauen.

Mishima machte die jungen Männer mit den Tugenden des bushido, dem Verhaltenskodex der Samurai, vertraut und unterrichtete sie in Karate sowie in Schwertkampf. Er ließ eigene Uniformen schneidern, ein Wappen entwerfen und kreierte sogar eine eigene Hymne. Aufgrund der strengen Aufnahmevoraussetzungen hatte die Schildgesellschaft niemals mehr als hundert Mitglieder, was Mishima nur recht war; er sprach von der »kleinsten Armee der Welt und der größten an Geist«.

Die öffentliche Resonanz auf die Schildgesellschaft fiel erstaunlich dürftig aus. Dies überraschte um so mehr, als die Schildgesellschaft mit ausdrücklicher Genehmigung des damaligen Verteidigungsministers Nakasone sogar in den Militärkasernen der japanischen Armee exerzieren durfte. Die japanischen Medien beachteten Mishimas private Miliz trotzdem kaum, und wenn, dann nahmen sie sie als den Spleen eines exzentrischen Schriftstellers wahr, der eine »Spielzeugarmee« unterhielt. Auch das Verhältnis zwischen Mishimas Schildgesellschaft und anderen politisch rechtsstehenden Organisationen blieb von einem gewissen Desinteresse geprägt. Erst posthum entdeckten einige Gruppierungen aus dem Umfeld der japanischen »Neuen Rechten« – allen voran die nationalistische Issuikai, die erst kürzlich auch europaweit auf sich aufmerksam machte, nachdem sie mehrere Delegierte europäischer Rechtsparteien zum traditionellen Besuch des Yasukuni-Schrein eingeladen hatten – die politische Strahlkraft Mishimas. Seit 1972 veranstaltet die Issuikai gemeinsam mit anderen rechten Gruppierungen alljährlich ein Heldengedenken mit anschließendem Besuch an Mishimas Grab.

Im Mai 1969 nahm Mishima die Einlandung radikaler linker Studenten zu einer Podiumsdiskussion an der Universität von Tokio an. Es entwickelte sich ein teilweise recht aggressives Streitgespräch, während dem Mishima seine politischen Standpunkte, insbesondere seine Verehrung des Kaisers bekräftigte, aber auch Berührungspunkte zu den linken Studenten betonte. Auch er wolle Unruhe hineinbringen, auch er hasse Menschen, die »in Ruhe dasitzen«. Er schloß seine Rede mit einem Versprechen: »Eines Tages werde ich aufstehen gegen das System, so wie ihr Studenten aufgestanden seid – aber anders.« Es bleibt unklar, wie weit Mishimas Absicht eines Staatsstreichs bereits im Mai 1969 ausgereift war. Daß er je an einen politischen Erfolg seiner Aktion geglaubt hat, darf wohl bezweifelt werden. Vielmehr bildete der naive, zum Scheitern verurteilte Umsturzversuch nur einen Vorwand, nur einen ansprechenden Rahmen für die Inszenierung seines eigenen Todes, den er so viele Male zuvor eingeübt hatte.

Mishima erwartete wenig Lohnendes von der Zukunft. In einem Artikel von 1962 schrieb er: »In der Bronzezeit betrug die durchschnittliche Lebenserwartung der Menschen achtzehn Jahre; zur Römerzeit waren es zweiundzwanzig. Damals muß der Himmel voll gewesen sein mit schönen, jungen Menschen. In letzter Zeit muß es dort oben erbärmlich aussehen.« Auch in seinen Romanen griff er mehrmals den Gedanken auf, Selbstmord zu begehen, solange der Körper noch schön und muskulös ist. Mishima selbst befand sich 1970 mit seinen 45 Jahren körperlich in bester Verfassung. Die kommenden Jahre würden jedoch unweigerlich ein Abnehmen seiner physischen Kräfte bedeuten.

Literarisch war er auf dem Höhepunkt seines Schaffens. Mit Die Todesmale des Engels – das Manuskript hierzu korrigierte er noch am Vorabend seines Todes und adressierte es an seinen Verleger – beendete er sein monumentales, vierbändiges Epos Das Meer der Fruchtbarkeit, an dem er die letzten sechs Jahre gearbeitet hatte. Zudem entfremdete er sich zunehmend von einer Gesellschaft, die für Begriffe wie Ehre und Tradition immer weniger empfänglich war. Alles Kommende hätte dem Gesamtkunstwerk Yukio Mishima an Glorie genommen. Das Todesfanal aber vollendete es auf eine morbide Weise.

(Mishima ist Angehöriger der Division Antaios)

dimanche, 28 novembre 2010

Nobelprijswinnaar niet welkom in Turkije

Ex: http://www.telegraaf.nl/buitenland/

Nobelprijswinnaar niet welkom in Turkije
Van onze correspondent
ISTANBOEL -  De Britse schrijver V.S. Naipaul, die in 2001 de Nobelprijs
voor de Literatuur won, kan vanwege zijn kritiek op de islam niet deelnemen
aan een internationale literaire bijeenkomst in Istanboel.

naipaul_wife_prize_photo.jpgAanvankelijk was de in Trinidad geboren Naipaul als eregast uitgenodigd voorhet European Writers Parliament, een groot internationaal literair evenement dat vandaag in Istanboel van start gaat. Toen dat bekend werd, protesteerde een groep Turkse schrijvers fel en dreigde met een boycot.

De komst van Naipaul zou "een belediging zijn voor moslims", vanwege eerdere uitlatingen van de schrijver over de islam.

Zo heeft de Nobelprijswinnaar eens gezegd dat islamisering een vorm van
kolonisatie is die rampzalige gevolgen met zich meebrengt. Dat zou volgens
Naipaul vooral gelden voor mensen die zich tot de islam bekeren, omdat ze
hun afkomst en eigen verleden moeten verloochenen.

Volgens de Turkse dichter en filosoof Hilmi Yavuz beledigt de schrijver met
zulke opmerkingen de islam en moslims. Daarom is zijn komst naar het
literaire evenement niet gewenst, aldus Yavuz. Vele andere Turkse schrijvers
zijn dezelfde mening toegedaan. "De uitnodiging aan Naipaul moet worden
ingetrokken en men moet de schrijver vertellen wat daarvan de reden is",
aldus Özdenören. "De aanwezigheid van Naipaul is een belediging voor
moslims", aldus de linkse Turkse schrijver Cezmi Ersöz.

De organisator van het evenement, Ahmet Kot, probeerde nog de protesterende
Turkse schrijvers tegemoet te komen door Naipaul niet meer als eregast te
verwelkomen. Naipaul zou alleen de openingsspeech houden. Het
compromisvoorstel mocht niet baten. De protesterende Turkse schrijvers
hielden voet bij stuk. Daarna hebben het organisatiecomité en Naipaul
gezamenlijk besloten dat het beter is dat hij thuisblijft.

samedi, 27 novembre 2010

Paganismo e Filosofia da Vida em Knut Hamsun e D.H. Lawrence

Paganismo e Filosofia da Vida em Knut Hamsun e D.H. Lawrence

por Robert Steuckers
Ex: http://legio-victrix.blogspot.com/

hamsun_3_1093822a.jpgO filólogo húngaro Akos Doma, formado na Alemanha e nos EUA, acaba de publicar uma obra de exegese literária, na qual faz um paralelismo entre as obras de Hamsun e Lawrence. O ponto em comum é uma "crítica da civilização". Conceito que, obviamente, devemos apreender em seu contexto. Em efeito, a civilização seria um processo positivo desde o ponto de vista dos "progressistas", que entendem a história de forma linear. Em efeito, os partidários da filosofia do Aufklärung [*Iluminismo] e os adeptos incondicionais de uma certa modernidade tendem à simplificação, à geometrização e à "cerebrização". Sem embargo, a civilização mostra-se a nós como um desenvolvimento negativo para todos aqueles que pretendem conservar a fecundidade incomensurável em relação aos venenos culturais, para os que constatam, sem escandalizar-se com isso, que o tempo é plurimorfo; quer dizer, que o tempo para uma cultura não coincide com o da outra, em contraposição aos iluministas quem se afirmam na crença de um tempo monomorfo e aplicável a todos os povos e culturas do planeta. Cada povo tem seu próprio tempo. Se a modernidade rechaça esta pluralidade de formas do tempo, então entramos irremissívelmente no terreno do ilusório.

Desde um certo ponto de vista, explica Akos Doma, Hamsun e Lawrence são herdeiros de Rousseau. Porém, de qual Rousseau? Do que foi estigmatizado pela tradição maurrasiana (Maurras, Lasserre, Muret) ou daquele outro que critica radicalmente o Aufklärung sem que isso comporte defesa alguma do Antigo Regime? Para o Rousseau crítico do Iluminismo, a ideologia moderna é, precisamente, o oposto real do conceito ideal em sua concepção da política: aquele é anti-igualitário e hostil à liberdade, ainda que reivindique a igualidade e a liberdade. Antes da irrupção da modernidade ao longo do século XVIII, para Rousseau e seus seguidores pré-românticos, existiria uma "comunidade sadia", a convivência reinaria entre os homens e as pessoas seriam "boas" porque a natureza é "boa". Mais tarde, entre os românticos que, no terreno político, são conservadores, esta noção de "bondade" seguirá estando presente, ainda que na atualidade tal característica se considere como patrimônio exclusivo dos ativistas ou pensadores revolucionários. A idéia de "bondade" tem estado presente tanto na "direita" como na "esquerda".

Sem embargo, para o poeta romântico inglês Wordsworth, a natureza é "o marco de toda experiência autêntica", na medida em que o homem se enfrenta de uma maneira real e imediatamente com os elementos, o que implicitamente nos conduz mais além do bem e do mal. Wordsworth é, de certa forma, um "perfectibilista": o homem fruto de sua visão poética alcança o excelso, a perfeição; porém dito homem, contrariamente ao que pensavam e impunham os partidários das Luzes, não se aperfeiçoava somente com o desenvolvimento das faculdades do intelecto. A perfeição humana requer acima de tudo passar pela prova do elemento natural. Para Novalis, a natureza é "o espaço da experiência mística, que nos permite ver mais além das contingências da vida urbana e artificial". Para Eichendorff, a natureza é a liberdade e, em certo sentido, uma transcendência, pois permite escapar aos corpetes das convenções e instituições.

Com Wordsworth, Novalis e Eichendorff, as questões do imediato, da experiência vital, do rechaço das contingências surgidas da artificialidade dos convencionalismos, adquirem um importante papel. A partir do romantismo se desenvolve na Europa, acima de tudo na Europa setentrional, um movimento hostil a toda forma moderna de vida social e econômica. Carlyle, por exemplo, cantará o heroísmo e denegrirá a "cash flow society". Aparece a primeira crítica contra o reino do dinheiro. John Ruskin, com seus projetos de arquitetura orgânica junto à concepção de cidades-jardim, tratará de embelezar as cidades e reparar os danos sociais e urbanísticos de um racionalismo que desembocou no puro manchesterismo. Tolstói propõe um naturalismo otimista que não tem como ponto de referência a Dostoiévski, brilhante observador este último dos piores perfis da alma humana. Gauguin transplantará seu ideal da bondade humana à Polinésia, ao Taiti, em plena natureza.

Hamsum e Lawrence, contrariamente a Tolstói ou a Gauguin, desenvolverão uma visão da natureza carente de teologia, sem "bom fim", sem espaços paradisíacos marginais: assimilaram a dupla lição do pessimismo de Dostoiévski e Nietzsche. A natureza nesses não é um espaço idílico propício para excursões tal como sucede com os poetas ingleses do Lake District. A natureza não somente não é um espaço necessariamente perigoso ou violento, mas sim que é considerado aprioristicamente como tal. A natureza humana em Hamsun e Lawrence é, antes de nada, interioridade que conforma os recursos interiores, sua disposição e sua mentalidade (tripas e cérebro inextricavelmente unidos e confundidos). Tanto em Hamsun como em Lawrence, a natureza humana não é nem intelectualidade nem demonismo. É, antes de nada, expressão da realidade, realidade tradução imediata da terra, Gaia; realidade enquanto fonte de vida.

Frente a este manancial, a alienação moderna leva a duas atitudes opostas: 1º necessidade da terra, fonte de vitaldiade, e 2º soçobra na alienação, causa de enfermidades e escleroses. É precisamente nessa bipolaridade em que se deve localizar as duas grandes obras e Hamsun e de Lawrence: 'Benção da Terra', para o norueguês, e 'O Arco-Íris', do inglês.

Em 'Benção da Terra' de Hamsun, a natureza constitui o espaço do trabalho existencial no qual o homem opera com total independência para se alimentar e se perpetuar. Não se trata de uma natureza idílica, como sucede em certos utopistas bucólicos, e ademais o trabalho não foi abolido. A natureza é inabarcável, conforma o destino, e é parte da própria humanidade de tal forma que sua perda comportaria desumanização. O protagonista principal, o camponês Isak, é feio e desalinhado, é tosco e simples, porém inquebrantável, um ser limitado, porém não isento de vontade. O espaço natural, a Wildnis, é esse âmbito que tarde ou cedo há de levar a pegada do homem; não se trata do espaço ou o reino do homem convencional ou, mais exatamente, o delimitado pelos relógios, mas sim o do ritmo das estações, com seus ciclos periódicos. Em dito espaço, em dito tempo, não existem perguntas, se sobrevive para participar do refúgio de um ritmo que nos transborda. Esse destino é duro. Inclusive chega a ser muito duro. Porém em troca oferece independência, autonomia, permite uma relação direta com o trabalho. Outorga sentido, porque tem sentido. Em 'O Arco-Íris', de Lawrence, uma família vive de forma da terra de forma independente, apenas com o lucro de suas colheitas.

Hamsun e Lawrence, nessas duas novelas, nos legam a visão de um homem unido à terra (ein beheimateter Mensch), de um homem ancorado em um território limitado. O beheimateter Mensch ignora o saber livresco, não tem necessidade das prédicas dos meios informativos, sua sabedoria prática lhe é suficiente; graças a ela, seus atos tem sentido, inclusive quando fantasia ou dá rédea solta aos sentimentos. Esse saber imediato, ademais, lhe proporciona unidade com os outros seres.

Desde uma ótica como essa, a alienação, questão fundamental no século XIX, adquire outra perspectiva. Geralmente se aborda o problema da alienação desde três pontos e vista doutrinais:

1º Segundo o ponto de vista marxista e historicista, a alienação se localizaria unicamente na esfera social, enquanto que para Hamsun ou Lawrence, se situa na natureza interior do homem, independentemente de sua posição social ou de sua riqueza material.

2º A alienação abordada a partir da teologia ou da antropologia.

3º A alienação percebida como uma anomalia social.

Em Hegel, e mais tarde em Marx, a alienação dos povos ou das massas é uma etapa necessária no processo de adequação gradual entre a realidade e o absoluto. Em Hamsun e Lawrence, a alienação é um conceito todavia mais categórico; suas causas não residem nas estruturas sócio-econômicas ou políticas, mas sim no distanciamento em respeito às raízes da natureza (que não é, consequentemente, uma "boa" natureza). Não desaparecerá a alienação com a simples instauração de uma nova ordem sócio-econômica. Em Hamsun e Lawrence, assinala Doma, é o problema da desconexão, da interrupção, o que tem um traço essencial. A vida social tornou-se uniforme, desemboca na uniformidade, na automatização, na funcionalização extrema, enquanto que a natureza e o trabalho integrado no ciclo da vida não são uniformes e requerem em todo momento a mobilização de energias vitais. Existe imediatidade, enquanto que na vida urbana, industrial e moderna tudo está mediatizado, filtrado. Hamsun e Lawrence se rebelam contra ditos filtros.

Para Hamsun e, em menor medida, Lawrence as forças interiores contam para a "natureza". Com a chegada da modernidade, os homens estão determinados por fatores exteriores a eles, como são os convencionalismos, a luta política e a opinião pública, que oferecem um tipo de ilusão para a liberdade, quando em realidade conformam o cenário ideal para todo tipo de manipulações. Em um contexto tal, as comunidades acabam por se desvertebrar: cada indivíduo fica reduzido a uma esfera de atividade autônoma e em concorrência com outros indivíduos. Tudo isso acaba por derivar em debilidade, isolamento e hostilidade de todos contra todos.

Os sintomas dessa debilidade são a paixão pelas coisas superficiais, os vestidos refinados (Hamsun), signo de uma fascinação detestável pelo externo; isto é, formas de dependência, signos de vazio interior. O homem quebra por efeito de pressões exteriores. Indícios, por fim, da perda de vitalidade que leva à alienação.

No marco dessa quebra que supõe a vida urbana, o homem não encontra estabilidade, pois a vida nas cidades, nas metrópoles, é hostil a qualquer forma de estabilidade. O homem alienado já não pode retornar a sua comunidade, a suas raízes familiares. Assim Lawrence, com uma linguagem menos áspera porém acaso mais incisiva, escreve: "He was the eternal audience, the chorus, the spectator at the drama; in his own life he would have no drama" ("Ele era a audiência eterna, o coro, o espectador do drama; porém em sua própria vida, não haveria drama algum"); "He scarcely existed except through other people" ("Ele mal existia, salvo através de outras pessoas"); "He had come to a stability of nullification" ("Ele havia chegado a uma estabilidade de nulificação").

Em Hamsun e Lawrence, o Ent-wurzelung e o Unbehaustheit, o desenraizamento e a carência de lar, essa forma de viver sem fogo, constitui a grande tragédia da humanidade de fins do século XIX e princípios do XX. Para Hamsun o lar é vital para o homem. O homem deve ter lar. O lar de usa existência. Não se pode prescindir do lar sem provocar em si mesmo uma profunda mutilação. Mutilação de caráter psíquico, que conduz à histeria, ao nervosismo, ao desequilíbrio. Hamsun é, ao fim e ao cabo, um psicólogo. E nos diz: a consciência de si é não raro um sintoma de alienação. Schiller, em seu ensaio Über naive und sentimentalische Dichtung, assinalava que a concordância entre sentir e pensar era tangível, real e interior no homem natural, ao contrário que no homem cultivado que é ideal e exterior ("A concordância entre sensações e penamente existia outrora, porém na atualidade somente reside no plano ideal. Esta concordância não reside no homem, mas sim que existe exteriormente a ele; trata-se de uma idéia que deve ser realizada, não um fato de sua vida").

Schiller advoga por uma Überwindung (superação) de dita quebra através de uma mobilização total do indivíduo. O romantismo, por sua parte, considerará a reconciliação entre Ser (Sein) e consciência (Bewusstsein) como a forma de combater o reducionismo que trata de encurralar a consciência sob os grilhões do entendimento racional. O romantismo valorará, e inclusive sobrevalorará, ao "outro" em relação à razão (das Andere der Vernunft): percepção sensual, instinto, intuição, experiência mística, infância, sonho, vida bucólica. Wordsworth, romântico inglês, representante "rosa" de dita vontade de reconciliação entre Ser e consciência, defenderá a presença de "um coração que observe e aprove". Dostoiévski não compartilhará dita visão "rosa" e desenvolverá uma concepção "negra", em que o intelecto é sempre causa de mal, e o "possesso" um ser que tenderá a matar ou suicidar-se. No plano filosófico, tanto Klages como Lessing retomarão por sua conta esta visão "negra" do intelecto, aprofundando, não obstante, no veio do romantismo naturalista: para Klages, o espírito é inimigo da alma; para Lessing, o espírito é a contrapartida da vida, que surge da necessidade ("Geist ist das notgeborene Gegenspiel des Lebens").

dh-lawrence_000.jpgLawrence, fiel em certo sentido à tradição romântica inglesa de Wordsworth, crê em uma nova adequação do Ser e da consciência. Hamsun, mais pessimista, mais dostoievskiano (daí sua acolhida na Rússia e sua influência nos autores chamados ruralistas, como Vasili Belov e Valentín Rasputin), nunca deixará de pensar que desde que há consciência, há alienação. Desde que o homem começa a refletir sobre si mesmo, se desliga da continuidade que confere a natureza e à qual deveria estar sempre sujeito. Nos ensaios de Hamsun, encontramos reflexões sobre a modernidade literária. A vida moderna, escreveu, influencia, transforma, leva o homem a ser arrancado de seu destino, a ser apartado de seu ponto de chegada, de seus instintos, mais além do bem e do mal. A evolução literária do século XIX mostra uma febre, um desequilíbrio, um nervosismo, uma complicação extrema da psicologia humana. "O nervosismo geral (ambiente) se apossou de nosso ser fundamental e se fixou em nossa vida sentimental". O escritor mostra-se a nós assim, ao estilo de um Zola, como um "médico social" encarregado de diagnosticar os males sociais com o objetivo de erradicar o mal. O escritor, o intelectual, se embarca em uma tarefa missionária que trata de chegar a uma "correção política".

Frente a esta visão intelectual do escritor, a reprovação de Hamsun assinala a impossibilidade de definir objetivamente a realidade humana, pois um "homem objetivo" é, em si mesmo, uma monstruosidade (ein Unding), um ser construído como se tratasse de um mecanismo. Não podemos reduzir o homem a um compêndio de características, pois o homem é evolução, ambigüidade. O mesmo critério encontramos em Lawrence: "Now I absolutely flatly deny that I am a soul, or a body, or a mind, or an intelligente, or a brain, or a nervous system, or a bunch of glands, or any of the rest of these bits of me. The whole is greater than the part" ("Agora eu nego em absoluto que eu sou uma alma, ou um corpo, ou uma mente, ou uma inteligência, ou um cérebro, ou um sistema nervoso, ou um monte de glândulas, ou qualquer dos restos desses pedaços de mim. O todo é maior do que a parte"). Hamsun e Lawrence ilustram em suas obras a impossibilidade de teorizar ou absolutizar uma visão diáfana do homem. O homem não pode ser veículo de idéias pré-concebidas. Hamsun e Lawrence confirmam que os progressos na consciência de si mesmo não implicam em processos de emancipação espiritual, mas sim perdas, desperdício da vitaldiade, do tônus vital. Em seus romances, são as figuras firmes (isto é, as que estão enraizadas na terra) as que logram se manter, as que triunfam mais além dos golpes da sorte ou das circunstâncias desgraçadas.

