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samedi, 21 septembre 2013

Misopaedia and the Insolence of Gay Monarchy

Misopaedia and the Insolence of Gay Monarchy

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Today’s issue of depreciating childhood dovetails perfectly with my previous installment on infantilizing adults: both are reflecting a loss of the sense of maturity and responsibility in our Western culture. For instance, today every newborn is burdened with a four to six figure number of debt depending on his or her whereabouts ( cf. David Willets; “The Pinch – How the Baby Boomers took their Children’s Future-and why they should give it back”, Atlantic Books London: 2010, p.259, 269). Now the first dramatic example of instrumentalizing childhood was the Bohemian version of the Dreyfus affair. In Prague it was the Jewish cobbler Leopold Hilsener who was falsely accused of ritual murder. A little Christian girl called Anezka Hruzova had been found dead on the 1.4.1899 