Não se trata, em absoluto, de vidas bucólicas ou idílicas. Os protagonistas das novelas de Hamsun e Lawrence são penetrados ou atraídos pela modernidade, os quais, pese a sua irredutível complexidade, podem sucumbir, sofrem, padecem de um processo de alienação, porém também podem triunfar. E é precisamente aqui onde intervem a ironia de Hamsun ou a idéia da "Fênix" de Lawrence. A ironia de Hamsun perfura os ideais abstratos das ideologias modernas. Em Lawrence, a recorrente idéia da "Fênix" supõe uma certa dose de esperança: haverá ressurreição. É a idéia da Ave Fênix, que renasce de suas próprias cinzas.

O paganismo de Hamsun e Lawrence

Sua dita vontade de retorno a uma ontologia natural é fruto de um rechaço do intelectualismo racionalista, isso implica ao mesmo tempo uma contestação silenciosa à mensagem cristã.

Em Hamsun, vê-se com clareza o rechaço do puritanismo familiar (concretizado na figura de seu tio Han Olsen) e o rechaço ao culto protestante pelos livros sagrados; isto é, o rechaço explícito de um sistema de pensamento religioso que prima pelo saber livresco frente à experiência existencial (particularmente a do camponês autosuficiente, o Odalsbond dos campos noruegueses). O anticristianismo de Hamsun é, fundamentalmente, um a-cristianismo: não se propõe dúvidas religiosas ao estilo de Kierkegaard. Para Hamsun, o moralismo do protestantismo da era vitoriana (da era oscariana, diríamos para a Escandinávia) é simples e completa perda de vitalidade. Hamsun não aposta em experiência mística alguma.

Lawrence, por sua parte, percebe a ruptura de toda relação com os mistérios cósmicos. O cristianismo viria a reforçar dita ruptura, impediria sua cura, impossibilitaria sua cicatrização. Nesse sentido, a religiosidade européia ainda conservaria um poço de dito culto ao mistério cósmico: o ano litúrgico, o ciclo litúrgico (Páscoa, Pentecostes, Fogueira de São João, Todos os Santos, Natal, Festa dos Reis Magos). Porém inclusive isto foi agrilhoado como consequência de um processo de desencantamento e dessacralização, cujo começo arranca no momento mesm oda chegada da Igreja cristã primitiva e que se reforçará com os puritanismos e os jansenismos segregados pela Reforma. Os primeiros cristãos se apresentaram com o objetivo de separar o homem de seus ciclos cósmicos. A Igreja medieval, ao contrário, quis adequar-se, porém as Igrejas protestantes e conciliares posteriores expressaram com clareza sua vontade de regressar ao anti-cosmicismo do cristianismo primitivo. Nesse sentido, Lawrence escreve: "But now, after almost three thousand years, now that we are almost abstracted entirely from the rhythmic life of the seasons, birth and death and fruition, now we realize that such abstraction is neither bliss nor liberation, but nullity. It brings null inertia" ("Porém hoje, depois de três mil anos, depois de estarmos quase completamente abstraídos da vida rítmica das estações, do nascimento, da morte e da fecundidade, compreendemos ao fim que tal abstração não é nem uma benção nem uma liberação, mas sim puro nada. Não nos aporta outra coisa além de inércia"). Essa ruptura é consubstancial ao cristianismo das civilizações urbanas, onde não há abertura alguma para o cosmos. Cristo não é um Cristo cósmico, mas sim um Cristo reduzido ao papel de assistente social. Mircea Eliade, por sua parte, referiu-se a um "homem cósmico" aberto à imensidão do cosmos, pilar de todas as grandes religiões. Na perspectiva de Eliade, o sagrado é o real, o poder, a fonte de vida e da fertilidade. Eliade nos deixou escrito: "O desejo do homem religioso de viver uma vida no âmbito do sagrado é o desejo de viver na realidade objetiva".

A lição ideológica e política de Hamsun e Lawrence

No plano ideológico e político, no plano da Weltanschauung, as obras de Hamsun e de Lawrence tiveram um impacto bastante considerável. Hamsun foi lido por todos, mais além da polaridade comunismo/fascismo. Lawrence foi etiquetado como "fascista" a título póstumo, entre outros por Bertrand Russel que chegou inclusive a referir-se a sua "madness": "Lawrence was a suitable exponent of the Nazi cult of insanity" ("Lawrence foi um expoente típico do culto nazista à loucura"). Frase tão lapidária como simplista. As obras de Hamsun e de Lawrence, segundo Akos Doma, se inscrevem em um contexto quádruplo: o da filosofia da vida, o dos avatares do individualismo, o da tradição filosófica vitalista, e o do anti-utopismo e do irracionalismo.

3941.jpg1º. A Filosofia da Vida (Lebensphilosophie) é um conceito de luta, que opõe a "vivacidade da vida real" à rigidez dos convencionalismos, aos fogos de artifício inventados pela civilização urbana para tratar de orientar a vida para um mundo desencantado. A filosofia da vida se manifesta sob múltiplas faces no contexto do pensamento europeu e toma realmente corpo a partir das reflexões de Nietzsche sobre a Leiblichkeit (corporeidade).

2 º O Individualismo. A antropologia hamsuniana postula a absoluta unidade de cada indivíduo, de cada pessoa, porém rechaça o isolamento desse indivíduo ou pessoa de todo contexto comunitário, familiar ou carnal: situa à pessoa de uma maneira interativa, em um lugar preciso. A ausência de introspecção especulativa, de consciência e de intelectualismo abstrato tornam incompatível o individualismo hamsuniano com a antropologia segregada pelo Iluminismo. Para Hamsun, sem embargo, não se combate o individualismo iluminista sermoneando sobre um coletivismo de contornos ideológicos. O renascimento do homem autêntico passa por uma reativação dos recursos mais profundos de sua alma e de seu corpo. A soma quantitativa e mecânica é uma insuficiência calamitosa. Em consequência, a acusação de "fascismo" em relação a Lawrence e Hamsun não se sustenta.

3º O Vitalismo tem em conta todos os acontecimentos da vida e exclui qualquer hierarquização de base racial, social, etc. As oposições próprias do vitalismo são: afirmação da vida/negação da vida; sadio/enfermo; orgânico/mecânico. Daí, que não possam ser reconduzidas a categorias sociais, a categorias políticas convencionais, etc. A vida é uma categoria fundamental apolítica, pois todos os homens sem distinção estão submetidos a ela.

4º O "irracionalismo" lançado sobre Hamsun e Lawrence, assim como seu anti-utopismo, tem sua base em uma revolta contra a "viabilidade" (feasibility; Machbarkeit), contra a idéia de perfectibilidade infinita (que encontramos também sob uma forma "orgânica" nos românticos ingleses da primeira geração). A idéia de viabilidade choca diretamente com a essência biológica da natureza. De fato, a idéia de viabilidade é a essência do niilismo, como apontou o filósofo italiano Emanuele Severino. Para Severino, a viabilidade deriva de uma vontade de completar o mundo apreendendo-o como um devir (porém não como um devir orgânico incontrolável). Uma vez o processo de "acabamento" tendo concluído, o devir detem bruscamente seu curso. Uma estabilidade geral se impõe na Terra e esta estabilidade forçada é descrita como um "bem absoluto". Desde a literatura, Hamsun e Lawrence, precederam assim a filósofos contemporâneos como o citado Emanuele Severino, Robert Spaemann (com sua crítica do funcionalismo), Ernst Behler (com sua crítica da "perfectibilidade infinita") ou Peter Koslowski. Estes filósofos, fora da Alemanha ou Itália, são muito pouco conhecidos pelo grande público. Sua crítica profunda dos fundamentos das ideologias dominantes, provoca inevitavelmente o rechaço da solapada inquisição que exerce seu domínio em Paris.

Nietzche, Hamsun, e Lawrence, os filósofos vitalistas ou, se preferível, "antiviabilistas", ao insistir sobre o caráter ontológico da biologia humana, se opuseram à idéia ocidental e niilista da viabilidade absoluta de qualquer coisa; isto é, da inexistência ontológica de todas as coisas, de qualquer realidade. Bom número deles - Hamsun e Lawrence incluídos - nos chamam a atenção sobre o presente eterno de nossos corpos, sobre nossa própria corporeidade (Leiblichkeit), pois nós não podemos conformar nossos corpos, em contraposição a essas vozes que nos querem convencer das bondades da ciência-ficção.

A viabilidade é, pois, o "hybris" que chegou a seu ápice e que conduz à febre, à vacuidade, à pressa, ao solipsismo, e ao isolamento. De Heidegger a Severino, a filosofia européia se ocupou sobre a catástrofe causada pela dessacralização do Ser e pelo desencantamento do mundo. Se os recursos profundos e misteriosos da Terra ou do homem são considerados como imperfeições indignas do interesse do teólogo ou do filósofo, se tudo aquilo que foi pensado de maneira abstrata ou fabricado mais além dos recursos (ontológicos) se encontra sobrevalorizado, então, efetivamente, não pode nos estranhar que o mundo perca toda sacralidade, todo valor. Hamsun e Lawrence foram os escritores que nos fizeram viver com intensidade essa constante, acima até mesmo de alguns filósofos que também deploraram a falsa rota empreendida pelo pensamento ocidental há séculos. Heidegger e Severiano no marco da filosofia, Hamsun e Lawrence no da criação literária, trataram de restituir a sacralidade no mundo e revalorizar as forças que se esconem no interior do homem: desde esse ponto de vista, estamos diante de pensadores ecológicos na mais profunda acepção do termo. O oikos nos abre as portas do sagrado, das forças misteriosas e incontroláveis, sem fatalismos e sem falsa humildade. Hamsun e Lawrence, em definitivo, anunciaram a dimensão geofilosófica do pensamento que nos ocupou durante toda essa universidade de verão. Uma aproximação sucinta a suas obras se fazia absolutamente necessária no temário de 1996.


Tradução por Raphael Machado

vendredi, 26 novembre 2010

Ernst Jünger - La civiltà come maschera

Ernst Jünger. La civiltà come maschera

Autore: Marco Iacona

Ex: http://www.centrostudilaruna.it

La prima figura in ordine cronologico estrapolabile dai lavori giovanili di Ernst Jünger, (ma probabilmente prima anche per importanza) è quella del soldato. Il combattente nella terra di nessuno, il giovane che in solitudine affronta con invidiabile coraggio le truppe e che osserva con lungimiranza l’affermarsi della guerra dei materiali, è già in grado di assumere una propria posizione ideologica che influenzerà parte della cultura tedesca negli anni a venire. Le azioni e le idee del giovane Ernst (qualunque significato assumano) costituiscono, in questi primi anni, un esempio che verrà trasmesso per mezzo delle opere scritte, alla gioventù tedesca e in particolare alle migliaia di reduci insoddisfatti. Tuttavia nello stesso periodo, agli scritti di guerra Jünger alternerà opere di carattere più marcatamente psicologico, e ciò fino agli inizi degli anni ‘30 quando dando alle stampe Der Arbeiter, concluderà oltre un decennio di studi e riflessioni. Nei paragrafi che seguono ci occuperemo di approfondire l’attività del grande scrittore negli anni del primo dopoguerra.

A diciannove anni i sogni africani di Ernst Jünger sono arrivati dinanzi ad un bivio. «Il tempo dell’infanzia era finito» afferma il giovane Berger, alla fine dell’avventura nella Legione Straniera, si può rimanere, cominciare una vita borghese, fatta di agi, piccole e vecchie corruzioni, o si può continuare non fuggendo ma agendo, per soddisfare una incancellabile voglia di protagonismo e scacciare l’horror vacui della crisi. Forte di queste convinzioni, soltanto un cuore avventuroso avrà il coraggio di raggiungere il fronte, poiché è alla ricerca di uno stile di vita maledettamente non-borghese, di un antidoto alla insoddisfazione, di un ideale per cui battersi fino all’estinzione. Accadrà che nel corso della guerra, il fuoco causerà quattordici ferite al corpo del giovane Ernst, ma il pericolo stesso finirà col correggere l’acerba vitalità della recluta: la Grande guerra trasformerà il giovane tenente in un uomo, ne scolpirà il carattere, permetterà lo sviluppo di un pensiero audace.

Nel dopoguerra Ernst Jünger, «soffre la pace» e l’inattività, decide di chiudersi in se stesso, e dopo l’elaborazione dei diari di guerra, «butta giù» numerose riflessioni in forma di schizzo che più tardi comporrà in volume, ama leggere gli scrittori «maledetti», autori dallo spirito fortemente irrequieto, poeti e narratori che sente «propri», è alla ricerca di qualcosa e «crede alla fine di trovarla nell’ascesa della politica tedesca a cui prenderà parte». Le riviste nazionaliste lo attraggono, sceglie l’opposizione alla borghesia e al liberalismo e agli inizi degli anni ‘30 pubblica due fra le più importanti opere del primo periodo: Die totale Mobilmachung e Der Arbeiter ove sviluppa le proprie idee frutto degli anni di riflessione e studio. Si tratta di opere che indagano la realtà con sguardo fermo, a volte spinto agli eccessi, ma guidato dall’onestà intransigente dell’ex combattente.

In tutto il primo periodo, Jünger dimostra di poter abbracciare, grazie ad una scrittura facile e dal contenuto sempre «a fuoco», vari temi: è passato, via via, dai resoconti di guerra, alle riflessioni psicologiche e biografiche per approdare infine, negli anni ‘30, al saggio teorico «impersonale». È agevole notare una natura di scrittore «poco regolata», desiderosa di espressione continua per mezzo di forme diverse e in grado di soddisfare una varietà di esigenze mai fissate a priori. Se la guerra lo ha costruito come uomo, il dopoguerra lo costruisce come scrittore, la scrittura viene utilizzata (secondo alcuni critici, in modo assolutamente inconscio) per superare le crisi del combattente e del reduce e le conseguenze psicologiche ad esse legate. Tuttavia se volessimo tentare una lettura organica degli scritti di cui si è detto, si rende opportuna la ricerca di un leitmotiv che percorra tutta l’opera jüngeriana, costituendone, per così dire, una spina dorsale ideale. Date le premesse, questo tentativo facilita la costruzione di basi idonee a liberare il pensiero di Ernst Jünger da quell’indeterminatezza che alcuni hanno evidenziato, accostandolo ad un tempo ad un ben individuato filone intellettuale e politico.

Per Marcel Decombis la ricerca di un solido punto di vista ha, in Ernst Jünger (malgrado la mancanza di uno specifico metodo) «principi assolutamente fissi», postulati da una forza eminentemente rivoluzionaria; vale a dire lo scrittore manifesta nelle proprie opere una volontà di rottura dello status quo coerentemente sostenuta da un atteggiamento negazionista. D’altro canto, Jünger non può essere annoverato tra i pensatori nihilisti: egli manterrebbe infatti un atteggiamento perennemente (anche se simbolicamente) positivo. Affrontando ogni difficoltà ma mai certo della propria sopravvivenza egli ha dimostrato di intendere l’esistenza, descritta prevalentemente nelle forme del diario-romanzo, nei termini di una vita che nasce dalla morte. Questo capovolgimento dottrinario della natura, già utilizzato da Hölderlin ma presente anche in Wagner e Nietzsche, rappresenta un omaggio sia alla viva forza come sostantivo imperituro, sia alla mortalità generatrice come presupposto di un’idea di immortalità. «Penetrato da questa convinzione, Jünger, chiede [...]che si faccia tabula rasa del passato, prima di porre le basi del futuro». Pertanto le durissime, tragiche prove contenute in ogni esistenza, servono soltanto da prologo al compiersi di uno spirito rigeneratore: guerra, caos, anarchia, non possono che rafforzare la volontà di ciò che è già forte, «la distruzione [non può che avere] un effetto creativo». Riassumendo: le crisi degli anni ‘20 conducono all’elaborazione di opere distruttive, prima di crudo realismo, poi di opposizione interiore, la rigenerazione si rivela nell’opera politica degli anni ‘30, quando tutte le difficoltà precedenti assumono la forma di una nuova dottrina.

Sulla scorta di quanto ha scritto Langenbucher, si può operare un’importante distinzione tra i grandi artisti che presero parte alla guerra nel 1914. Alcuni come George, al momento dello scoppio del conflitto erano adulti, con una personalità formata in pieno e dunque «già carichi di pregiudizi»; altri, Jünger fra questi, erano giovanissimi e molto più adatti a descrivere la nuova esperienza di cui erano così intensamente partecipi; questi ultimi saranno pronti a narrare i trascorsi avvenimenti con una «purezza di intenzioni» che caratterizzerà in modo netto l’intreccio narrativo di numerosissime opere.

Sebbene di diari di guerra, dotati di crudo e visibile realismo, la letteratura del primo dopoguerra abbondi, l’opera di Jünger «è unica nel suo spirito». Decombis individua in essa uno spirito ricco di certezze; i diari jüngeriani sono memorie «spogliate di ogni carattere soggettivo al punto da apparire come dei semplici documenti». In Stahlgewittern è un libro contenente un’elencazione di fatti, spesso identici, che si susseguono nella loro concreta monotonia, è un’opera senza censure, o convenienti omissioni che presenta pagina dopo pagina, un freddo spettacolo di estinzione ed un dietro le quinte fatto di snervante attesa. È il libro che riassume quattro anni di guerra. Das Wäldchen 125 mostra invece un particolare essenziale della lunga esperienza del fronte: la difesa di una postazione di prima linea, è un episodio che in sé riassume la violenza degli attacchi e dei contrattacchi. Feuer und Blut è la narrazione di un giorno al fronte: la controffensiva tedesca del 21 marzo 1918 (evento che Jünger non dimenticherà mai); il soggetto è, dunque, ancora una volta la Grande guerra.

Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis, può essere considerato un ponte tra le opere narrative di cui si è testé detto ed i lavori successivi. Si apre con essa il periodo di grande riflessione ed elaborazione intellettuale dell’esperienza vissuta. In quest’opera lo scrittore di Heidelberg riflette sul bisogno psicologico di uccidere e sulla distruzione come legge «essenziale» della natura; ma le azioni dell’uomo qui assumono il valore di «flagello necessario» che alimenta un salutare spirito di rinascita. La guerra è «il più potente incontro tra i popoli», ogni principio tra le genti si è affermato attraverso la guerra, essa viene accettata (così come non viene rimosso il ricordo di quattro anni di trincea) perché inevitabile, ed anzi l’accettazione è legata intimamente allo studio delle tecniche di offesa. Una procedura indispensabile per «non rimanere vittima dell’evento», affrontarlo senza soccombere, e dare un’idea di cosa la guerra sia e quale sforzo straordinario il combatterla comporti.

Dunque, a ben vedere, la scelta dello scrittore è di non cantare le lodi della guerra in modo dissennato, bensì di rappresentarla con totalizzante realismo, tentando di ricercarne «un’anima» che possa superare l’emergere delle contraddizioni che la ragione stenta a spiegare. Così egli ha registrato la Materialschlacht, ha convissuto per anni con l’assoluta impotenza del soldato in trincea, ed andando alla ricerca di un proprio «ruolo da protagonista», ha inteso dare alla materialità proprie regole e confini. Jünger accetta la guerra tecnologica («il regno della macchina dinnanzi alla quale il soldato deve annullarsi [...]»), non c’è rimpianto per un passato fatto di eroismi, non c’è insoddisfazione per un presente ove le virtù eroiche non trovano posto; egli ricerca un ordine, un equilibrio tra uomo e macchina, consapevole del ruolo di assoluta importanza che la tecnica occupa, anzi rivolgendo la massima attenzione a quest’ultima, prevedendo già che nuovi comportamenti e nuove mansioni attenderanno l’uomo «prigioniero» della tecnica. Scopriamo cosi uno Jünger materialista che si «sforza di respingere tutte le illusioni dello spirito al fine di ritrovare il linguaggio dei fatti». Tuttavia l’uomo vuole restare «superiore» alla forza potenzialmente distruttiva della tecnica, egli può allora utilizzare quest’ultima come medium per «riaffermare la potenza dell’essere»; così il materialismo, che allontana dalla volontà dello scrittore qualunque superstizione idealista, diviene materia per operare personalissimi adattamenti: la realtà bellica si tramuta in evento estetico ove l’eroismo del singolo convive, in una continua ricerca d’armonia, con lo «strapotere» delle macchine. E poiché Die Maschine ist die in Stahl gegossene Intelligenz eines Volkes, le diverse forze della modernità amano procedere parallelamente.

In Stahlgewittern è un diario-romanzo pubblicato due anni dopo la fine della grande guerra. Come si è detto, costituisce la non breve ouverture di oltre ottant’anni di continua produzione letteraria; per anni la critica, a causa dei contenuti e delle intenzioni del giovane autore, la etichetterà come l’opera principe dell’anti-Remarque della cultura europea. Protagonista unico del libro è il Soldato-Jünger che sconosce le decisioni prese dai superiori e soprattutto le motivazioni di largo respiro strategico delle azioni intraprese. La guerra viene rappresentata in modo parziale attraverso gli occhi del protagonista, l’opera descrive dunque soltanto l’evento in quanto evento e non fatto storico che porta con sé, innumerevoli risvolti e significati. Kaempfer vi ha scorto una lettura degli eventi bellici di comodo, data cioè una tesi aprioristica, l’intreccio narrativo si svilupperebbe con l’intento unico di confermarla, omettendo i dati che con essa contrasterebbero. D’altra parte Prümm ha visto in questo approccio un filo conduttore dell’opera jüngeriana: l’accettazione della realtà in quanto oggetto «che si sviluppa indipendentemente dal singolo individuo». Di conseguenza secondo alcune tesi abbastanza diffuse, vero protagonista dell’opera non si rivelerebbe il soggetto scrivente, bensì un oggetto:

-L’immagine dei corpi straziati, vale a dire la cruda realtà dei morti giacenti sulla superficie delle campagne.

Ovvero uno spirito-guida:

-Il respiro della battaglia che aleggia intorno alle truppe.

In proposito, scrive Jünger:

«Cresciuti in tempi di sicurezza e tranquillità tutti sentivamo l’irresistibile attrattiva dell’incognito, il fascino dei grandi pericoli [...] la guerra ci avrebbe offerto grandezza, forza, dignità. Essa ci appariva azione da veri uomini [...]» Accenti forti, espressi anni prima in terra francese anche da F.T. Marinetti, accenti forti ma così poco inusuali nella storia delle moderne nazioni. Pertanto In Stahlgewittern, concesse al lettore poche battute iniziali, mostra senza perifrasi, le vere conseguenze dei conflitti moderni: primo inverno di guerra, Champagne, villaggio di Orainville, un bombardamento, tredici vittime, una strada arrossata da larghe chiazze di sangue e la morte violenta che rimescola i colori della natura. Segue il terribile resoconto di una forzata convivenza con la morte e con le azioni di belliche, ove «l’orrore della guerra viene estetizzato in incantesimo demonico e trasfigurato in veicolo estetico di accesso ad una sfera superiore [...]».

La vita comincia al crepuscolo in trincea e continua nelle buche scavate nel calcare e coperte di sterco. Si combatte una guerra di posizione che richiede un davvero difficile eroismo tanto da lasciare poco spazio alle illusioni: l’importante non è la potenza o la solidità delle trincee, ma il coraggio e l’efficienza degli uomini che le occupano. Bohrer sostiene che la rappresentazione dell’orrore in Ernst Jünger, serve a fornire della guerra una «immagine critica», vale a dire l’estetizzazione della stessa sarebbe il solo metodo in grado di darne un’idea reale. D’altro canto, la realtà medesima della guerra diviene realtà «superiore» poiché ogni valore e modello tradizionale è stato da lungo tempo dimenticato.

La scoperta della battaglia dei materiali è l’evento cardine nel processo di formazione delle idee jüngeriane: il valore individuale è annullato dallo strapotere della tecnica. La meccanizzazione della guerra e le conseguenze che ne discendono, sono comprese dal Soldato in tutta la loro forza epocale. È la controffensiva inglese sulla Somme a segnare la fine di un primo periodo di guerra e l’esordio di un nuovo tipo. Questo registra le battaglie dei materiali e subentra col suo gigantesco spiegamento di mezzi, al «tentativo di vincere la guerra con battaglie condotte alla vecchia maniera, tentativo inesorabilmente finito nella snervante guerra di posizione». Già Spengler aveva capito come il valore e il ruolo dell’individuo sarebbero stati ridotti dall’andamento della guerra moderna; ma dalla sua prospettiva Jünger continua ad insistere sulle capacità del soldato, sforzandosi di dare ai compiti del combattente un accento da molti considerato irresponsabile. Tuttavia l’ideale eroico prussiano che Jünger manifesta nel suo diario, sconta anch’esso una lettura di tipo “psicanalitico”. Si tratterebbe, a parere di alcuni, di un tentativo di fuga dal mondo reale, ove il Soldato è costretto ad affrontare gli echi del destino simboleggiati dal Trommelfeuer. L’eroismo diviene la necessità o il calcolo razionale di chi ha pochissimo spazio per combattere una propria guerra, e finisce col dissimulare azioni e comportamenti necessari dettati da tempi meccanici fuori da ogni controllo.

In tutto il resoconto c’è un’impronta magico-fiabesca, una coincidenza degli opposti, che unisce all’esplosione di forze elementari una continua ricerca della quiete cosmica: la battaglia viene sovente destorizzata e calata in una superficie mitica, al di sotto della quale la scrittura jüngeriana edifica possenti colonne, così si legge infatti: «La guerra aveva dato a questo paesaggio [davanti al canale di Saint Quentin] un’impronta eroica e malinconica». In mezzo ai colori della natura «anche un’anima semplice sente che la sua vita assume una profonda sicurezza e che la sua morte non è la fine».

Il tentativo di esorcizzare la guerra, minimizzando gli eventi tragici e costruendo a propria difesa un mondo magico, condurrebbe in tal modo Jünger alla creazione di figure irreali, è questo il caso dell’immagine classica dell’eroe immortale, immerso nella contemplazione di una natura amica. D’altra parte anche l’amatissima letteratura apparirebbe, e non di rado, come incredibile via di fuga. Scrive Jünger, durante un assalto:

«L’elmetto calato sulla fronte, mordevo il cannello della pipa, fissando la strada, dove le pietre lanciavano scintille all’urto con le schegge di ferro; tentai con successo di farmi filosoficamente coraggio. Stranissimi pensieri mi venivano alla mente. Mi preoccupai di un romanzo francese da quattro soldi, Le vautour de la Sierra, che mi era capitato fra le mani a Cambrai. Mormorai più volte una frase dell’Ariosto: “Una grande anima non ha timore della morte, in qualunque istante arrivi, purché sia gloriosa!” Ciò mi dava una specie di gradevole ebbrezza, simile a quella che si prova volando sull’altalena al luna park. Quando gli scoppi lasciarono un po’ in pace i nostri orecchi, udii accanto a me risuonare le note di una bella canzone: la Balena nera ad Ascalona; pensai tra me che il mio amico Kius era impazzito. A ciascuno il suo spleen».

La guerra diventa strumento di intima e eterna vittoria, epifania dell’arte. L’uomo Jünger, traghetta il guerriero in un kunstwald: i pensieri fanno da sfondo ad una tragedia che conosce un’eroica, ma mai sinistra, tristezza. Repentinamente lo sguardo indagatore si affaccia a scrutare gli abissi della guerra ove la passione umana trascolora all’urto di invincibili forze ctonie, leggiamo: «È una sensazione terribile quella che vi si insinua nell’animo quando vi trovate ad attraversare, in piena notte, una posizione sconosciuta, anche se il fuoco non è particolarmente nutrito; l’occhio e l’orecchio del soldato tra le pareti minacciose della trincea sono messe in allarme dai fatti più insignificanti: tutto è freddo e repellente come in un mondo maledetto». Il mondo maledetto è forse soltanto l’arena della tecnica e delle tecniche di guerra? Osservato dalla trincea, il Welt jüngeriano assume i contorni della fabbrica. Compiuto da schiavi-stregoni, l’apprendistato diventa giorno dopo giorno, utilizzo produttivo della paura: la fusione dei materiali in forze onnipotenti.

Lo spirito-guida, la battaglia che non concede vere soste, non cessa di essere protagonista: quando nei primi mesi del 1918, si parla di una immensa offensiva sull’intero fronte occidentale, annota Jünger: «La battaglia finale, l’ultimo assalto sembravano ormai arrivati, lì si gettava sulla bilancia il destino di due interi popoli; si decideva l’avvenire del mondo». La micro-storia di alcuni villaggi di confine, assurge a Macro-storia, la tragedia a Schicksal di un’epoca. Decisione e azione si trasmutano nel faro ideologico degli anni a venire. La guerra indagata con sguardo lungimirante sarà prologo e continuazione di una ventennale politica europea. In definitiva: le aspre reazioni emotive (i «lati oscuri» jüngeriani) emerse dall’animo umano quali effetti avranno sulla ripresa della quotidianità nel dopoguerra? La «rivincita del brutale sul sentimentale» come ha scritto Decombis, quali effetti avrà sugli anni a venire? L’idea che rimane è che la guerra abbia riscoperto ciò che persiste immutabile nell’animo umano: gli istinti primitivi, allo stesso modo il fuoco ha rimosso quella sottile vernice che ricopriva il fondo della natura umana. Nel corso di quattro indimenticabili anni essa ha strappato la maschera della civiltà permettendo all’uomo di apparire nella sua armonica totalità.

jeudi, 25 novembre 2010

Il fascino eterno della femme fatale

Il fascino eterno della femme fatale

Mario Bernardi Guardi

Ex: http://www.mirorenzaglia.org/

femmefaltae.jpg“Non lo fo per piacer mio, ma per dare un figlio a Dio”, garantivano in rima baciata i camicioni da notte delle nostre trisavole. E diamo pure per buoni pudori e rossori di quelle spose e madri esemplari: ma non ci si venga a dire che tutte le signore dello stupido XIX secolo, con novecentesche appendici, erano così devote e vereconde. Non lo era sicuramente la celeberrima contessa di Castiglione, cugina di Cavour, e scelta dal conte per convincere Napoleone III a scendere a fianco dei piemontesi nella guerra contro l’Austria. Lei, «bocca sdegnosa, occhi grigi dal fascino inesplicabile» non se lo fece ripetere due volte e «in una camera tappezzata di Damasco di seta azzurra del castello di Compiegne» lo sedusse, convertendolo alla buona causa del patriottismo italico. Ma così come non era mai stata fedele al marito, «un ingenuo galantuomo ingannato ‘prima, durante e dopo’, non si consacrò certo a un esclusivo amore imperiale e concesse lo stropicciato fiore della sua (poca) virtù a una numerosa schiera di amanti, non disdegnando l’amore mercenario. Visto che per una notte di fuoco chiese a Lord Hertford un milione di franchi. Va detto anche che la vocazione libertina della nostra contessa era ben nota. Tanto è vero che un gentiluomo della corte di Napoleone, vedendola succhiare un sorbetto di fiori d’arancio, le chiese in tono pesantemente allusivo: “Le piace succhiare, contessa?”, e lei rispose ridendo: “Dipende da cosa…”».

Donne, donne eterni dèi! E davvero fascinose, voluttuose, vampiresche divinità sciupamaschi sono quelle (ventidue, tra grandi dame, grandi cortigiane, attrici, muse ispiratrici, intellettuali salottiere e militanti ecc.)  ritratte da Giuseppe Scaraffia in un libro uscito l’anno scorso, ma che, in questo delirio di escort piuttosto sgraziate, volgarotte e urlanti da cui siamo afflitti, può essere recuperato, a insegna di altri tempi e altre, più eleganti e galanti, atmosfere (Femme fatale, Vallecchi, pp.175, euro 15).

Andiamo di fiore in fiore. Cristina di Belgioioso, avvezza a ricevere gli spasimanti «in un salotto tappezzato di velluto scuro ricamato di stelle d’argento» dove si mostrava mollemente «allungata su un sofà vicino a un narghilè, la testa incoronata di fucsie, il suo fiore preferito», era tanto sicura di sé da dividere gli uomini in tre categorie: «Mi ama, mi ha amato, mi amerà». E la amarono, tra alterne vicende, Balzac, Bellini, Heine, Liszt e de Musset. Non fece in tempo ad amarla, invece, il garibaldino Goffredo Mameli che, ferito mentre combatteva contro i francesi sul Gianicolo, spirò tra le braccia di Cristina, mentre lei gli sussurrava “Fratelli d’Italia”.

Sciupamaschi d’eccezione fu anche l’attrice Sarah Bernhardt di cui si diceva che dormisse «in una bara di raso bianco, tra una funebre abbondanza di fiori». Ma anche che dietro i suoi pallori anoressici occultasse bulumici appetiti: in pubblico rifiutava sdegnosamente il cibo, ma solo dopo essersi «rimpinzata coscienziosamente» in privato. La amarono, a lei si ispirarono, per lei si entusiasmarono Hugo, Proust, James, Rostand, Lawrence, Shaw: chissà se sapevano che la Divina «nei periodi di penuria non esitava a prostituirsi per congrue cifre, come testimoniano le note della polizia parigina».

Anche Jeanne Duval, la creola «bruna come la notte», la «strega dai fianchi d’ebano», che ammaliò il bello, dannato e fragilissimo Baudelaire, era adusa a procurarsi i soldi nei modi più spregiudicati. E amava troppo «bere e fare l’amore» per recitar la parte della Musa devota e dell’amante fedele. Lui, ovviamente, pativa, implorava, malediceva. Ma, cotto com’era, continuava a venerare quella mulatta ignorante che se ne fregava dei suoi versi.  «Anche quando cammina si direbbe che danzi», scriveva trasognato. E dopo aver beccato la sifilide.

Fior di danzatrice e “femme fatale” per eccellenza fu Mata Hari che diceva di essere nata nel sud dell’India, figlia di un bramino e di una baiadera. Quel nome esotico, aggiungeva, significa “pupilla dell’aurora”. Fosse vero o meno, quando appariva in palcoscenico, «ondeggiando sinuosamente sotto i veli che la nascondevano e la rivelavano», il pubblico andava in estasi e immergeva lo sguardo goloso in quel corpo che, tentatore, si arrotolava e si srotolava, fino a lasciarsi scivolare a terra, spossato, coperto soltanto da un minuscolo “cache-seins” e, sul pube, da un invitante triangolino tempestato di pietre preziose. Anche lei fu amata e venerata. Nell’aureo “carnet”, tra gli altri, Céline e Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. E un appuntamento con la morte, la mattina del 15 ottobre 1917. Fucilata dai francesi con l’accusa di spionaggio a favore degli Imperi Centrali. Ma gli elementi a suo carico erano ridicoli e inconsistenti. Forse, più che la spia, chi la condannò volle ammazzare la “femme fatale”. Che bella morte, però. Che stile. Che movimenti eleganti e ondulati da magnifica pantera non profanata dalla prigionia. E che concede un’ultima rappresentazione: «Si lasciò docilmente legare al palo. I due gendarmi le fecero una legatura finta, da teatro, da cui si sarebbe potuta liberare facilmente, ma non lo fece. Non doveva uscire dalla parte che la storia le aveva assegnato. Guardò negli occhi il comandante del plotone: “Monsieur, vi ringrazio”. Non volle che le bendassero gli occhi. Mata Hari non significava ‘luce del mattino’?».


MARIO BERNARDI GUARDI

mardi, 23 novembre 2010

Mishima 1970-2010: la distruzione dell'ideologia occidentale

Mishima 1970–2010: la distruzione dell’ideologia occidentale

di Aldo Braccio

Fonte: cpeurasia

 

 

Mishima 1970–2010: La distruzione dell'ideologia occidentale

Non chiedo nulla. La sola cosa che desidero è che una di queste mattine, mentre i miei occhi sono ancora chiusi, il mondo intero cambi

(Yukio Mishima)

 

Assieme al fedele Masakatsu Morita, il 25 novembre di quarant’anni fa Yukio Mishima poneva volontariamente fine alla sua vita compiendo seppuku, dopo avere inutilmente spronato alla ribellione la guarnigione di Ichigatani.

Nel Proclama letto pochi istanti prima della fine, egli sottolineava i motivi del suo gesto : “Abbiamo veduto il Giappone del dopoguerra rinnegare, per l’ossessione della prosperità economica, i suoi stessi fondamenti, perdere lo spirito nazionale, correre verso il nuovo senza volgersi alla tradizione, piombare in una utilitaristica ipocrisia (…) Avete tanto cara la vita da sacrificarle l’esistenza dello spirito ? Che sorta di esercito è mai questo, che non concepisce valore più nobile della vita ? Noi ora testimonieremo a tutti voi l’esistenza di un valore più alto del rispetto per la vita. Questo valore non è la libertà, non è la democrazia. E’ il Giappone”.

***

La lezione della vita e dell’intera opera di Mishima si compendia nell’irriducibile e completo rifiuto dell’americanizzazione/occidentalizzazione del mondo, a partire naturalmente dal Giappone. Non è tanto o soltanto una prospettiva politica : in un’intervista concessa proprio nel 1970 l’autore del Mare della fertilità affermava : “Io sono ancora antipolitico : quello che voglio fare ora è un movimento per la giustizia”; ancora un antipolitico : e pensava evidentemente alla “politica politicante”, alle false dicotomie del tipo destra/sinistra che il Giappone aveva importato dal mondo occidentale.

Egli perseguiva invece, prima di tutto, una disciplina antropologica inattuale, che combina armonicamente corpo, anima e spirito contro la dissociazione e la frammentazione moderna : la pratica del kendo, magistralmente esposta in Cavalli in fuga, e quella della cultura del corpo di Sole e acciaio ne sono due esempi, fra i tanti disponibili nella sua opera.

Il mondo americano-occidentale della globalizzazione è unidimensionale, meramente orizzontale, non riconosce il valore complesso e profondo della personalità umana – non comprende cosa sia il Sacro, e come il corpo stesso possa essere funzionale a una realizzazione spirituale.

Il linguaggio della carne è la vera antitesi delle parole”, afferma in Sole e acciaio. Non è un’espressione retorica, è necessario uscire dagli schemi mentali ed esistenziali consueti.

Tutto in Mishima è funzionale alla ricerca dell’Assoluto, anche l’erotismo, “metodo per raggiungere la divinità attraverso il peccato”, anche l’amore, nella sua accezione più vera : “L’amore non può esistere in una società moderna. Se non interviene l’immagine di una terza figura in comune, ossia il vertice del triangolo, l’amore sfocia in perpetuo scetticismo”, ossia nell’agnosticismo.

***

L’Assoluto è rappresentato dall’Imperatore, la modernità è relativista.

La cultura, che nel Paese del Sol Levante è innanzitutto forma e stile di vita, “favorisce il carattere di continuità e di ritorno, ed è proprio questo che chiamiamo Tradizione” (Saggio in difesa della cultura, 1969). Mishima è estraneo a infatuazioni di tipo ideologico, ed è questo un altro tratto differenziale dal nostro Occidente moderno; è, piuttosto, preideologico, e ostile alla globalizzazione del pensiero : “L’idea astratta di una cultura universale, di una cultura del genere umano, è per lo meno contestabile”.

D’altra parte, la cultura per essere tale deve essere vissuta, “abbraccia tanto le opere d’arte quanto le azioni e i modelli dell’agire” : una cultura integrale.

***

Il nostro occhio si è fatto grezzo, quello di Mishima è un occhio totale, che esplora e illumina corrispondenze e sovrapposizioni, che rende un senso alle molteplici esperienze umane.

Il mondo della Bellezza senza scopo utilitario e quello della giovinezza che è ingenuità disinteressata e può protrarsi nel tempo – quando è incurante del tempo – sono colti nella loro valenza essenziale. L’equivoco che attanaglia l’Occidente è quello della modernità, nell’epoca dell’individualismo borghese e della predazione capitalista

.“Quanto più una nazione tende a modernizzarsi, tanto più i rapporti individuali diventano freddi e anonimi, perdono significato”, sottolineava Mishima in un’intervista del 1968.

La modernità è sterile, bandisce il sacrificio e il senso di responsabilità per seguire la moda, il facile, il provvisorio. I rapporti personali, invece, acquistano significato e verità solo quando si consacrano a valori o sentimenti che trascendono i frammenti di vita individuale.

***

Non importa cadere.

Prima di tutto.

Prima di tutti.

E’ proprio del fior di ciliegio

cadere nobilmente

in una notte di tempesta

Sono versi di Mishima che sarebbe facile ricondurre a un malinteso e umbratile “culto della morte”, e che invece rappresentano la serenità del samurai di fronte alla conclusione della pagina terrena : vita e morte vanno rispettate ma non messe parossisticamente al di sopra di tutto, vanno accettate per quello che sono e non sprecate, utilizzate nobilmente … in vista dell’Assoluto.

Una dimensione, questa, spesso incompresa e – come si accennava all’inizio – irriducibile all’ideologia occidentale, quale irradiatasi dagli Stati Uniti d’America all’intero pianeta e diventata quotidiana banalità ai nostri giorni.

Mishima – che nella sua vita fu, a più riprese, esploratore/viaggiatore aperto al mondo – rispettava e distingueva nettamente le altre civiltà dalle loro contraffazioni artificiali imposte dalla globalizzazione. L’Europa, ad esempio, è altro rispetto alla sua contraffazione moderna : “La mia Europa è un mondo basato sulla struttura. Una struttura architettonica, ad archi. L’arco è stato inventato in Europa. La metà di un arco non può reggersi da sola, la metà sinistra regge la destra mantenendo un saldo equilibrio. I miei drammi e i miei romanzi sono proprio così, sostenuti da una struttura ad archi”.

Costruire questa struttura, ricostituire l’armonia fra sé e il mondo. Per tutta la vita Yukio Mishima ha operato con questo intendimento, non solo nella sua straordinaria opera letteraria ma anche nel suo cammino esistenziale.

Il 25 novembre 1970 decise che l’equilibrio era stato raggiunto. “La vita è così breve, e io vorrei viverla per sempre”, aveva detto sorridendo – ma, oltre la vita, aveva rimosso il limite, e trovato l’Assoluto.

 

 


Tante altre notizie su www.ariannaeditrice.it

F. Sieburg: "Die Lust am Untergang"

Friedrich Sieburg: „Die Lust am Untergang“ – eine Rezension

Ellen KOSITZA

Ex: http://www.sezession.de/

Friedrich Sieburg: Die Lust am Untergang. Selbstgespräche auf Bundesebene.
Mit einem Vorwort und einem Nachwort von Thea Dorn
Frankfurt a.M.: Eichborn 2010. 418 S., 32 €

Sieburg.jpgFriedrich Sieburg (1893–1964) war der Edelstein, ja: ein Solitär der nichtlinken Nachkriegspublizistik. Wegen seiner unklaren Rolle in der NS-Zeit war er bis 1948 mit einem Publikationsverbot belegt. Wolf Jobst Siedler titulierte den konservativen Essayisten und Literaturkritiker der Nachkriegszeit einmal als »linksschreibenden Rechten«. Sieburg war ein brillanter Stilist, seine Feder und Gedanken von einer gleichsam elastischen Gespanntheit; polternde Polemik war ebensowenig seine Sache wie der langweilig-dogmatische Duktus herkömmlicher Konservativer. Weniger aus Sturheit denn mit würdiger Gelassenheit pflegte er sich zwischen jene Stühle zu setzen, die die gesellschaftliche Nachkriegsordnung bereithielt. Die großen Namen seiner Zeit zogen teils den Hut vor seinem Scharfsinn (Thomas Mann schrieb in seinem Tagebuch, Die Lust am Untergang erinnere ihn an seine Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen), andere zahlten ihm harsch zurück, was er austeilte: Kein anderer Literaturkritiker ging so erbarmungslos wie Sieburg mit den Vertretern der Gruppe 47 ins Gericht.

SieburgLust.jpgMan mag nicht glauben, daß 56 Jahre seit der Erstveröffentlichung des vorliegenden Bandes vergangen sind! Die Fragen, denen Sieburg sich hier in neun Kapiteln (etwa »Die Kunst, Deutscher zu sein«, »Vom Menschen zum Endverbraucher«) widmet, lesen sich nicht als Rückblick auf Gefechte von gestern. Sie sind noch ebensogut unsere Themen: Identitätssuche, Vergangenheitsbewältigung, Konsumwahn, die Grenze zwischen Privatheit und Öffentlichkeit. Auch wo seine Angelegenheiten einmal der unmittelbaren Aktualität entbehren – etwa in seiner bemerkenswerten Replik auf Curzio Malaparte (d.i. K.E. Suckert) oder in seinen Einlassungen zum Verlust der Ostgebiete – nickt man staunend. Ohne Twitter oder Ryan Air gekannt zu haben, spottet Sieburg über »das Management des Vergnügens«, die »Mechanisierung der Freizeit«. Er meinte damit – wie bescheiden aus heutiger Warte! – »Betriebsausflüge an den Comer See« und Klassenfahrten in die Alpen. »Der Vorschlag, die Kinder sollten an der Nidda Blumen suchen, würde heute auf allen Seiten große Heiterkeit hervorrufen.« Für Sieburg waren die Deutschen »ein Volk ohne Mitte«: »Im Deutschen, so glaubte die Welt gestern noch, ist mehr Explosivstoff angehäuft als in jedem anderen Erdenbewohner. Hat sich diese Ansicht geändert, sind beim Anblick des fleißigen und lammfrommen Bundesdeutschen, der sogar den Karneval straff organisiert und wirtschaftsbewußt dem Konsum dienstbar macht, der das Wort Europa dauernd im Mund führt, (…) den kein Aufmarsch mit Fahnen mehr aus seinem Wochenendhaus, seinem Faltboot und Volkswagen herauslocken kann, der nur noch zu den Vertretern versunkener Fürstenhäuser und zu Filmstars aufschaut, der einen harmonischen Bund zwischen Preußentum und Nackenfett eingegangen ist, (…) der vom Golf von Neapel bis zum Nordkap die schnellsten Wagen fährt, sich in Capri bräunen läßt (…), der sich aus Ordnungssinn mit der abstrakten Kunst und dem Nihilismus beschäftigt – sind, so frage ich, beim Anblick dieses Musterknaben, der sich in der Schule der Demokratie zum Primus aufarbeitet, alle Ängste und mißtrauische Befürchtungen verschwunden? Ich antworte, nein.«
Sieburg, der Frankophile, liebte seine Heimat und litt an ihr, an diesem Volk, das sich nun in einer

seiburg2.jpgMüdigkeit und Geschichtslosigkeit zeige, »die mit einer nie dagewesenen Nüchternheit« gepaart sei. »Nur der Deutsche schwärzt seinen Landsmann bei Fremden an, nur der Deutsche verständigt sich lieber mit einem Exoten als mit einem politischen Gegner eigenen Stammes (…), nur der Deutsche verleugnet Flagge, Hymne und Staatsform des Mutterlandes vor Dritten.« Als »dümmstes Schlagwort« seiner Zeit erschien dem Publizisten der schon damals opportune Vorwurf, »restaurative Tendenzen« zu befördern. Alles Große, Geniale, das Heldenhafte ohnehin, dessen die Deutschen einst fähig waren, werde nun verhöhnt und gegeißelt unter dem Vorwand, »daß die alten Zeiten nicht wiederkommen dürfen«. Ja, und wie furchtbar war auch der »deutsche Spießer!« Allerdings, so Sieburg, sei zu befürchten, daß der Spießer in neuem Gewand, nämlich mit »heraushängendem Hemd« nach US-Vorbild wiedergekehrt sei, und daß die »Vorurteilslosigkeit in der Kleidung, im Umgang mit dem anderen Geschlecht und den Nerven der Mitmenschen nicht eine höhere sittliche Freiheit und einen souveränen Geist« mit sich führe.

Die Krimiphilosophin und TVTalkerin Thea Dorn durfte man bislang für eine wohl kluge, aber strikt den Kategorien aktueller Meinungsmoden hingegebene Zeitgenossin halten. Nun hat sie uns mit geradezu schwärmerischer Geste – Vor- und Nachwort, vereinzelt nur gespickt mit zeitgeistigen Kotaus, stammen aus ihrer Feder – den nahezu radikalen Widerborst Sieburg wiederentdeckt. Ein Glücksfall!

dimanche, 21 novembre 2010

Dictionnaire des injures littéraires

 

Dictionnaire des injures littéraires
Marc Laudelout
Nul doute que Pierre Chalmin s’est diverti à composer cet épais dictionnaire. Ce travail de Romain suppose des heures de lecture ainsi qu’une vaste culture littéraire — qualité dont l’auteur n’est pas dépourvu. Pas moins que du sens de l’humour. Ainsi se définit-il lui-même « dramatique auteur français » (!) et imagine-t-il un « Merlin Charpie » (anagramme de son nom) le traitant plus bas que terre. Certes, ce genre de recueil a déjà été édité. Citons celui de Sylvie Yvert qui a rencontré un certain écho ¹ et, plus récemment, L’Art de l’insulte joliment illustré par Yann Legendre ². Balayant largement les époques et les cultures, cette anthologie propose un réjouissant panorama de l’injure littéraire. Dont Céline n’est évidemment pas absent, avec l’inévitable philippique à Jean-Paul Sartre. Il s’y trouve – excusez du peu – en compagnie de Rimbaud, Baudelaire, Scarron, Rabelais, Molière, Apollinaire, Genet, Artaud, Bloy, Shakespeare, Aristophane, pour ne citer que les plus grands.
Mais ces deux livres supportent difficilement la comparaison avec l’imposant volume proposé par Pierre Chalmin : 700 pages agrémentées d’un précieux « index des insulteurs ». Céline y est cité plus de quarante fois. Comme ses saillies sont bien connues des lecteurs du Bulletin, je signalerai plutôt les insultes qu’à son tour il dût encaisser : de Jean Renoir qui voit en lui un « Gaudissart de l’antisémitisme » à Elias Canetti qui le traite de « paranoïaque » en passant par un certain Ferron qui le considère « menteur, mythomane et peut-être fou », la récolte est belle. Encore que je ne voie pas bien en quoi le commentaire de Marcel Aymé (brocardant gentiment son antisémitisme) et celui de Jünger (constatant qu’il n’eut pas le même destin que Brasillach) soient vraiment injurieux. Mais sans doute faut-il tenir compte d’un imperceptible second degré...
Un des attraits du livre est de mettre en valeur des ouvrages contenant des pépites, comme le Journal de Paul Morand et celui de Matthieu Galey. Ou les critiques d’Angelo Rinaldi – celles de L’Express – étincelantes de fiel ³. Ainsi, à propos de Hervé Bazin : « Une si scrupuleuse absence d’art, qui équivaut à fournir le moteur sans le capot, sans la carrosserie, voire sans la voiture, méritait à la longue d’être relevée. » Ou à propos de Roger Peyrefitte : « Un grand méchant loup pour revue de L’Alcazar, l’œil concupiscent sous les coiffes de dentelles, et fouillant de sa patte sénile la culotte du Chaperon rouge. »
Comme tout dictionnaire, ce n’est évidemment pas un ouvrage qu’on lit d’une traite. On le butine plutôt, happant ici et là des bonheurs d’écriture. Je l’ai déjà indiqué, les pointes de Céline reprises dans cette anthologie sont archi connues, à l’exception de celle sur Malraux : « Il me semblait splendidement doué et puis il a manqué de pudeur, d’autocritique et de véritable expérience, il s’est pris au sérieux. À présent il est devenu tout à fait putain. Je ne crois plus qu’il en sortira rien. Des vagues bafouillages orientaux et prétentieux et gratuits. » Prescience de Céline ! Il écrit cela en 1934 dans une lettre privée. Ce qui ne l’empêchera pas de saluer dans Bagatelles le Malraux qu’il estimait : celui des Conquérants parus dix ans plus tôt.
Dans sa préface, Chalmin n’a pas tort de relever un certain dépérissement du genre : « On insulte aujourd’hui en se taisant, conspirant les silences : c’est un progrès qui confine à l’imitation des anémones. » Céline, lui, n’a jamais pu se taire. Inconscience mais aussi bravade sans lesquelles il ne serait pas ce génie de l’invective qui lui valut et lui vaut encore tant d’opprobres.

Marc LAUDELOUT

• Pierre Chalmin, Dictionnaire des injures littéraires, l’Éditeur, 2010, 734 pages (29 €)

1. Sylvie Yvert, Ceci n’est pas de la littérature… Les forcenés de la critique passent à l’acte, Éditions du Rocher, 2008, 222 pages.
2. Elsa Delachair, L’Art de l’insulte. Une anthologie littéraire, Éditions Inculte, 2010, 208 pages
3. Son dernier livre, Dans un état critique (Éd. La Découverte) rassemble 120 chroniques parues entre 1998 et 2003.

 

samedi, 20 novembre 2010

Les discours de Louis-Ferdinand Céline sur la Grande Guerre

Les discours de Louis-Ferdinand Céline sur la Grande Guerre

par Charles-Louis Roseau

Ex: http://lepetitcelinien.blogspot.com/

 

Intéressé par la représentation de la Guerre de 14-18 dans l’œuvre de Céline, Charles-Louis Roseau a mené deux travaux universitaires sur ce sujet. Achevé en 2006, le premier traite du corps et de la Grande Guerre chez Céline et le peintre Allemand Otto Dix. Plus récemment, il a soutenu une étude [ à télécharger ici (clic droit puis "enregistrez la cible du lien sous")] portant sur les évolutions et les enjeux du discours célinien sur la Première Guerre mondiale entre 1912 et 1961. Il livre ici quelques pistes de réflexions.

Sur Internet, dans la rubrique culturelle des médias plus traditionnels, dans les manuels de littérature, Louis-Ferdinand Céline est bien souvent présenté, aux côtés de Barbusse, Cendrars, Dorgelès et bien d’autres, comme l’une des figures essentielles des écrivains combattants. Très en vogue depuis les années 1990, cette représentation du Céline soldat des tranchées n’est cependant pas totalement inédite. Au contraire, elle n’a jamais cessé de perdurer, depuis qu’en 1932, lors de la parution de Voyage au bout de la nuit, les journalistes et les lecteurs ont relevé la force du témoignage célinien sur la première conflagration mondiale. Dans les années 1960, par exemple, prié de donner ses impressions sur le romancier, Guy Mazeline, lauréat du prix Goncourt 1932, écrivait : « je me représente le Céline qui n’a jamais, au mental, été démobilisé, le Céline bleu horizon tout dépenaillé avec sa capote écornée comme un livre sale, ses bandes molletières qui godent à la manière de ces crayons, vous vous souvenez ? (1) »
Pourquoi se représenter Céline en soldat de la Grande Guerre alors que l’auteur a porté bien d’autres masques et occupé bien d’autres fonctions ? Pourquoi le décrire comme un témoin majeur alors que le récit de son expérience du front, trois mois de guerre de mouvement, ne tient essentiellement qu’à la centaine de pages qui ouvrent son premier roman ? Il est évidemment très délicat, voire impossible, d’estimer l’intensité des souffrances éprouvées par un soldat de 14-18. Il serait tout aussi maladroit de tenter d’évaluer le réalisme ou l’authenticité d’un témoignage sur la Grande Guerre. Néanmoins, dans le cas de Céline, on reste persuadé que c’est davantage l’investissement fictionnel du thème que l’expérience martiale qui contribua à forger la figure du témoin.
Le déséquilibre observé entre, d’une part, le passage éclair à dos de cheval dans une guerre encore indécise, et, d’autre part, le récit constant, dans les discours céliniens, littéraires ou périphériques, de l’expérience des combats, invite à réfléchir sur la naissance, la construction et la pérennisation du mythe du Céline soldat de 14-18. A l’origine, on trouve bien entendu la contamination permanente et réciproque, chère au romancier, du réel par la fiction. Il est effectivement surprenant de constater comment la légende de la blessure au bras et à la tête, formulée publiquement pour la première fois en 1932, évolue et s’étoffe par la suite dans les entretiens, dans les articles et dans les romans postérieurs de l’écrivain. De même, véritable leitmotiv de l’œuvre célinienne, l’épisode de l’engagement fait l’objet d’un réagencement constant que l’auteur réinvente dans chacun de ses discours publiques ou intimes. La propagation du mythe, quant à elle, met nécessairement en jeu un environnement communicationnel qui, dans le cas de Céline, s’avère polyphonique et terriblement complexe. Puisque fiction et réalité se trouvent mêlées en un unique et même discours, puisque les propos intimes du Docteur Destouches se voient souvent relayés et parfois publiés aux côtés d’énonciations publiques, il convient de mettre les choses au clair en considérant les différents éléments de l’environnement communicationnel dans lequel fut colportée la légende du Céline combattant.
Apparaissent alors les notions de destinateur, de destinataire, de message, d’objectif et de contexte. Ces dernières mettent en exergue combien le thème de la Grande Guerre évolua dans le discours célinien entre 1912, année de l’entrée à la caserne, et 1961, date de la mort de l’auteur. Revanchardes dans les années 1900, libertaires au moment de l’exil africain, antimilitaristes durant dans l’entre-deux-guerres, réactionnaires et cocardières sous l’occupation, paradoxalement patriotes et pacifistes dans les années 1950, les figures du récit martial célinien, parce qu’elles se conforment tant au contexte d’énonciation qu’aux attentes supposées des destinataires, sont terriblement mouvantes.
La mémoire de la Grande Guerre a ceci de particulier qu’elle a touché toutes les familles de France. En réveillant le souvenir 14-18, Céline était donc en mesure d’attirer l’intérêt de nombreux destinataires. Peut-être peut-on voir dans les variations du thème martial une tentative incessante d’unisson mémorielle avec le souvenir changeant de la Grande Guerre ? Et au-delà de cette volonté de conformité perpétuelle, ne pourrait-on pas mettre au jour un usage tactique et multiforme du souvenir de 14-18 susceptible de mener à bien des objectifs personnels ? Le récit célinien de la Grande Guerre serait alors à considérer comme la clé d’un succès littéraire initié dans les années 1930. En s’inspirant des romans de guerre nouvellement populaires, le romancier entendait conquérir un public large et s’assurer, ainsi qu’il l’avoua lui-même, popularité et recettes juteuses. De même, le recours constant, durant les différents procès Céline, aux souvenirs du combat, aux stigmates ou aux décorations, sembla fonctionner puisque c’est précisément parce qu’il était invalide de guerre que l’ancien combattant Destouches fut amnistié.
Le 20 août 1916, le jeune Destouches écrivait à ses parents : « je ne me connais encore que deux infirmités, une paralysie radiale qui m’a rapporté la médaille militaire – et une légère phobie inconstante qui ne m’a encore rien rapporté. » Il n’envisageait pas encore combien son passage au front pourrait lui rapporter…

Charles-Louis ROSEAU


1- Guy Mazeline, « Cher Bardamu mon concurrent », Céline, Paris, Éditions de l’Herne, 1963, 1965, 1972, réédition 2007, p. 179.


 

vendredi, 19 novembre 2010

Croquis étrusques de D. H. Lawrence

Croquis étrusques de D. H. Lawrence

Ex: http://stalker.hautetfort.com/

À propos de D. H. Lawrence, Croquis étrusques (Le Bruit du Temps, préface de Gabriel Levin, traduction de l’anglais par Jean-Baptiste de Seynes, appareil critique établi par Simonetta de Filippis pour la Cambridge Edition of the Works of D. H. Lawrence, notice traduite par Élisabeth Vialle, 2010).
LRSP (livre reçu en service de presse).

Lawrence-Etruscan.jpgC’est à la fin du VIIe siècle avant la naissance du Christ qu’apparaît en Toscane une population que les Latins appelleront Tusci ou Etrusci, dont les origines continuent de rester énigmatiques. On suggère aujourd’hui que la culture étrusque est née d’un ancien substrat local qui s’est lentement modifié au cours des différentes vagues de population s’installant en Italie, tandis que l’hypothèse qui prévalait au début du siècle passé rejoignait le récit d’Hérodote, d’après lequel ce peuple serait venu par la mer de Lydie.
Après un essor spectaculaire, la civilisation étrusque est entrée, à partir du Ve siècle, dans une phase d’affaiblissement notable jusqu’à sa soumission à Rome aux IVe et IIIe siècles.
Pourtant, au milieu du VIIe siècle, ce peuple fascinant de Toscane à la vocation maritime, avait commencé à se poser en rival sérieux des Grecs pour l’hégémonie méditerranéenne. Ainsi, allié à Carthage, il avait accepté la pénétration punique en Sardaigne alors que, dès le milieu du VIe siècle, il dut affronter les Hellènes désireux de coloniser l’Italie méridionale.
Cette période de guerres et d’alliances s’acheva en 474 par une défaite étrusque face à la coalition maritime que menèrent Cumes et Syracuse.
Cette date marque le début de l’effondrement du système confédéral instauré par Tarchon et regroupant, selon la tradition, douze cités ou groupes urbains dirigés par un lucumon, dans la région située entre l’Arno et le Tibre. C’est ce même Tarchon qui, selon la légende, fut le premier à fonder douze villes dans le nord de l’Italie, franchit ensuite les Apennins pour fonder la ville de Mantoue puis onze autres villes, redoublant ainsi la ligue originelle, villes qui s’unirent en une ligue appelée par les Latins Duodecim Populi Etruriae. Tarquinia était la plus ancienne des douze premières cités-États. Il y avait aussi Vulci, Vetulonia, Cerveteri, Arezzo, Chiusi, Roselle, Volterra, Cortona, Perugia, Volsinii, Populonia, certaines d’entre elles constituant les titres des chapitres du livre de Lawrence.
Après la défaite devant Cumes, les comptoirs commerciaux étrusques s’effondrèrent les uns après les autres sous la pression des Oscques et des Sabelliens qui prennent Capoue en 430.
Quoi qu’il en soit, durant les premiers siècles de l’histoire romaine, l’Étrurie sut conserver une relative indépendance, les Étrusques ayant obtenu le droit à la citoyenneté romaine en 89 avant Jésus-Christ, alors que l’Étrurie devient, elle, dans la division administrative de l’Italie conçue par Auguste, la septième région. Élie Faure évoque bellement l’appétit insatiable de conquêtes, secrètement conforté par l’Étrurie soumise devenue le cœur de l’Empire, qui fut celui de Rome : «Dès ses débuts, Rome est elle-même. Elle détourne à son profit les sources morales du vieux monde, comme elle détournait les eaux dans les montagnes pour les amener dans ses murs. Une fois la source captée, son avidité l’épuise, elle va plus loin pour en capter une autre.Dès le commencement du IIIe siècle l’Étrurie, broyée par Rome, cimente de son sang, de ses nerfs, avec le sang et les nerfs des Latins, des Sabins, le bloc où Rome s’appuiera pour se répandre sur la terre, en cercles concentriques, dans un effort profond» (in Histoire de l’art. L’art antique, Gallimard, coll. Folio Essais, 1988, pp. 305-6). Lawrence, parfois, fort rarement à vrai dire, croit découvrir sur les visages de certains hommes et femmes croisés lors de son périple les traits caractéristiques qu’il prête aux anciens Étrusques. De même, il constatera que de très anciens édifices construits par ce peuple disparu ont été restaurés, plus ou moins fidèlement à son goût, par son implacable conquérant romain.
La langue étrusque fut tout d’abord parlée en Toscane. Nous en avons conservé plus de dix mille inscriptions ainsi qu’un texte manuscrit de mille cinq cents mots environs, inscrits sur les bandelettes de lin enveloppant une momie. Les autres textes connus à caractère votif ou funéraire n’expriment guère que le nom du fidèle ou du défunt. L’alphabet a été emprunté au grec, probablement autour de 700 avant Jésus-Christ, sous l’influence des colonies grecques des îles Pithécuses. Elle demeure indéchiffrable pour Lawrence et, bien sûr, d’autant plus poétique.
La religion des Étrusques, sur laquelle notre auteur écrira de belles et étranges pages, a fait l’objet de maints commentaires de la part des Anciens. Peut-être d’origine orientale, sa «révélation» avait été consignée dans des livres sacrés dépositaires de la théologie et des rites inspirés par le génie Tagès et la nymphe Végoia, aux antipodes du paganisme gréco-romain.
C’est chargé d’un immense savoir livresque qu’il ne manquera pas de moquer dans son propre livre, c’est après avoir accumulé les lectures des ouvrages savants de Mommsen, Weege, Ducati ou encore Fell (1), que D. H. Lawrence commence son périple au milieu des ruines des anciennes villes étrusques, qu’il a projeté de visiter dès la fin mars 1926. Lawrence connaît aussi bien qu’il l’aime l’Italie qui ne «juge pas» (2), à ses yeux, à la différence de pays fatigués comme l’Angleterre et l’Allemagne, où la morale a remplacé la belle vitalité des peuples jeunes. Pour ce qui concerne la civilisation étrusque, l’écrivain semble avoir été frappé, assez tôt (en 1908) par sa lecture de La Peau de chagrin de Balzac, roman publié en 1831, dans lequel, dès le début du livre, le héros observe un vase étrusque qui le fascine : «Ah ! Qui n’aurait souri comme lui de voir sur un fond rouge la jeune fille brune dansant dans la fine argile d’un vase étrusque devant le Dieu Priape qu’elle saluait d’un air joyeux». En 1915, c’est la lecture du chapitre IX (intitulé Le culte des arbres) du célèbre Rameau d’or de Frazer qui frappe l’esprit de Lawrence comme il a durablement frappé celui de tant d’autres écrivains (comme T. S. Eliot), chapitre où sont mentionnés l’Étrurie centrale et ses «champs fertiles».
Ce savoir que D. H. Lawrence accumula pourtant consciencieusement durant les années de lente maturation de son projet de livre ne lui fut que d’un maigre secours au moment de rédiger ce dernier et même, au moment où il fut lu et critiqué par ses premiers lecteurs professionnels (cf. pp. 272-278 de notre ouvrage). Plusieurs critiques reprochèrent en effet à l’écrivain son manque de sérieux scientifique, alors que Lawrence, de son côté, avait plusieurs fois émis des doutes, dans les lettres adressées à ses amis et éditeurs, sur la capacité réelle des foules à apprécier et goûter son œuvre qui, pour réellement exister, devait à son goût se détacher du savoir pulvérulent et sans grâce des gros livres savants et inutiles mais, tout autant, se frayer un chemin difficile vers le cœur de lecteurs ne sachant plus vraiment lire.
Quoi qu’il en soit, ce dépouillement nécessaire était finalement dans la logique même des différents croquis que Lawrence consacra aux tombes étrusques ornées de fresques magnifiques. Car c’est tout compte fait peu dire que, au travers de la découverte puis de la description de ces chefs-d’œuvre picturaux des anciens âges, l’unique sujet de l’écrivain est l’opposition entre le fourmillement plein de vie du passé et l’étiolement bavard dans lequel nos sociétés modernes sont tombées. Pénétrant dans les ténèbres des caveaux étrusques, Lawrence est un homme qui semble se dépouiller de sa très vieille peau occidentale comme un serpent qui ferait sa mue, et se remplir, a contrario, d’un savoir paradoxal qui irrigue son être tout entier, comme la religion des Anciens, selon l’écrivain, a irrigué les danseurs dont il contemple les représentations sur les murs des tombeaux : «Comme le disait l’antique auteur païen, écrit ainsi Lawrence : Il n’est partie vivante de nous ou de nos corps qui ne ressente la religion; dès lors, qu’aucune chanson ne manque à l’âme, et qu’aux genoux et au cœur abondent le bond et la danse; car tous autant qu’ils sont connaissent les dieux…» (p. 109). Nous ne les connaissons plus, puisqu’il est vrai que nous ne dansons ou même ne savons plus danser, comme Lawrence d’ailleurs le remarque, en accomplissant des gestes scellant la magique entente des hommes et du monde qui les porte.
L’Italie elle-même, du moins dans sa partie qui conserve quelques antiques traces du peuple disparu, paraît pour Lawrence (mais qu’en est-il de nos jours ?) s’être salutairement éloignée du foyer de contagion : la vie moderne qui corrompt le vivant de façon irrémédiable. Ainsi, dès le tout premier texte des Croquis étrusques, Cerveteri, décrivant le visage d’un des habitants de la peu riante région qu’il traverse avec son ami, nous pouvons lire sous la plume de Lawrence : «Il est probable que, quand je retournerai dans le Sud, il aura disparu. Ils ne peuvent survivre, ces hommes à visage de faune au profil si pur, avec ce calme étrange qui est le leur, éloigné de toute morale. Seuls survivent les visages déflorés» (p. 24).
C’est dire en somme que la civilisation étrusque, insouciante, légère, aérienne comme les oiseaux qui ornent les fresques de ses tombeaux, était condamnée à disparaître dans un monde qui, au fil des siècles, s’est figé dans la lourdeur sans vie des peuples sérieux qui ont oublié la danse, le rire et les chants célébrant l’harmonie rejouée par chaque nouvelle célébration. Finalement encore, notre époque consacre le triomphe des visages flétris, comme, sous couvert de respect d’une morale aussi ridicule que contraignante (sans compter qu’elle est mensongère), notre société magnifie le comble de la dégénérescence, les portraits de milliers de Dorian Gray qui, devenus trop compliqués, exclusivement cérébraux, ont perdu tout contact réel avec la «verte primitivité» chère à Kierkegaard qui est à l’œuvre, selon D. H. Lawrence, dans l’ensemble des témoignages que la civilisation étrusque nous a légués. Vitalité des premiers jours de l’homme. Immobilité, en dépit même du mythe du progrès qui lance ses milliers de tentacules dans toutes les directions, de l’homme moderne. Art de l’aube des peuples, «émerveillement des matinées humaines» comme dit le poète, science véritable de la vie quotidienne contre psychologie des «ignorantins» que nous sommes devenus (cf. p. 127).
L’écrivain poursuit, contemplant cette fois les visages féminins, porteurs d’un secret évident, qui se tient à portée de regard ou plutôt, pour l’auteur de L’Amant de lady Chatterley, à portée de toucher (au sens de communication physique et pré-mentale que Mellors, dans le roman le plus célèbre de Lawrence, développera) : «Ce sont de belles femmes, issues d’un monde ancien, en qui se mêlent ce silence et cette réserve qui les rendent si attirantes et qui sans doute étaient leur apanage, dans le passé. Comme si, au profond de chaque femme, il y avait encore quelque chose à chercher que l’œil jamais n’est en mesure de déceler. Quelque chose qui peut être perdu, et qui jamais ne peut être retrouvé» (p. 26). C’est dire que la femme est toujours du côté du passé, précieux puits originel d’où sortent les hommes hagards, presque immédiatement nostalgiques de ce qu’ils ont conscience d’avoir perdu d’une façon irrémédiable et qu’ils tenteront, leur vie durant, de reconquérir de mille et mille façons, par la guerre, l’art, l’écriture, la déchéance même, surtout si elle devient un dérèglement systématique de tous les sens. Et ce qu’ils ont perdu, ce que chaque homme perd en venant au monde, ce sont la beauté, la sécurité, une forme souveraine d’harmonie inconsciente, primitive, primesautière, pas moins reliée à toute la chaîne des vivants et à l’univers tout entier, le secret éternellement rejoué à chaque nouvelle naissance de l’être et de ses manifestations, que D. H. Lawrence ira chercher au plus profond de l’obscurité gardienne d’un peu de poussière qui autrefois fut femme et homme.
Ce secret de la spontanéité et de la fraîcheur de la vie, Lawrence les surprend ainsi dans les fresques splendides qui ornent les dernières demeures de riches Étrusques : «Aux formes et mouvements des murs et volumes souterrains s’attache une simplicité jointe à une spontanéité, un naturel dépoitraillé tout à fait particulier qui, immédiatement, réconforte l’esprit. Les Grecs cherchaient à faire impression, et le gothique bien plus encore vise à frapper l’esprit. Les Étrusques, non. Ce qu’ils réalisaient, en ces siècles insouciants où ils vécurent, apparaît aussi simple et naturel que la respiration. Ils laissent la poitrine respirer librement, aspirer sans effort une certaine abondance de vie» (p. 38).
Belle, audacieuse image bien que je ne pense pas que nous puissions véritablement parler de «siècles insouciants» à propos des âges de rapines et de violences de toute sorte qui furent ceux des anciens peuples ayant colonisé l’Italie. Élie Faure a raison de distendre l’ombre inquiétante qui est celle des personnages si joyeux de vivre que Lawrence croit contempler de son regard grisé, creusant la naïveté des dessins étrusques d’une profondeur qui, à vrai dire, n’est absolument pas étrangère au texte de Lawrence lui-même, surtout lorsqu’il contemple, pris de vertige, l’abîme des siècles et des millénaires : «Le prêtre règne. Les formes sont enfermées dans les tombeaux. La sculpture des sarcophages où deux figures étranges, le bas du corps cassé, le haut secret et souriant s’accoudent avec la raideur et l’expression mécaniques que tous les archaïsmes ont connues, les fresques des chambres funéraires qui racontent des sacrifices et des égorgements, tout leur art est fanatique, superstitieux et tourmenté» (op. cit., p. 305). Je crois que Lawrence tente en fait de magnifier en estompant plus qu’en effaçant toutes ses ombres une époque de non-réflexivité absolue pour ainsi dire, où les femmes et les hommes préféraient de très loin vivre plutôt que se voir vivre, agir plutôt que bavarder comme il en va, selon l’écrivain, à notre époque anémiée.
Nous retrouvons ici la thématique si chère à Lawrence de la «conscience phallique» que nous pourrions caractériser comme l’aspiration naïve de la vie vers son expansion maximale et, surtout, libérée de toute contrainte d’ordre moral ou religieux (3) : «C’est la beauté de proportion naturelle de la conscience phallique, qui vient s’opposer aux proportions plus recherchées ou plus extatiques de la conscience mentale et spirituelle à laquelle nous sommes habitués» (p. 35). C’est dans L’Amant de lady Chatterley que Lawrence évoquera, tout comme il a fait du toucher un de ses thèmes centraux, cette «conscience phallique», écrivant de son livre qu’il est un : «roman phallique, tendre et délicat – pas un roman érotique au sens propre […]. Je crois sincèrement qu’il faut restaurer, ajoute-t-il, une conscience phallique dans nos vies, parce qu’elle est à la source de toute vraie beauté et de toute vraie douceur» (4).
La simplicité que Lawrence voit à l’œuvre dans l’art funéraire étrusque est encore décrit comme un «naturel confinant à la platitude» et, plus loin, comme un véritable secret dont la clé a été perdue : «C’est là presque toujours présent dans les objets étrusques, ce naturel confinant à la platitude, mais qui en général l’évite, et qui, bien souvent, atteint à une originalité si spontanée, si hardie et si fraîche que nous, amoureux des conventions et des expressions «ramenées à une norme», en venons à qualifier cet art de bâtard et de banal» (p. 79).
Chimera_d'arezzo,_firenze,_06.JPGLawrence, suivant en cela la leçon d’un nombre incalculable d’auteurs mais sans toutefois tomber dans le délire de certains qui, comme Keyserling, fonda à Darmstadt en 1920 une École de la Sagesse dénonçant les limites de la culture occidentale et puisant son enseignement de pacotille dans une Inde fantasmée, confère au monde ancien une vertu éminente : au contraire de ce que nous pouvons constater à notre époque de spécialistes qui poussent de grands cris dès qu’un esprit un peu audacieux essaie de créer des passerelles entre plusieurs domaines de savoir, le monde ancien ne craignait pas d’établir des parentés symboliques, donc réelles, entre les êtres vivants et les choses, reliés par un flux souterrain de sang (5). «Merveilleux monde, écrit ainsi Lawrence, qu’était sans doute ce monde ancien où toutes choses semblaient vivantes, luisantes dans l’ombre crépusculaire du contact qui les faisait se toucher, un monde où chaque chose n’était pas seulement une individualité isolée prise au piège de la lumière diurne; où chaque chose apparaissait en son clair contour, visuellement, mais qui du sein de sa clarté même était reliée par des affinités émotionnelles ou vitales à d’autres choses étranges, une chose surgissant d’une autre, mentalement contradictoires qui fusionnaient dans l’émotion, si bien qu’un lion pouvait au même instant être aussi une chèvre, et ne pas être une chèvre [Lawrence a évoqué précédemment la chimère en bronze d’Arezzo, conservée au musée de Florence et qui fut en partie restaurée par Benvenuto Cellini)» (p. 142).
Plus même, puisque Lawrence, tirant finalement les conséquences logiques du mythe de l’Âge d’or, ayant même peut-être lu Vico qui associait naissance du langage et chant dans une même étreinte poétique de l’univers, affirme que les anciens dont il contemple les œuvres d’art étaient de véritables enfants : «Les anciens voyaient consciemment ce que les enfants voient inconsciemment : l’éternelle merveille des choses. Dans le monde antique, les trois émotions cardinales devaient être l’émerveillement, la crainte et l’admiration – l’admiration au sens latin du mot comme dans notre acception présente, et la crainte dans sa signification la plus large, qui inclut la répulsion, l’épouvante et la haine» (p. 143). Puisque les Étrusques incarnaient merveilleusement les vertus de l’aube (l’insouciance, la légèreté, la spontanéité, la fraîcheur, la joie), ils ne pouvaient être que de véritables enfants, et non point de ridicules adultes qui singeraient l’enfance. Leur caractère enfantin plutôt qu’infantile provenait du fait qu’ils ne séparaient point les êtres qu’ils considéraient de la grande chaîne reliant toutes les choses, tous les êtres créés. L’esprit d’abstraction, au sens propre du terme, leur était inconnu. Ils ne connaissaient que l’esprit procédant par association symbolique, qui est sans doute le seul qui soit capable de révéler la vérité profonde des êtres. Lawrence emploie, à propos de cette vérité profonde, une magnifique expression (que je souligne), écrivant : «C’est en étant capable de voir le qui-vive de toutes choses au cœur partout ramifié de la grande signification, toute palpitante de passion, que les anciens maintenaient vivants l’émerveillement et la délectation, mais aussi bien l’effroi et la répugnance. Ils étaient comme les enfants – mais ils avaient la force, la puissance et la connaissance sensuelle des vrais adultes» (pp. 143-4).
Et l’auteur de tirer toutes les conséquences de cette idée selon laquelle l’homme a perdu la grâce de ses premiers gestes. La religion elle-même, selon Lawrence, a vu sa nature profonde s’infléchir pour n’être plus qu’un vil instrument dont l’homme se sert. Tout le délire mécaniciste moderne semble pour Lawrence sorti du culte grec de la raison et du génie bâtisseur romain : «L’ancienne religion, qui voulait que l’homme assidûment tente de s’harmoniser avec la nature, tienne ferme sur ses pieds et s’épanouisse en fleur dans le grand bouillonnement de la vie, s’est transformée avec les Grecs et les Romains en un désir de résister à la nature, de développer la ruse mentale et la force mécanique susceptibles de surpasser la nature en intelligence et de l’enchaîner complètement, complètement au point qu’il ne subsiste plus aucune liberté en cette nature et que tout soit contrôlé, domestiqué et asservi aux pouvoirs mesquins de l’homme» (p. 158).
611MTDUIAML__SS500_2.jpgC’est dans un chapitre inachevé, resté à l’état de manuscrit et qui, peut-être, eût pu servir à Lawrence de conclusion pour ses Croquis étrusques, intitulé Le musée de Florence, que l’auteur va systématiser ses intuitions sur le thème d’une déperdition, au travers des siècles, d’une force rayonnante qui s’échappe désormais inéluctablement des œuvres des hommes. Ainsi, selon Lawrence, nous devons bien comprendre que les religions elles-mêmes de nos ancêtres les plus magnifiques, comme le sont, à ses yeux, les Étrusques, ne sont que des bribes d’un savoir immémorial ayant précédé les plus anciennes civilisations : «Ce qu’il nous faut saisir lorsque nous contemplons des œuvres étrusques, c’est que celles-ci nous révèlent les derniers feux d’une conscience cosmique humaine – disons, la tentative d’hommes aspirant à la conscience cosmique – différente de la nôtre. L’idée qui veut que notre histoire soit issue des cavernes ou de précaires habitats lacustres est puérile. Notre histoire prend corps à l’achèvement d’une phase précédente de l’histoire humaine, une phase prodigieuse et comparable à la nôtre. Il est bien plus vraisemblable que le singe descende de nous que nous du singe» (p. 225). Renversement de perspective qui a dû faire bondir les esprits scientistes ou chagrins, c’est tout un, qui lurent les Croquis étrusques lorsqu’ils furent publiés ! On se demande même comment l’auteur n’a semble-t-il pas été traité de réactionnaire. Il l’a peut-être été, à la réflexion, tout comme on n’a pas manqué de lui reprocher son manque de sérieux scientifique (cf. la réception du livre, pp. 272-278). Citons donc longuement ce très beau passage, toujours extrait du même texte qui ne fut pas recueilli en livre par Lawrence, où il semble sérieusement douter de la théorie de l’évolution, l’homme ayant toujours été un homme, l’homme ne provenant pas du singe comme nous l’avons vu mais l’homme, pourtant, depuis qu’il s’est coupé de ses plus profondes racines de savoir symbolique, paraissant en revanche devoir dégénérer, dévoluer : «Les civilisations apparaissent comme des vagues, et comme des vagues elles s’évanouissent. Tant que la science, ou l’art, n’aura pu saisir le sens dernier de ces symboles flottant sur l’ultime vague de la période préhistorique, c’est-à-dire cette période qui précède la nôtre, nous ne serons pas en mesure d’instituer la juste relation avec l’homme en ce qu’il est, en ce qu’il fut, en ce que toujours il sera.
Aux temps d’avant Homère, les hommes vivant en Europe n’étaient pas de simples brutes, des sauvages ou des monstres prognathes; ce n’étaient pas non plus de grands enfants stupides. Les hommes restent des hommes, et bien que l’intelligence puisse prendre diverses formes, les hommes sont toujours intelligents : ce ne sont pas des imbéciles mal dégrossis, des crétins en masse.
Ces symboles qui nous parviennent à la crête des dernières vagues de la culture préhistorique constituent le reliquat d’une immense et très ancienne tentative de l’humanité de se former une conception de l’univers. Cette conception s’est exténuée, elle a volé en éclats au moment même où elle reprenait vie, en Égypte. Elle a connu un nouvel essor dans la Chine ancienne, en Inde, en Babylonie et en Asie Mineure, chez les Druides, chez les Teutons, chez les Aztèques et les Mayas de l’Amérique, chez les Noirs même. Mais à chaque fois cet essor était plus faible, la vague se mourait, le flux de conscience peu à peu se transformait en un autre flux traversé de multiples courants contradictoires» (p. 226, l’auteur souligne).
Je parlais plus haut de secret. Lawrence écrit, opposant une nouvelle fois le passé magnifié d’un débordement d’énergie et de candeur et le présent se mourant par son excès de normes et de réflexion : «C’est comme si un courant puissant venu de quelque vie différente les traversait de part en part, sans rien de commun avec le courant superficiel qui nous anime aujourd’hui; comme si les Étrusques tiraient leur vitalité de profondeurs inconnues dont l’accès nous est désormais refusé» (p. 111).
Citons d’ailleurs, extrait des Tombes peintes de Tarquinia, I, ce long passage, très intéressant, où se découvre le mépris de Lawrence à l’égard d’un peuple, celui composé par ses contemporains, considéré comme étant un immense lecteur aveugle, incapable de goûter la beauté secrète d’une œuvre. Ce thème est très présent dans la correspondance de l’écrivain, y compris même durant les mois qui précèdent la rédaction de ses Croquis étrusques dont Lawrence doute fortement qu’ils soient appréciés d’un public de plus en plus grossier et inculte. L’ésotérisme, par essence, ne peut être réservé qu’à une élite puisque, de fait, il ne peut être séparé non point seulement d’une révélation mais d’une pratique, dont ne peut absolument rien dire celui qui ne l’a point vécue. Dans ce même passage, l’auteur affirme que notre époque n’est plus même reliée à son prestigieux passé par un filet de savoir secret (6), alors que, inversement, c’est la maigreur même de ce savoir transmis depuis les âges les plus anciens qui entretient son insurpassable bavardage : «Les peuples ne sont pas initiés aux cosmogonies, ni ne se voient révéler le chemin vers cet état d’éveil où palpite la conscience aiguisée. Quoi que vous puissiez faire, jamais la masse des hommes n’atteindra cette vibration de la pleine conscience. Il ne leur est pas possible d’aller au-delà d’un soupçon de conscience.en foi de quoi il faut leur donner des symboles, des rituels et des signes qui empliront leur corps de vie jusqu’à la mesure qu’ils peuvent contenir. Plus leur serait fatal. C’est la raison pour laquelle il convient de les tenir à l’écart du vrai savoir, de crainte que, connaissant les formules sans avoir jamais traversé les expériences qui y correspondent, ils deviennent insolents et impies, croyant avoir atteint le grand tout quand ils ne maîtrisent en réalité qu’un verbiage creux. La connaissance ésotérique sera toujours ésotérique, car la connaissance est une expérience, non une formule. Par ailleurs, il est stupide de galvauder les formules. Même un petit savoir est chose dangereuse. Aucune époque ne l’a mieux montré que la nôtre. Le verbiage est, en définitive, ce qu’il y a de plus désastreux» (pp. 114-5, l’auteur souligne).
D’une autre façon, Lawrence raillera la science muséographique, invoquant le prétexte que la plongée réelle dans le passé ne peut être qu’une expérience poétique : «Mais quel intérêt présentent ces leçons de choses concernant des races évanouies ? Ce que l’on cherche, c’est un contact. Les Étrusques ne sont ni une théorie ni une thèse. Ils sont, d’abord et avant tout, une expérience» (p. 218, l’auteur souligne). Et l’écrivain d’enfoncer le clou : «Et c’est une expérience toujours ratée. Des musées, encore des musées, toujours des musées, des leçons de choses bricolées n’importe comment en vue d’illustrer les théories insanes des archéologues, tentatives insensées de coordonner et ajuster en un ordre intangible cela qui échappe à tout agencement définitif et se refuse à toute coordination !» (Ibid.) (7).
Le savoir est et ne peut être qu’expérience véritable, non point accumulation de thèses mortes avant même que d’avoir été publiées, pour la raison qu’elles ne peuvent en aucun cas délivrer un savoir autre que livresque, les livres évoquant d’autres livres dans une régression infinie qui est synonyme de mort spirituelle et morale des hommes. Celui qui sait se tait (8), vérité de la plus immémoriale ancienneté que D. H. Lawrence aura redécouverte (9) en s’enfonçant dans les tombes abandonnées, pillées, parfois très endommagées, des Étrusques dont la force véritable, spirituelle, est aussi fragile que celle d’une plante mais n’en a pas moins prodigué son suc dans les membres de l’immense corps de l’empire romain, selon la loi que commente Élie Faure : «Asservi matériellement, un peuple de culture supérieure asservit moralement le peuple qui l’a vaincu» (op. cit., p. 309).
Et ce sont pourtant cette plante (une pâquerette, précise Lawrence) ou ce rossignol (10), manifestations les plus humbles de la vie qui, plus durables qu’une altière pyramide qui finira par se désagréger au fil des millénaires, témoigneront d’une force dont les fresques étrusques gardent et révèlent le magnifique et bouleversant secret.

Notes
(1) Lawrence, avant de se rendre sur le terrain, a beaucoup lu sur la question, éminemment débattue à son époque, de la civilisation étrusque. Par exemple Theodor Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, que Lawrence connaissait dans sa traduction anglaise réalisée en 1861 (revue et corrigée en 1894), par W. P. Dickson, sous le titre The History of Rome. Fritz Weege, Etruskische Malerei (Halle, 1920-1921). Pericle Ducati, Etruria Antica (Turin, 1925). Roland Arthur Lonsdale Fell enfin, Etruria and Rome, Cambridge, 1924.
(2) The Letters of D. H. Lawrence (édition établie par James T. Boulton, Cambridge, 1979), I, p. 544, citées par Simonetta de Filippis dans la Notice aux Croquis étrusques, p. 250 de notre ouvrage.
(3) Voir cette curieuse image : «Si nous n’aimons pas les asphodèles, c’est à mon sens parce que nous rejetons tout ce qui est fier et jaillissant» (p. 28).
(4) In Letters of D. H. Lawrence, op. cit., tome VI, p. 328.
(5) «Le monde vivant, nous ne le connaîtrons jamais que symboliquement. Pourtant, chaque conscience – la rage du lion et le venin du serpent – est, donc elle est divine. Tout provient du cercle ininterrompu et de son noyau, le germe, l’Un, le Dieu, s’il vous plaît de l’appeler ainsi. Et l’homme qui apparaît, avec son âme et sa personnalité, est éternellement relié à l’ensemble. Le fleuve de sang est un, il est ininterrompu, mais il bouillonne d’oppositions et de contradictions» (p. 143).
(6) «C’est comme si un courant puissant venu de quelque vie différente les traversait de part en part, sans rien de commun avec le courant superficiel qui nous anime aujourd’hui; comme si les Étrusques tiraient leur vitalité de profondeurs inconnues dont l’accès nous est désormais refusé» (p. 111).
(7) C’est le sens des moqueries que D. H. Lawrence adresse à l’un des personnages qu’il a rencontrés lors de son voyage : «Mais le jeune Allemand ne veut rien entendre à tout cela. C’est un moderne, pour qui n’existent véritablement que les seules évidences. Un lion à tête de chèvre, en plus de sa propre tête, est une chose impensable. Et ce qui est impensable n’existe pas, n’est rien. Raison pour laquelle tous les symboles étrusques n’ont pour lui aucune réalité et ne témoignent que d’une grossière incapacité à penser. Il ne gaspillera pas une minute de son temps à y réfléchir. Ces symboles ne sont que le produit de l’impuissance mentale, par conséquent négligeables» (p. 139).
(8) «L’air du dehors nous paraît immense, blême, et de quelque façon vide. Nous ne percevons plus aucun des deux mondes, ni celui, souterrain, des Étrusques, ni celui du jour banal qui est le nôtre. Silencieux, épuisés, nous revenons vers la ville environnés de vent, le vieux chien stoïquement sur nos talons – et le guide nous promet de nous montrer les autres tombes dès le lendemain» (p. 110).
(9) La quête d’une vérité originelle semble avoir fasciné Lawrence qui écrit ainsi que les dieux personnels des Grecs «ne sont que les avatars décadents d’une religion cosmique antérieure», les «mythes grecs» n’étant pour leur part que «les représentations grossières de certaines conceptions ésotériques très anciennes et fort précises, qui sont bien plus âgées que les mythes – ou les Grecs» (p. 138).
(10) Voir cette image aussi étonnante que belle : «La force brute écrase de nombreuses plantes. Et pourtant ces plantes repoussent. Les pyramides ne durent qu’un instant, comparées à la pâquerette. Avant que Bouddha ou Jésus aient commencé de parler le rossignol chantait, et bien après que les paroles de Jésus ou de Bouddha seront tombées dans l’oubli, le rossignol continuera de chanter. Point de prêche ni d’enseignement, ni de commandement ou d’intimidation : juste le chant. Au commencement n’était pas le Verbe, mais le pépiement» (p. 71). Remarquons encore que Lawrence oppose l’antique religion des Étrusques qui «s’intéresse à l’ensemble des puissances et des forces physiques et créatrices en tant qu’elles participent à la construction et à la destruction de l’âme» à la religion du Verbe qui, étrange vue, n’accorderait aucune réalité au monde physique, Verbe qui «est martelé dru jusqu’à le rendre mince et permettre, comme une dorure, de recouvrir et dissimuler toutes choses» (p. 139).

mardi, 16 novembre 2010

La ballade de Marc Hanrez

La ballade de Marc Hanrez

9782888920588.jpgLes lecteurs de ce blog (*) n'ignorent pas que Marc Hanrez fut l’un des pionniers de la recherche célinienne. Auteur en 1961 d’une des premières monographies sur Céline (1), il a publié, il y a quatre ans, une somme réunissant ses principaux articles sur l’écrivain (2). Il fut aussi le maître d’œuvre d’un important cahier de L’Herne sur Drieu La Rochelle (3). Et l’auteur d’innombrables études sur ses écrivains de prédilection, d’Abellio à Nimier en passant par Proust ou Genet. Ce que l’on sait moins, c’est qu’il est aussi, et depuis longtemps, poète. Poète discret puisque son premier recueil, La Grande chose américaine, a paru en 1992 (4), le suivant, Colomb, Cortex & Cie, datant de 2004 (5). Jamais deux sans trois. Voici que paraît Chemin faisant, ballades (en vers libres) remontant le temps.
Marc Hanrez avait dix ans en 1944. Dans la première partie de ce recueil, « Grandir en guerre », il fait revivre son enfance bruxelloise sous l’occupation, puis à la Libération. Prodigieuse puissance de la mémoire ! Mille et une images gravées et autant d’émotions. L’humour aussi qui affleure parfois :
« dans notre tram ce jour-là monte
en culotte de cheval
un officier allemand
quelle mouche alors me pique
avant-bras levé de faire un salut
que l’autre par réflexe rend au polisson »

La partie intitulée « L’Europe se lève à l’est » évoque trois villes, Vienne, Budapest et Prague, bousculées par l’histoire au siècle précédent :

« Vienne en première vision
l’année du Troisième Homme
ce film-culte avant la lettre
aussitôt vénéré pour son
thème à la cithare et son tournage
en clairs-obscurs
la ville entière me servant de cadre
au visage idole d’Alida Valli
et voir sourire Orson Welles causant
guerre et paix version suisse
au pied de la Grande Roue »

La force du texte, c’est, en quelques mots sobres, de ressusciter toute une époque enfouie mais à jamais vivante sous la plume imagée du poète. La troisième partie, « À verbe d’oiseau », nous le montre en observateur attentif de la nature. Le meilleur Jules Renard, celui du Journal, trouve ici un épigone inattendu. Et de conclure par un hommage à Hergé, immortel créateur de Tintin, tous deux « Bruxellois de souche » — comme l’est aussi Marc Hanrez.

Marc LAUDELOUT

• Marc Hanrez, Chemin faisant (Ballades), Xénia Éditions, 2010.
Note:
(*) http://lepetitcelinien.blogspot.com/

1. Céline, Éd. Gallimard, coll. « La Bibliothèque idéale », 1951 (éd. révisée en collection de poche, 1969). Robert Poulet le considérait comme « un ouvrage consciencieux, intelligent, d’un jugement qui semble parfaitement libre » (Pan, 20 décembre 1961 ; compte rendu repris dans Le Bulletin célinien, n° 254, juin 2004). Voir aussi Le Bulletin célinien, n° 279, octobre 2006 qui comprend un dossier consacré à Marc Hanrez.
2. Le Siècle de Céline, Dualpha, coll. « Patrimoine des lettres », 2006.
3. Drieu La Rochelle, Les Cahiers de l’Herne, n° 42, 1982.
4. La Grande chose américaine (illustrations de Paul Hanrez), Cadex Éditions, 1992.
5. Colomb, Cortez & Cie, Cadex Éditions, 2004.

mardi, 09 novembre 2010

Le Bulletin célinien n°324 - novembre 2010

Le Bulletin célinien n°324 - novembre 2010

ex: http://lepetitcelinien.blogspot.com/

 

Sortie du Bulletin célinien n°324 de novembre 2010.
Au sommaire :

Marc Laudelout : Bloc-notes
Frédéric Saenen : Céline, fictions du politique
*** : Céline songeait à la Pléiade dès 1951
M. L. : Dictionnaire des injures littéraires
M. L. : Le souvenir de Roland Cailleux
Roland Cailleux : Rencontre avec Marcel Aymé (1943)
Une lettre de Roland Cailleux à Céline
David Labreure : Pour une médecine du travail
M. L. : La ballade de Marc Hanrez

Un numéro disponible contre un chèque de 6 euros.

Le Bulletin célinien, B. P. 70, B 1000 Bruxelles 22
 
 
Le Bloc-Notes de Marc Laudelout

 

J’ai salué ici l’excellent article de Christophe Mercier sur la correspondance de Céline dans Commentaire (1). Il semble que plusieurs lecteurs de cette revue aient réagi différemment. Dont Jean-Claude Weill, de l’Institut universitaire de France, qui n’a pas apprécié une phrase bien anodine sur « les sulfureux pamphlets faisant partie du délire qui, maîtrisé, fait le prix de ses grands livres ». Ou une autre visant les « plumitifs qui poussent des cris d’orfraie au seul nom de Céline ». Et de se fendre d’une lettre au directeur de la revue dans laquelle il rapproche la réplique de Céline à Robert Desnos en 1941 de la mort de celui-ci survenue en déportation trois ans plus tard (2).
En fait, il n’est apparemment plus possible de célébrer le génie de Céline sans devoir obligatoirement rappeler qu’il est l’auteur de lignes condamnables. Ce qui prête à réflexion, c’est que lorsque la même revue, sous la plume du même chroniqueur, tresse des lauriers à Aragon pour ses Œuvres poétiques complètes dans la Pléiade, cela ne suscite en revanche aucune réaction. Or, dans ce cas, la revue ne se fait pas un devoir de rappeler que dans Hourra l’Oural (inclus dans cette édition) le poète stalinien approuvait de manière infâme l’assassinat du tsarévitch. Pas plus qu’elle ne voit la nécessité de rappeler que, dans un poème davantage connu, Aragon appelait de ses vœux « le Guépéou nécessaire de France ».
Dans sa réponse à Weill, le directeur de la revue, Jean-Claude Casanova, croit devoir préciser que son chroniqueur « ne partage aucune des opinions et des passions de Céline » [!]. Sans doute aurait-il dû s’arrêter là car il ajoute imprudemment ceci : « Céline a souhaité que ses pamphlets ne soient pas réédités. Je ne sais pas si c’est le remords ou la prudence qui inspire cette décision, mais il faut la prendre au moins comme une contrition de sa part, comme une reconnaissance de sa faute (3). » Le directeur de Commentaire connaît manifestement mal Céline. Face à un journaliste suisse qui le poussait dans ses derniers retranchements, l’auteur de Bagatelles disait textuellement ceci : « Je ne renie rien du tout… je ne change pas d’opinion du tout.. je mets simplement un petit doute, mais il faudrait qu’on me prouve que je me suis trompé, et pas moi que j’ai raison (4) ». Autre bévue que celle consistant à affirmer que « le cas Céline ne pose pas de problème moral dans son œuvre romanesque, mais en pose dans son œuvre politique ». A-t-il bien lu Céline ? « Moi qui suis extrêmement raciste » est-elle une phrase extraite des pamphlets ou d’un roman de l’après-guerre ? En réalité, Céline formula des pensées éminemment incorrectes jusqu’à la fin. C’est dire si son œuvre forme un tout et qu’il est vain de vouloir séparer le « bon » Céline du « mauvais ». Un célinien va même plus loin, estimant que « plus Céline est cruel, plus il est injuste et meilleur il est (5). »

Marc LAUDELOUT

1. Christophe Mercier, « Les lettres de Céline », Commentaire, n° 129, printemps 2010, pp. 261-263. Voir aussi Marc Laudelout, « Céline épistolier vu par la presse ( II ) », Le Bulletin célinien, n° 319, mai 2010, pp. 5 & 7-8.
2. « Lettres. La correspondance de Céline », Commentaire, n° 130, été 2010, pp. 571-572. En ce qui concerne la mort de Desnos, Jean-Paul Louis a fait litière de l’accusation en rendant Céline responsable : voir J.-P. Louis, « Desnos et Céline, le pur et l’impur » in Histoires littéraires
, n° 5, janvier-février-mars 2001, pp. [47]-60.
3. Jean-Claude Casanova in Commentaire
, n° 130, op. cit.
4. Louis-Albert Zbinden, « Miroir du temps », Radio-Télé Suisse Romande [Lausanne], 25 juillet 1957. Repris in
Céline et l’actualité littéraire, 1957-1961, « Les Cahiers de la Nrf », Gallimard, 1993 (rééd.), pp. 67-79.
5. Philippe Alméras, « Céline sent toujours le soufre »,
Le Figaro Magazine, 18 juin 1994. Repris sous le titre « Cent ans après » in Ph. Alméras, Sur Céline, Éditions de Paris, 2008, pp. [241]-250.

dimanche, 07 novembre 2010

Réflexions sur "Le Zéro et l'Infini" d'Arthur Koestler

Michael WIESBERG :

Réflexions sur Le Zéro et l’Infini d’Arthur Koestler

 

koestler.jpgLa vie d’Arthur Koestler fut loin d’être paisible et monotone. Après avoir abandonné ses études d’ingénieur à la « Haute Ecole Technique » de Vienne, il a émigré vers la Palestine où il a vécu de petits boulots occasionnels. Après ses mésaventures palestiniennes, les éditions Ullstein de Berlin lui offrent un poste de correspondant au Proche Orient, à Paris, puis un poste de journaliste scientifique à Berlin même. Cela durera de 1926 à 1931. Cette période est caractérisée par l’engagement passionné de Koestler pour la cause sioniste. En 1931, il change d’option : il s’engage dans le parti communiste allemand. Pendant la guerre civile espagnole, il écope d’une condamnation à mort et échappe de peu à l’exécution. Pendant la seconde guerre mondiale, il sert brièvement dans les armées française et britannique. Il finit par s’établir à Londres, où il écrira des ouvrages de vulgarisation scientifique. Le 3 mars 1983, il se suicide.

 

Le roman Le Zéro et l’Infini de Koestler paraît d’abord à Londres en 1940. La figure centrale et fictive de ce roman est un bolchevique de la vieille garde, ancien commissaire du peuple : Roubachov. Il est accusé de « menées contre-révolutionnaires », après que les services secrets soviétiques, les sbires du NKVD, l’aient arrêté et placé en détention. D’après Koestler lui-même, cette figure de fiction est inspirée par les dirigeants bolcheviques réels, et de premier plan, que furent Karl Radek, Nicolas Boukharine et Léon Trotski, qui, tous, en ultime instance, devinrent des victimes des purges staliniennes de la seconde moitié des années 30. En créant le personnage de Roubachov, Koestler a essayé de montrer, de manière exemplative, ce qui se passait dans les prisons du NKVD et d’expliquer comment ce noyau dur des anciens révolutionnaires d’octobre 1917 a pu être liquidé. Roubachov est confronté à deux autres personnages, ses adversaires tout au long de l’intrigue : Ivanov et Gletkine. Ils représentent deux générations de bolcheviques. Ivanov, le plus âgé, reçoit l’ordre de convaincre Roubachov de la nécessité de faire des aveux. Bien sûr, Ivanov sait que les crimes imputés à Roubachov sont purement fictifs. Et, malgré cela, il tente de convaincre celui-ci qu’il serait insensé de jouer les martyrs. On ne doit pas transformer le monde en un « bordel sentimental et métaphysique ». La pitié, la conscience, le remord et le doute doivent demeurer des « dérapages répréhensibles ». On ne doit pas abjurer la violence tant qu’il y a du chaos dans le monde. Tout compromis avec sa propre conscience, explique Ivanov au prisonnier, équivaut à de la désertion. Comme l’histoire est a priori immorale, toute attitude qui reposerait sur des décisions morales dictées par la conscience d’un individu, équivaudrait à faire de la politique en s’inspirant des bonnes paroles d’un prêche dominical. Pour cette raison, explique Ivanov, les blessures que ressent Roubachov dans sa propre conscience, au vu des hommes sacrifiés au nom de la « raison de parti », ne sont jamais que des « fictions grammaticales ».

 

AK-zero-infini.jpgPour Koestler, cette notion de « fiction grammaticale » doit nous expliquer cette part du moi que l’on ne définit pas comme « logique » mais comme « personnelle ». Or comme ce moi est inexistant pour le parti, mais que la grammaire réclame un substantif pour cette chose, Ivanov nomme cet aspect du « moi » celui de la « fiction grammaticale ». Roubachov, dans cette phase-là de sa détention, est tourmenté par des scrupules moraux, à cause de ses propres manières d’agir d’antan : celles-ci étaient déterminées exclusivement par un schéma de pensée rationnelle et acceptaient en toute conscience les pertes humaines qu’imposait cette rationalité. Ivanov réussit finalement à convaincre Roubachov que les idées, que celui-ci cultive et rumine, relèvent d’une « sentimentalité bourgeoise ». « On n’entendra aucun coq chanter », dit Ivanov, « si, objectivement parlant, des individus nuisibles sont liquidés ».

 

Ivanov conjure alors Roubachov de tirer les « conséquences logiques » de leurs conversations, et obtient du prisonnier que celui-ci se déclare prêt à signer un aveu qui va dans le sens de l’accusation. A partir de ce moment-là du récit, le roman prend une tournure dramatique. Ivanov, qui, lui aussi, est une figure controversée, est accusé d’avoir mené l’enquête sur Roubachov de manière trop négligente : il est alors remplacé par un représentant de la jeune génération de bolcheviques, qui ne connaît pas les compromis. Ivanov est ensuite liquidé.

 

Gletkine, qui prend la place d’Ivanov, représente, dans Le Zéro et l’Infini, une génération qui agit toujours sans réticence aucune selon la ligne fixée par le parti et qui ne connaît plus personnellement les circonstances vécues par les premiers bolcheviques dans la Russie des Tsars. La liste des crimes supposés que Gletkine présente à Roubachov, est en fait un ramassis d’accusations fantaisistes, dont, en tête, celle d’avoir fomenté un attentat contre le « numéro un », Staline. La volonté de résister, chez Roubachov, est ensuite annihilée par l’application d’une procédure d’audition véritablement éreintante. Au cours de cette longue audition, on apprend pour quels motifs Roubachov doit être sacrifié. « L’expérience nous apprend », explique Gletkine, « que l’on doit donner aux masses des explications simples et compréhensibles pour les processus difficiles et compliqués ». Si l’on disait aux paysans que malgré « les acquis de la révolution », ils sont restés fainéants et arriérés, on n’obtiendra rien. Mais si on leur explique qu’ils sont des « héros du travail » et que l’on attribue les maux qui les frappent encore à des saboteurs, alors on obtiendra quelque chose. Gletkine explique alors de manière fort plausible que le parti est régi par le principe que « la fin justifie les moyens ». Le parti attend donc des « vieux bolcheviques » qu’ils se sacrifient. La raison de cette exigence réside dans le fait que la guerre menace l’Union Soviétique. En cas de guerre, s’il y a des mouvements d’opposition, cela peut conduire à la catastrophe. Gletkine déclare alors à Roubachov  qu’on lui reproche d’avoir, en liaison avec d’autres opposants, tenté de provoquer une scission au sein du parti. Si son repentir est « vrai », alors Roubachov doit aider le parti à éliminer cette scission. Il s’agit de montrer aux masses que tout opposant est un « criminel ». Après la victoire finale du socialisme, explique Gletkine, la vérité reviendra sans doute à la surface. A ce moment-là, Roubachov et les autres recevront la gratitude qui leur revient. Complètement brisé, Roubachov accepte pour finir de signer des aveux de culpabilité. Deux balles dans la nuque mettent fin à son existence.

 

Si l’on cherche à évaluer les conséquences des « grandes purges » pour l’Union Soviétique, l’attention se focalise immanquablement sur les successeurs des « vieux bolcheviques ». La nouvelle génération fut celle qui se soumit de manière inconditionnelle au parti. A la fin de la « tchistka » (de la « purge »), se dresse la pâle figure de l’apparatchik, caractérisée par une « non-identité ». Staline a créé les conditions préalables d’un système de parasites et de pleutres qui n’ânonnaient rien d’autre que les slogans doctrinaires du parti. Sous Staline, le matérialisme cru du marxisme-léninisme est entré dans un processus de perversion, dont l’apogée la plus emblématique fut l’émergence d’une pensée purement immanentiste, érigée au rang de dogme. C’est ainsi, in fine, que Staline a introduit les conditions initiales de l’effondrement final des systèmes sociaux du « socialisme réel » ou, plutôt, de l’égalitarisme radical.  L’idée d’un ordre socialiste juste est resté une chimère en Europe orientale, pour laquelle des millions d’hommes ont dû sacrifier leur vie.

 

L’histoire ne se répète pas. Une tyrannie à la Hitler ou à la Staline ne se présentera plus. Mais il est certainement une chose que le livre de Koestler nous enseigne, et qui reste valable aujourd’hui : il nous montre où nous mène un monde régi par la pleutrerie et la pensée conformiste. Une république qui se vante d’incarner la liberté et la démocratie n’est pas pour autant immunisée contre les tumeurs totalitaires. Il faut donc toujours, dans tous les cas de figure, apprendre à se défendre contre la pleutrerie et le conformisme dès qu’ils se pointent à l’horizon.

 

Michael WIESBERG.

(article paru dans « Junge Freiheit », Berlin, n°11/1996, dans la série « Mein Lieblingsbuch / Folge 6 : « Sonnenfinsternis » von Arthur Koestler – Chronik der stalinistischen Säuberung » / « Mon livre favori / 6°partie : « Le Zéro et l’Infini » d’Arthur Koestler – Chronique des purges staliniennes » - Trad.  franç. : octobre 2010).    

samedi, 06 novembre 2010

J. Raspail: la patrie trahie par la République

La patrie trahie par la République

PAR JEAN RASPAIL
[Le Figaro 17 juin 2004]

 

J'ai tourné autour de ce thème comme un maître-chien mis en présence d'un colis piégé. Difficile de l'aborder de front sans qu'il vous explose à la figure. Il y a péril de mort civile. C'est pourtant l'interrogation capitale. J'ai hésité. D'autant plus qu'en 1973, en publiant Le Camp des saints, j'ai déjà à peu près tout dit là-dessus. Je n'ai pas grand-chose à ajouter, sinon que je crois que les carottes sont cuites.

raspail.jpgCar je suis persuadé que notre destin de Français est scellé, parce qu'“ils sont chez eux chez moi” (Mitterrand), au sein d'une “Europe dont les racines sont autant musulmanes que chrétiennes” (Chirac), parce que la situation est irréversible jusqu'au basculement définitif des années 2050 qui verra les “Français de souche” se compter seulement la moitié – la plus âgée – de la population du pays, le reste étant composé d'Africains, Maghrébins ou Noirs et d'Asiatiques de toutes provenances issus du réservoir inépuisable du tiers monde, avec forte dominante de l'islam, djihadistes et fondamentalistes compris, cette danse-là ne faisant que commencer(1).

La France n'est pas seule concernée. Toute l'Europe marche à la mort. Les avertissements ne manquent pas – rapport de l'ONU (qui s'en réjouit), travaux incontournables de Jean-Claude Chesnais et Jacques Dupâquier, notamment –, mais ils sont systématiquement occultés et l'Ined pousse à la désinformation. Le silence quasi sépulcral des médias, des gouvernements et des institutions communautaires sur le krach démographique de l'Europe des Quinze est l'un des phénomènes les plus sidérants de notre époque. Quand il y a une naissance dans ma famille ou chez mes amis, je ne puis regarder ce bébé de chez nous sans songer à ce qui se prépare pour lui dans l'incurie des “gouvernances” et qu'il lui faudra affronter dans son âge d'homme...

Sans compter que les “Français de souche”, matraqués par le tam-tam lancinant des droits de l'homme, de “l'accueil à l'autre”, du “partage” cher à nos évêques, etc., encadrés par tout un arsenal répressif de lois dites “antiracistes”, conditionnés dès la petite enfance au “métissage” culturel et comportemental, aux impératifs de la “France plurielle” et à toutes les dérives de l'antique charité chrétienne, n'auront plus d'autre ressource que de baisser les frais et de se fondre sans moufter dans le nouveau moule “citoyen” du Français de 2050. Ne désespérons tout de même pas. Assurément, il subsistera ce qu'on appelle en ethnologie des isolats, de puissantes minorités, peut-être une quinzaine de millions de Français – et pas nécessairement tous de race blanche – qui parleront encore notre langue dans son intégrité à peu près sauvée et s'obstineront à rester imprégnés de notre culture et de notre histoire telles qu'elles nous ont été transmises de génération en génération. Cela ne leur sera pas facile.

Face aux différentes “communautés” qu'on voit se former dès aujourd'hui sur les ruines de l'intégration (ou plutôt sur son inversion progressive: c'est nous qu'on intègre à “l'autre”, à présent, et plus le contraire) et qui en 2050 seront définitivement et sans doute institutionnellement installées, il s'agira en quelque sorte – je cherche un terme approprié – d'une communauté de la pérennité française. Celle-ci s'appuiera sur ses familles, sa natalité, son endogamie de survie, ses écoles, ses réseaux parallèles de solidarité, peut-être même ses zones géographiques, ses portions de territoire, ses quartiers, voire ses places de sûreté et, pourquoi pas, sa foi chrétienne, et catholique avec un peu de chance si ce ciment-là tient encore.

Cela ne plaira pas. Le clash surviendra un moment ou l'autre. Quelque chose comme l'élimination des koulaks par des moyens légaux appropriés. Et ensuite?

Ensuite la France ne sera plus peuplée, toutes origines confondues, que par des bernard-l'ermite qui vivront dans des coquilles abandonnées par les représentants d'une espèce à jamais disparue qui s'appelait l'espèce française et n'annonçait en rien, par on ne sait quelle métamorphose génétique, celle qui dans la seconde moitié de ce siècle se sera affublée de ce nom. Ce processus est déjà amorcé.

Il existe une seconde hypothèse que je ne saurais formuler autrement qu'en privé et qui nécessiterait auparavant que je consultasse mon avocat, c'est que les derniers isolats résistent jusqu'à s'engager dans une sorte de reconquista sans doute différente de l'espagnole mais s'inspirant des mêmes motifs. Il y aurait un roman périlleux à écrire là-dessus. Ce n'est pas moi qui m'en chargerai, j'ai déjà donné. Son auteur n'est probablement pas encore né, mais ce livre verra le jour à point nommé, j'en suis sûr...

Ce que je ne parviens pas à comprendre et qui me plonge dans un abîme de perplexité navrée, c'est pourquoi et comment tant de Français avertis et tant d'hommes politiques français concourent sciemment, méthodiquement, je n'ose dire cyniquement, à l'immolation d'une certaine France (évitons le qualificatif d'éternelle qui révulse les belles consciences) sur l'autel de l'humanisme utopique exacerbé. Je me pose la même question à propos de toutes ces associations omniprésentes de droits à ceci, de droits à cela, et toutes ces ligues, ces sociétés de pensée, ces officines subventionnées, ces réseaux de manipulateurs infiltrés dans tous les rouages de l'Etat (éducation, magistrature, partis politiques, syndicats, etc.), ces pétitionnaires innombrables, ces médias correctement consensuels et tous ces “intelligents” qui jour après jour et impunément inoculent leur substance anesthésiante dans l'organisme encore sain de la nation française.

Même si je peux, à la limite, les créditer d'une part de sincérité, il m'arrive d'avoir de la peine à admettre que ce sont mes compatriotes. Je sens poindre le mot renégat, mais il y a une autre explication: ils confondent la France avec la République. Les “valeurs républicaines” se déclinent à l'infini, on le sait jusqu'à la satiété, mais sans jamais de référence à la France. Or la France est d'abord une patrie charnelle. En revanche, la République, qui n'est qu'une forme de gouvernement, est synonyme pour eux d'idéologie, idéologie avec un grand “I”, l'idéologie majeure. Il me semble, en quelque sorte, qu'ils trahissent la première pour la seconde.

Parmi le flot de références que j'accumule en épais dossiers à l'appui de ce bilan, en voici une qui sous des dehors bon enfant éclaire bien l'étendue des dégâts. Elle est extraite d'un discours de Laurent Fabius au congrès socialiste de Dijon, le 17 mai 2003: “Quand la Marianne de nos mairies prendra le beau visage d'une jeune Française issue de l'immigration, ce jour-là la France aura franchi un pas en faisant vivre pleinement les valeurs de la République...”

Puisque nous en sommes aux citations, en voici deux, pour conclure: “Aucun nombre de bombes atomiques ne pourra endiguer le raz de marée constitué par les millions d'êtres humains qui partiront un jour de la partie méridionale et pauvre du monde, pour faire irruption dans les espaces relativement ouverts du riche hémisphère septentrional, en quête de survie.” (Président Boumediene, mars 1974.)

Et celle-là, tirée du XXe chant de l'Apocalypse: “Le temps des mille ans s'achève. Voilà que sortent les nations qui sont aux quatre coins de la terre et qui égalent en nombre le sable de la mer. Elles partiront en expédition sur la surface de la terre, elles investiront le camp des saints et la ville bien-aimée.”

*Ecrivain, romancier.

(1)Le délicat iman de Vénissieux, en vertu du jus soli, a engendré à lui seul seize petits citoyens français.

 

Ezra Pound and the Occult

PoundNoelStock.jpgEzra Pound and the Occult
 

Brian Ballentine

In 1907, when Ezra Pound was still teaching Romance languages at Wabash
College in Indiana, he completed the poem "In Durance":

I am homesick after mine own kind
And ordinary people touch me not.
Yea, I am homesick
After mine own kind that know, and feel
And have some breath for beauty and the arts (King 86).

Pound left America and its "ordinary people" behind for Europe shortly after. When he arrived in London in 1908, Pound wasted no time becoming a part of the community of writers which he considered his "own kind." He was quickly running among the more prestigious of London’s literary society including members from the Rhymer’s Club and W. B. Yeats’s publisher Elkin Mathews. Of course, it was Yeats’s association that Pound truly desired and successfully sought out. In Poetry 1, Pound begins his "Status Rerum" by declaring that he found "Mr. Yeats the only poet worthy of serious study" (123). Pound would eventually be content to condense his esoteric community of cutting edge writers down to two men: himself and Yeats. In 1913 he wrote Harriet Monroe proclaiming that London’s writers are divided into two groups: "Yeats and I in one class, and everybody else in the other" ("Status Rerum" 123).When Pound first met Yeats, the older poet was heavily involved and experimenting with theurgy, or magic, that is performed with the aid of beneficent spirits. This form of occult study was not at all of interest to Pound. Shortly after their introduction, it was arranged for Pound to serve as Yeats’s "secretary" at the winter retreat Stone Cottage. Not trying to hide his skepticism , Pound wrote this letter to his mother just prior to his first winter with Yeats at Stone Cottage:

My stay at Stone Cottage will not be in the least profitable. I detest
the country. Yeats will amuse me part of the time and bore me to
death with psychical research the rest. I regard the visit as a duty to
posterity (Paige 25).

The purpose of this research is to expose the various types of occultism that were prevalent during Pound's life and determine what elements of the occult he subscribed to. Although there are signs of an occult influence all the way through his later writing, Pound’s own stance on the occult is difficult to pin down. Pound’s own belief in the occult was one that was constantly being rethought and revised. There are moments when Pound was on the brink of exploration into Yeats’s world of spirits as well as moments when he was ready to abandon the occult altogether. Pound’s exploration of "retro-cognition," his revitalization
of the Greek idea of the "phantastikon," his pursuit of gnosis or what he termed a "crystal" state, and his associations with some of
London’s premiere occultists provide evidence for the former. The latter is demonstrated in his revisions on the original 1917 Three Cantos and his apparent desire to be disassociated with the "pseudo-sciences" of the occult. Much of the occult element that dominated the original publication has been edited entirely out of the final and existing copy. In any case, much of Pound’s writing is indebted to an occult influence and it will be explored in this paper.

In his essay "Ezra Pound’s Occult Education," Demetres Tryphonopoulos warns other critics not to view Pound’s skeptical letter to his mother as a rejection towards all forms of the occult. He states that "it is only theurgy and spiritualism that Pound rejects" (76). These "pseudo-sciences" are what Tryphonopoulos believes to be "the areas of human interest which many true occultists would reject as involving the degradation of humanity" ("Occult Education" 74). Yeats’s other interests in astrology and numerology, both of which were popular in the early twentieth century, are also included among the "pseudo-sciences." Occult studies such as gnosticism and theosophy are understood as legitimate pursuits by scholars like Tryphonopoulos. Gnosis, an esoteric form of knowledge that made possible the direct awareness of the Divine, was one of Pound’s major interests with the occult. James Longenbach argues that Pound labored over creating a "priest-like status" for himself and his work (92). The quest for becoming as close to God as possible led Pound on a long exploration of occult texts. According to Walter Baumann, Pound’s quest drove him to "provide further ingredients for [his] own vision of Paradise" (311). These esoteric components or "ingredients" then become the source of much difficulty in understanding Pound’s work. To date only a few scholars have made the occult element in Pound’s work more accessible and in the past only people "deeply steeped in occult literature" could successfully navigate his writing (Baumann 318). Pound never came so far around as to accept Yeats’s interests in what he considered less useful facets of the occult, but he would humor Yeats. The older poet was also interested in astrology and asked Pound for his birth date so he could determine his horoscope. In a letter to Dorothy Shakespear Pound exclaimed:

The Eagle [Yeats] is welcomed to my dashed horoscope tho’ I
think Horace was on the better track when he wrote
"Tu ne quaesaris, scire nefas, quem
mihi quem tibi
Finem dii dederunt" (Litz 113).
[Ask not, we cannot know, what ends the gods have set for me, for thee]

Despite Pound’s show of pessimism, he provided Yeats with all of the necessary information, which included writing a letter to his mother for the exact time of his birth. He told his mother that "half a million people, some of them intelligent, who still believe in the possibility of planetary influences . . . When astrology is taken hold of systematically by modern science there will be some sort of discoveries. In the meantime there is no reason why one should not indulge in private experiment and investigation (Paige 152).A subject of particular interest to both men is something that psychologists today have termed "retro-cognition." Yeats, Pound and the rest of England received their introduction to this phenomenon when Anne Moberly and Eleanor Jourdain published An Adventure in 1911. On August 10, 1901 the two women claimed to have been strolling through the Versailles gardens and found themselves transported back into the eighteenth century. Apparently, neither of them had realized what had occurred at the time but recounted the experience in a narrative:

We walked briskly forward, talking as before, but from the moment we left the lane an
extraordinary depression had come over me. . . In front of us was a wood, within which,
and overshadowed by trees, was a light garden kiosk, circular and like a small bandstand,
by which a man was sitting. There was no greensward, but the ground was covered by
rough grass and dead leaves as in a wood. The place was so shut that we could not see
beyond it. Everything suddenly looked unnatural, therefore unpleasant; even the trees
behind the building seemed to have become flat and lifeless, like a wood worked in a
tapestry (41).

Ten years of research in the French National Archives led them to believe that all the things they saw that day existed not in 1901 but in 1789. Also, they determined the person Moberly saw by the terrace, who is referred to as a "man" in the narrative, to be Marie Antoinette (Longenbach 222-23).Shortly after the publication of An Adventure, Yeats completed two essays for Lady Gregory’s Visions and Beliefs in the West of Ireland. In his essays, Yeats references An Adventure, making it highly probable that the two men had possession of the book during the Stone Cottage years if not sooner. An Adventure became an important beginning for the work of Pound and how the artist can relate to the spirit of his ancestors. The key to these relations with the past is the soul. Pound borrowed from a lot of different sources to derive his own theories on the human soul. He used Cicero’s idea of the "immortality of the soul" in De Senectute (Longenbach 222-23).He also borrowed from Plato and the Phaedrus in the Spirit of Romance: "And this is the recollection of those things which our souls saw when in company with God-when looking down from above on that which we now call being, and upward toward the true being" (140-41). Pound himself claimed to have had two experiences with retrocognition which were extremely important to him. As Longenbach writes, "Pound’s poetic goal was the cultivation of ‘adventures,’ the soul’s visionary memories of the paradise or the past it once knew" (229).Pound recounts his own experiences with retrocognition in an essay on Arnold Dolmetsch published in 1914. "So I had two sets of adventures. First, I perceived a sound which was undoubtedly derived from the Gods, and then I found myself in a reconstructed century- in a century of music, back before Mozart or Purcell, listening to clear music, to tones clear as brown amber" (Eliot 433). Pound was drawing on or participating in what he determined to be the soul’s eternal memory. His essay begins with a description of his first adventure:

I have seen the God Pan and it was in this manner: I heard a bewildering and pervasive music moving from precision to precision within itself. Then I heard a different music, hollow and laughing. Then I looked up and saw two eyes like the eyes of a wood- creature peering at me over a brown tube of wood. Then someone said: Yes, once I was playing a fiddle in the forest and I walked into a wasps’ nest. Comparing these things with what I can read of the Earliest and best authenticated appearances of Pan, I can but conclude that they relate to similar experiences. It is true that I found myself later in a room covered with pictures of what we now call ancient instruments, and that when I picked up the brown tube of wood I found that it had ivory rings upon it. And no proper reed has ivory rings on it, by nature. . . .Our only measure of truth is, however, our own perception of truth. The undeniable tradition of metamorphoses teaches us that things do not remain always the same. They become other things by swift and unanalysable process (Eliot 431).

Pound’s own understanding of truth and what he perceived to be his reality are bold advancements from what was presented in the original An Adventure. The visionary’s experience becomes the sole measure of reality and therefore Pound’s encounter with Dolmetsch as Pan becomes factual. In his essay, "Psychology and Troubadours," Pound draws a parallel between himself and early visionaries who had no way of differentiating imaginary visions from a "real" environment: "These things are for them real" (Spirit of Romance 93). Also, although Pound’s adventures and experiences cannot technically be affirmed in any way, they "stand in a long tradition of similar experiences recorded in the literature of folklore, mythology, and the occult" (Longenbach 230). In the essay on Dolmetsch, Pound works to place himself in this tradition when he writes: "When any man is able, by a pattern of notes or by an arrangement of planes or colours, to throw us back into the age of truth, everyone who has been cast back into that age of truth for one instant gives honour to the spell which has worked, to the witch-work or the art-work, or whatever you like to call it" (Eliot 432). Like Moberly and Jourdain, who had peered into the past and subsequently took ten years to write about it, Pound was wrestling with putting his visions into poetry. The "arrangement of planes or colours," the "art-work" which "throws us back into the age of truth" is what Pound wanted to create with the early Cantos. Pound began writing the first of the Cantos around 1910 but did not pursue them in earnest until 1915. It was during this time that Pound is documented in his letters as having read Robert Browning’s poem "Sordello" out loud to Yeats at Stone Cottage. Although Pound had read the poem before, it was not until he read it to Yeats that "Sordello" became a major influence. He praises the poem in a letter to his father on December 18, 1915: "It is probably the greatest poem in English. Certainly the best long poem since Chaucer. You’ll have to read it sometime as my big long endless poem that I am now struggling with starts out with a barrel full of allusions to ‘Sordello’" (Bornstein 119-20). However, the original support Pound relied on from Browning would soon be replaced with occult references. In the June, July and August 1917 edition of Poetry Magazine, Pound published his Three Cantos. These three were supposed to be the beginning of his existing long work The Cantos. Even after the highly positive review of Browning’s poem to his father, Pound would have nothing to do with Browning’s style. The original opening, which served more or less as a dialogue with Browning, is deceiving. Pound makes no effort to sustain Browning’s technique through his poem. It does not function in a lyric mode, rather it is an "apologia for the lyric mood" (Nassar 12). Pound began to question Browning’s elaborate metaphor for the stage and his character’s acting on it. Pound did not hide his "aesthetic and philosophic problems" (Nassar 13) that he had with Browning when he wrote:

. . . what were the use
Of setting figures up and breathing life upon them,
Were’t not our life, your life, my life extended?
I walk
Verona. (I am here in England.)
I see Can Grande. (Can see whom you will.)
You had one whole man?
And I have many fragments, less worth? Less worth?
Ah, had you quit my age, quit such a beastly age and
cantankerous age?
You had some basis, had some set belief (Poetry, June 1917, 115).

As if to answer his own question, and provide Browning with proper examples, Pound continued with passages in the mode of An Adventure. The only way to contain the "beastly and cantankerous age" in which one lived was to tap into the past as Moberly and Jordain had done.

Sweet lie!-Was I there truly? . . .
Let’s believe it . . .
No, take it all for lies
I have but smelt this life, a wiff of it-
. . . And shall I claim;
Confuse my own phantastikon,
Or say the filmy shell that circumscribes me
Contains the actual sun;
confuse the thing I see
With actual gods behind me?
Are they gods behind me?
How many worlds we have! If Botticelli
Brings her ashore on that great cockle-shell-
His Venus (Simonetta?),
And Spring and Aufidus fill the air
With their clear outlined blossoms?
World enough.
(Poetry, June 1917, 120-21)

 

Eugene Nassar claims that Pound demonstrated the "mind circumscribed by its diaphanous film-its limits-[which] imagines gods when in the presence of beauty . . . The mind as ‘phantastikon’ may be intuiting transcendent truths" (12). Pound wrestled with the "truth" about his occult link to the past in his revisions on Three Cantos all the way up until its republication in 1925. The once long opening addressed to Browning was reduced to the opening four lines of Canto II:

Hang it all, Robert Browning,
There can be but the one Sordello.
But Sordello and my Sordello?
Lo Sordels si fo di Mantovana" (6).

Following the address to Browning, Pound presents his vision of his characters or in this case "Ghosts" that "move about me / Patched with histories" (Poetry 116). There is no need for Pound to go "setting up figures and breathing life into them" because his characters were already part of a living past. Pound’s "fragments" are in fact not "less worth" because together they form a more complete whole than Browning’s characters. Pound sees these apparitions hovering over the water at Lake Garda. As with his Imagist poetry, these early portions of the Cantos reflect Pound’s attention to presenting the clearest possible picture of his experience:

And the place is full of spirits.
Not lemures, not dark and shadowy ghosts,
But the ancient living, wood white,
Smooth as the inner bark, and firm of aspect,
And all agleam with colors-no, not agleam,
But colored like the lake and like the olive leaves (Poetry June 1917, 116).

 

Pound used specific people and places, such as Lake Garda, to set up a desired historical backdrop. Often with Pound, the more oblique source was championed. The names are obscure and esoteric, leaving "ordinary people" in the dark just as Pound intended. Pound’s references to antiquated places, his use of foreign language, all in addition to his occult content, contribute to a higher level of difficulty in his poetry:

‘Tis the first light-not half light-Panisks
And oak-girls and the Maenads
Have all the wood. Our olive Sirmio
Lies in its burnished mirror, and the Mounts Balde and Riva
Are alive with song, and all the leaves are full of voices (Poetry June 1917,118).

 

The visionary experiences that Pound recreates in the Three Cantos are matched with these areas to "emphasize their origin in the meeting of a particular consciousness with a particular place" (Longenbach 232). This association was a technique that Pound had already begun experimenting with in some of his writing such as "Provincia Deserta." Yeats put it into his own words in a portion of his prose piece Per Amica Silentia Lunae: "Spiritism . . . will have it that we may see at certain roads and in certain houses old murders acted over again, and in certain fields dead huntsmen riding with horse and hound, or in ancient armies fighting above bones or ashes" (354). The spirits that haunt Pound’s Cantos are ones which he spent much time excavating from history during his reading at Stone Cottage. Also, Pound used specific names and places from his research to create a sense of locality. In the first Canto it was places such as Sirmio, and in the second there were others such as the Dordogne valley in France:

So the murk opens.
Dordogne! When I was there,
There came a centaur, spying the land,
And there were nymphs behind him.
Or going on the road by
Salisbury
Procession on procession-
For that road was full of peoples,
Ancient in various days, long years between them.
Ply over ply of life still wraps the earth here.
Catch at Dordoigne (Poetry July 1917, 182).

At the same time that Pound was struggling with the original Three Cantos, Yeats was preparing his own take on An Adventure. The older poet was busy formulating what he called the "doctrine of the mask" (Autobiography 102). According to Yeats, this doctrine "which has convinced [him] that every passionate man . . . is, as it were, linked with another age, historical or imaginary, where alone he finds images that rouse his energy" (Autobiography 102). Yeats’s link to the past came in a voice which he claimed to have heard for awhile but ignored. The voice even provided him with information leading to its identity. Yeats discovered that he was communicating with a Cordovan Moor named Leo Africanus. However, he did not take Leo seriously until a seance conducted on July 20, 1915. After the seance, Yeats began to consider the possibility of an anti-self existing from another period of time. Communication with this opposite personality would lead to a more complete existence as well as a better understanding of the self. Yeats began writing letters to Leo and in turn would write letters back to himself believing that Leo’s intentions could be conveyed through him. Now that Yeat’s theory had advanced to a stage where his opposite existed in another century, his idea advanced from one that was grounded in psychology to a theory that had just as much to do with history (Longenbach 190-91). There is no documented proof of Pound ever participating in one of Yeats’s seances. Despite Pound’s lack of involvement, it is impossible to overlook the parallels between the two poets work at the time. Pound was using his own ghosts and their historical associations in his early Cantos. In his final winter at Stone Cottage, Pound took interest in the seventeenth-century Neo-Platonic occult philosopher John Heydon. In 1662, Heydon published his Holy Guide. Although Pound enthusiastically read Heydon’s book, he presented a mixed image of him with Heydon’s debut in the original Three Cantos . In the final version of the original Three Cantos III, Pound introduces Heydon in a fashion that is somewhere between mockery and praise:

Another’s a half-cracked fellow-John Heydon,
Worker of miracles, dealer in levitation,
In thoughts upon pure form, in alchemy,
Seer of pretty visions (‘servant of God and secretary of nature’);
Full of a plaintive charm, like Botticelli’s,
With half-transparent forms, lacking the vigor of gods. . .
Take the old way, say I met John Heydon,
Sought out the place,
Lay on the bank, was ‘plunged deep in the swevyn;’
And saw the company-Layamon, Chaucer-
Pass each his appropriate robes; (Poetry Aug, 1917, 248)

 

Walter Bauman refers to Heydon as Pound’s "spiritual brother" (314). Despite the not-so flattering introduction of Heydon, Pound would appear to agree with Bauman. One possible explanation for Pound’s harsher opening remarks on Heydon could be that many people of Heydon’s own time did not think highly of his work. To many, Heydon was simply "a charlatan trifling with occult lore" (Bauman 306). In any case, Pound seems to make a point of acknowledging Heydon’s uncertain past before citing him as a credible source. Pound begins to spell out exactly what one could obtain by reading Heydon in a section of his prose piece Gaudier-Brzeska: A Memoir. In section 16, Pound writes positively about artists like Brzeska, Wyndham Lewis and Jacob Epstein who were on the forefront of the new movement Vorticism. Here he discusses the power a work of art can have:

A clavicord or a statue or a poem, wrought out of ages of knowledge, out of fine perception and skill, that some other man, that a hundred other men, in moments of weariness can wake beautiful sound with little effort, that they can be carried out of the realm of annoyance into the realm of truth, into the world unchanging, the world of fine animal life, the world of pure form. And John Heydon, long before our present day theorists, had written of the joys of pure form . . . inorganic, geometrical form, in his "Holy Guide" (157).

 

Pound also closes the section with a final reminder to read "John Heydon’s ‘Holy Guide’ for numerous remarks on pure form and the delights thereof" (Gaudier-Brzeska: A Memoir 167). There are several facets of the occult found in Pound’s memoir. He infers that the perfect work of art is layered with history. It is hundreds of years and hundreds of men in the making. The "realm of truth" is reached when the mind, as Nassar previously described it, has the ability to imagine "gods when in the presence of beauty." The "transcendent truths," that are a conglomeration of the past, can then be tapped as a source for the pure form Pound is describing (Nassar 12).Much of Pound’s desire for a pure truth goes hand in hand with his quest to be close to the Divine and obtain his "priest-like status." His use of Heydon becomes clearer as one reads that Heydon pondered questions such as "if God would give you leave and power to ascend to those high places, I meane to these heavenly thoughts and studies (Heydon 26). Pound borrows almost verbatim from Heydon and then cites him in "Canto 91":

to ascend those high places
wrote Heydon
stirring and changeable
‘light fighting for speed’ (76).

Heydon continues stating that people involved with studies such as his should realize that "their riches ought to be imployed in their own service, that is, to win Wisdome" (31). This "Wisdome" was something Pound wanted to make certain the masses or the "ordinary people" would not be privy to. It was exactly the divine wisdom, or gnosis, that Pound was in search of. Pound was asking the same questions and desiring the same answers that Heydon was asking hundreds of years earlier: "let us know first, that the minde of man being come from that high City of Heaven" (33). With these overt connections to Heydon, Pound’s opening remarks on him as a "half-cracked fellow" remain puzzling. Again, it is likely that Pound was initially shy about such overt references to a less-than-favorable occultist just as he was with some of Yeats’s mysticism. As it turns out, the title "Secretary of Nature" was actually Heydon’s and was printed on the title page of Holy Guide. Pound was respectful enough to include the title. Also in the Cantos, Heydon is in the company of men such as Ocellus, Erigena, Mencius and Apollonius. Pound appears to have thought much higher of Heydon than his opening remarks lead a reader to believe. In total, over half a dozen quotes are taken from Heydon’s work adding to the "crystal clear" quality of Pound’s Cantos (Davie 224).

 

From the green deep
he saw it,
in the green deep of an eye:
Crystal waves weaving together toward the gt/healing
Light compenetrans of the spirits
The Princess Ra-Set has climbed
to the great knees of stone,
She enters protection,
the great cloud is about her,
She has entered the protection of crystal . . .
Light & the flowing crystal
never gin in cut glass had such clarity
That Drake saw the splendour and wreckage
in that clarity
Gods moving in crystal
(Canto 91, 611)

 

In this selection, the "Pricess Ra-Set" has completed a journey that has allowed a metamorphosis to take place about her. The crystal which has encompassed her represents Heydon’s "pure form" that Pound was himself searching for. Inside this crystal protection "gods are manifest, whatever their ontological status outside" (Nassar 110). Pound’s metaphor shows up in several places. In "Canto 92," Pound describes "a great river" with the "ghosts dipping in crystal" (619). Also, in "Canto 91," Pound wrote:

"Ghosts dip in crystal,
adorned"
. . . A lost kind of experience?
scarcely,
Queen Cytherea,
che ‘l terzo ciel movete
[who give motion to the third heaven]

 

Pound already knew the answer to his own question about experience when he asked it. Crystal was chosen not only for its clarity to represent the pureness of form but it is hard and durable as well. The experience was not lost in the protection of this divine state that is the "crystal."

There are several individuals who were contemporaries of Pound that had a large influences on Pound and exposed him to their own ideas about the occult. People such as Yeats, A. R. Orage, Allen Upward, Dorothy Shakespear, and Olivia Shakespear all had their own occult interests. However, the largest occult influence on Pound, even greater than that of Yeats, was G. R. S. Mead. Mead became a member of Madame Blavatsky’s Theosophical Society in 1884. In 1889 he was Blavatsky’s private secretary and kept that position until her death in 1891. He served as the society’s editor for their monthly magazine but branched off and quit the society altogether in 1909. Blavatsky’s writings and practices aligned themselves more with the "pseudo-sciences" that Pound would not have approved of. Oddly enough, in Mead’s essay "‘The Quest’ - Old and New:

Retrospect and Prospect," he apparently does approve of Blavatsky’s ways either:I had never, even while a member, preached the Mahatma - gospel of H. P. B. [Blavatsky], or propagandized Neo-theosophy and its revelations. I had believed that "theosophy" proper meant the wisdom-element in the great religions and philosophies of the world (The Quest 296-97).

This passage represents thinking that was in line with Pound’s ideas on gnosis and his own pursuit of wisdom. Mead is considered by some to be "the best scholar the Theosophical Society ever produced" (Godwin 245).Pound’s assessment of what he experienced in his visionary episodes as well as his readings was heavily influenced by the writings and teachings of Mead. Pound met him at one of Yeats’s "Monday Evenings" at 18 Woburn Building in London which Mead regularly attended. On October 21, 1911, Pound wrote to his parents: "I’ve met and enjoyed Mead, who’s done so much research on primitive mysticism - that I’ve written you at least four times." [1] In another letter to his parents dated February 12, 1912, Pound praises Mead writing: "G. R. S. Mead is about as interesting - along his own line - as anyone I meet"(Beinecke 238). In a letter to his mother dated September 17, 1911, Pound relays that Mead had asked him to write a publishable lecture. Pound discusses the task with his more skeptical side of the occult: "I have spent the evening with G. R. S. Mead, edtr. of The Quest, who wants me to throw a lecture for his society which he can afterwards print. ‘Troubadour Psychology,’ whatever the dooce that is" (Beinecke 223). Pound did go on to give the lecture which gave birth to his essay "Psychology and the Troubadours." In this essay Pound wrote that "Greek myth arose when someone having passed through delightful psychic experience tried to communicate it to others" (92). Again Pound was referring to an occult "adventure" similar to that of Moberly and Jourdain. Once an individual has undergone this event "the resulting symbol is perfectly clear and intelligible" (Longenbach 91). Pound also endeavors to explain further his idea of the Greek "phantastikon." According to Pound, "the consciousness of some seems to rest, or to have its center more properly, in what the Greek psychologists called the phantastikon. Their minds are, that is, circumvolved about them like soap-bubbles reflecting sundry patches of the macrocosmos" (92). In April of 1913, Pound wrote a letter to Harriet Monroe attempting to clarify this element of his essay: "It is what Imagination really meant before the term was debased presumably by the Miltonists, tho’ probably before them. It has to do with the seeing of visions."

Pound’s phantastikon became his link to tapping into the purest form of "real symbolism." Dorothy Shakespear requested that Pound explain to her the difference between this symbolism and aesthetic or literary symbolism. He wrote her stating:

 

There’s a dictionary of symbols, but I think it immoral. I mean that I think a superficial acquaintance with the sort of shallow, conventional, or attributed meaning of a lot of symbols weakens - damnably, the power of receiving an energized symbol. I mean a symbol appearing in a vision has a certain richness and power of energizing joy - whereas if the supposed meaning of the symbol is familiar it has no more force, or interest of power of suggestion than any other word, or than a synonym in some other language (Pound/Shakespear 302).

 

Of course, the ability to perceive these symbols was not within the reach of everyone. It was only for those who have set sail in the pursuit of higher wisdom. Those in pursuit of gnosis "possess the key to the mysteries of its symbolism and establish themselves as priests - divinely inspired interpreters to whom the uninitiated public must turn for knowledge" (Longenbach 91). From here, the possibilities are endless according to Pound:

"All is within us", purgatory and hell,
Seeds full of will, the white of the inner bark
the rich and the smooth colours,
the foreknowledge of trees,
sense of the blade in seed, to each its pattern.
Germinal, active, latent, full of will,
Later to leap and soar,
willess, serene,
Oh one could change it easy enough in talk.
And no one vision will suit all of us.

Say I have sat then, the low point of the cone,
hollow and reaching out beyond the stars,
reaches and depth, the massive parapets,
Walls whereon chariots went by four abreast (Longenbach 237).

Pound made it a habit to not only read Mead’s article’s and books but he also religiously attended his lectures outside the "Monday Evenings." In another letter to his parents he wrote: "I’m going out to Mead’s lecture. And so on as usual. This being Tuesday" (Beinecke 271). From these readings and lectures, Pound most likely got his inspiration for the beginning of his revised Cantos:

the passing into the realms of the dead, while living, refers to the initiation of the soul of the candidate into the states of after- death consciousness, while his body was left in a trance. The successful passing through these states of consciousness removed the fear of death, by giving the candidate an all sufficing proof of the immortality of the soul and of its consanguinity with the gods (Taylor 319).

The "initiation" process of the soul was one that Pound decided must begin his entire Cantos. "Canto 1" starts with: "And then went down . . ." which initiates a descent that is the beginning of this journey (3). Pound made it clear in "Canto 1" that the Odysseus figure was alive during his descent just as Mead required the figure to be "living." Also, in a blatant attempt to achieve the "consanguinity with the gods," Pound’s character drank the blood of the sheep that was sacrificed to them.

The process that Pound is discussing is palingenesis, or the birth and the growth of the soul. The ultimate goal of the entire process, as Pound saw it, was "the expansion of the initiand’s consciousness into a state where he awakes to his relationship with the gods, and participates in their world" (Celestial Tradition 107). At this initial stage the initiate knows nothing except that he is on a quest for gnosis. As Pound wrote in Canto 47: "Knowledge the shade of a shade, / Yet must thou sail after knowledge / Knowing less than drugged beasts" (30).

The completion of the journey is the passage into what was previously described as "the crystal." This stage is the graduation from the ephemeral world of man to the realm of the gods. The soul has passed "from fire" of the "Kimmerian lands" of "Canto 1" "to crystal / via the body of light" (Canto 91,61). Pound put it much more bluntly when he stated that one must "bust thru" to this realm of understanding but he made his point (Celestial Tradition 107). Although he makes references to the exceptions, Tryphonopoulos contends that "Scholarly comment on Pound’s relation to the occult is virtually nonexistent" ("Occult Education" 75). The difficulty in analyzing Pound’s occult studies is that his reading and influences are so vast. From his amassed material Pound would piece together a detailed mosaic. This method provided a coherence for his presentation. In this fashion, structure begins to surface in even his most dense work The Cantos. Tryphonopoulos understands The Cantos to be a "collection of fragments gathered according to a predetermined plan for the purpose of validating the author’s original value system" (1). Pound seems to be speaking of this in the very late "Canto 110" when he writes: "From times wreckage shored / these fragments shored against ruin" (781). These elements pulled from the rubble of history and which Pound tiles together are what make the picture complete.

vendredi, 05 novembre 2010

Romain Gary, "camaleonte" e libertario

Romain Gary, "camaleonte" e libertario

di Roberto Alfatti Appetiti

 


Fonte: Roberto Alfatti Appetiti (Blog) [scheda fonte]

 

Romain-Gary_5084.jpgDigiti “Romain Gary” su google e le prime foto che appaiono ritraggono lo scrittore francese d’origine ebreo-russa accanto a una graziosa biondina, visibilmente più giovane di lui. L’impressione è di averla già vista. Ma sì, è Jean Seberg, l’adolescente malinconica di Bonjour tristesse, l’icona che meglio di altri ha incarnato sul grande schermo lo smarrimento della gioventù borghese del secondo dopoguerra. Si erano sposati nel ’62 – 24 anni lei, il doppio lui – per poi separarsi otto anni dopo e infine ritrovarsi in un comune tragico destino: quando entrambi sono stati sconfitti e – per dirla con una battuta di Patricia, la protagonista di À bout de souffle interpretata dalla Seberg nel ’60 – «ormai è troppo tardi per avere paura».

 

Se lei nel settembre del ’79, appena quarantenne ma sempre più instabile psicologicamente, era stata trovata morta in una automobile parcheggiata alla periferia di Parigi, l’anno successivo – il 3 dicembre del ’80, giusto trent’anni fa – fu Gary stesso a scrivere la sceneggiatura del proprio congedo dal mondo. Curandone ogni dettaglio: la pistola con cui bruciarsi il cervello e la vestaglia di seta rossa, comprata e indossata per l’occasione affinché nell’appartamento di rue du Bac il sangue si notasse meno. Un biglietto d’addio lasciato per eliminare sin troppo facili interpretazioni, prendere le distanze dalla ex moglie, la cui militanza nelle Pantere nere s’era fatta via via più imbarazzante, e ristabilire così davanti all’eternità chi fosse l’unico protagonista della scena: «Nessun rapporto con Jean Seberg. I patiti dei cuori infranti sono pregati di rivolgersi altrove».

Il colpo di scena, tuttavia, non arrivò del tutto inaspettato. Malgrado l’invidiabile palmarès – in cui fa bella mostra il sia pur impolverato Goncourt del ’56 per Le radici del cielo, forse il primo romanzo autenticamente ecologista – la critica militante lo considerava un autore a fine carriera, un vecchio “trombone” che ancora parlava di onore e fedeltà, col gusto dannunziano del gran gesto e prigioniero del proprio personaggio fino a morirne. In fondo la sinistra non l’aveva mai amato, nonostante Sartre avesse giudicato il suo Educazione europea – il libro che nel ’45 lo fece conoscere al grande pubblico, in cui racconta la storia di un gruppo di resistenti polacchi attraverso gli occhi di Janek, orfano quattordicenne – il miglior testo sulla resistenza.

romainGaryProm.jpgLo guardavano con diffidenza, ritenendolo un autore reazionario per il suo passato di eroe di guerra e poi di diplomatico gollista. E lui – che pure aveva rischiato la morte per disertare e aderire all’appello lanciato il 18 giugno del ’40 da De Gaulle a Londra di continuare la lotta contro i nazisti – non perdeva occasione per esprimere la delusione in quelle forze con cui durante la guerra si era trovato a «essere così spesso dalla stessa parte che non posso più perdonargli niente». Tradite le speranze del dopoguerra «dalle idee che si comportano in maniera sbagliata», scelse di chiamarsi fuori dalla logica dei blocchi contrapposti: «Non accetto nessuna crociata – spiegò – perché non accetto nessuna fede e rifiuto d’essere convertito. Non conosco certezze e il solo bene che difendo è il diritto al dubbio». Senza mai riuscire a diventare un cinico: «Sono quarant’anni che trascino intatte per il mondo le mie illusioni, nonostante tutti gli sforzi per sbarazzarmene e per riuscire, una volta per sempre, a non sperare più». Se non nella politica, almeno nella letteratura intesa come nascondiglio: «Vorrei che i miei libri fossero rifugi e che aprendoli gli uomini ritrovassero i loro valori e capissero che, se hanno potuto forzarci a vivere come bestie, non hanno potuto costringerci a disperare».

Quando la contestazione giovanile cerca nuovi riferimenti intellettuali, l’immagine di Gary sembra coincidere con la vecchia Francia “coccardiera”, compromessa con quel sistema di potere gollista che si vorrebbe spazzare via. I suoi libri continuano a vendere ma i salotti lo trattano come un appestato e Gary – per aggirare il muro di reticenza che gli avevano costruito attorno o per dedicare loro un vero e proprio sberleffo – s’inventa Emile Ajar. E miracolosamente gli stessi che lo stroncavano immediatamente salutarono lo sconosciuto Ajar come «lo scrittore più promettente degli anni Settanta» senza sapere che si trattava della stessa persona. Qualche indizio c’era: Ajair in russo indica la “brace” e Gari significa “brucia”. Eppure nessuno sospetta nulla, tanto che nel ’75 Ajar si aggiudica il Goncourt per La vita davanti a sé, riconoscimento che non potrebbe essere assegnato allo stesso autore per due volte.
Quel che conquista critica e pubblico, decine di migliaia le copie vendute, è il linguaggio gergale e poetico al tempo stesso con cui viene tratteggiato – vent’anni prima che lo faccia Daniel Pennac – il mondo delle banlieu e la trasformazione che già dagli anni Quaranta stava colorando il volto di interi quartieri parigini. Una narrazione dal basso fatta attraverso la lente della quotidianità, che ha per protagonisti gli ultimi, gli innocenti, i reietti che ancora non sanno di esserlo. Come Momo, la voce narrante, che scoprirà solo crescendo il razzismo, «perché i neri finché sono bambini non dispiacciono a nessuno». Momo, infatti, è algerino e insieme ad altri “nati di traverso” – figli di prostitute – vive nel “pensionato” di Madame Rosa, a sua volta ex prostituta ebrea che sopravvive offrendo loro ospitalità in cambio di una pigione (magistrale l’interpretazione che nel film tratto dal libro nel ’78 fruttò a Rosa/Simone Signoret un César come migliore attrice).

Chi avrebbe potuto immaginare che quel “socialismo dal volto umano” applicato alla letteratura – «un romanzo toccato dalla grazia» lo ha definito Stenio Solinas – potesse essere opera di uno scrittore conservatore ormai prestato alla diplomazia e apparentemente interessato più alle frequentazioni del jet set internazionale e alle sue amanti che non a farsi cantore della società multietnica? Sarà la pubblicazione (postuma) di Vie et mort di Emile Ajar a rivelare la vera identità dell’autore, sino a quel momento attribuita al nipote di Gary.
 
«Per essere qualcuno bisogna essere molti», fa dire a Momo e Ajar non era certo l’unico degli pseudonimi di Romain Gary, il cui vero nome peraltro è Roman Kacew. Non a caso il titolo della biografia dedicatagli da Myriam Anissimov, ancora non disponibile in lingua italiana, è proprio Il camaleonte. Per lunghi anni assente dalle nostre librerie, grazie alle edizioni Neri Pozza le opere di Romain Gary nell’ultimo lustro sono tornate disponibili.
L’ultima in ordine di tempo, fresco di tipografia, è Mio caro Pitone (pp. 238, € 12,50), la prima, nel ’74, a firma di Emile Ajar, vera e propria denuncia dell’incomunicabilità del mondo moderno (come suggerisce il titolo, il protagonista, per lenire la propria solitudine finirà per accompagnarsi a un pitone). Con una rapida visita in libreria e a prezzi contenuti si possono portare a casa, oltre ai titoli già citati, gli altri romanzi recentemente ristampati dalla casa editrice milanese, tra cui Cane bianco (2009, pp. 238, € 12,50) – in cui Gary, convinto che «scopo della democrazia sia far accedere ogni uomo alla nobiltà», mette alla berlina la «democrazia americana» in bilico tra il razzismo della destra e l’ipocrisia delle anime belle democratiche – e Biglietto scaduto (2008, pp. 223, € 12).
In quest’ultimo più che in altri si rivelano i motivi reali della fatica di vivere dello scrittore. La molla che fa scattare il malessere è data dal comparire sulla scena di un amico del protagonista. L’uomo che ha di fronte sembra solo l’ombra del milionario brillante e circondato di donne che dieci anni prima aveva ammirato con un pizzico di invidia. Che delusione rivederlo irrimediabilmente invecchiato e alle prese con l’impotenza, lui che – come Gary, del resto – era un vero playboy. E il declino della virilità – descritto con cruda (auto?)ironia – in questo “romanzo della decadenza” non rappresenta soltanto l’ossessione principale del protagonista ma anche la metafora del declino di un’Europa che non crede più a se stessa. «Pagheremo l’aver perso in creatività – scrive Gary – il non avere più orgoglio, l’aver delegato alle multinazionali, il confondere l’economia con la politica, il pensare che gli sfruttati se ne staranno tranquilli al loro posto».
Guardarsi indietro non dà alcun sollievo: «Cerco di calmarmi chiudendo gli occhi e facendo il conto di tutti i nazisti che ho ucciso durante la guerra – scrive – ma questo non fa che deprimermi ulteriormente perché vorresti ammazzare l’ingiustizia eppure finisci sempre per ammazzare degli uomini». In tempo di pace – diceva Nietzsche – l’uomo guerriero si scaglia contro se stesso e Gary, alla fine dei conti, aveva nostalgia del ragazzo guerriero che era stato tanti anni prima, quello che tra un’impresa estrema e l’altra, tra una missione di guerra in terra d’Africa e un duello per salvare l’onore, aveva finito per cedere il passo al borghese che mai avrebbe pensato di diventare. «I borghesi – fa dire a Pech in Educazione europea (ristampato da Neri Pozza nel 2006) – sono uguali dappertutto e mandano la stessa puzza in tutti i paesi del mondo». C’era forse del rimpianto quando Gary rivolgeva (a se stesso?) il seguente avvertimento: «Bisogna davvero riuscire a conservare in sé qualche traccia inestirpabile di ciò che si è stati prima di quella grande disfatta che si chiama maturità».

 

 


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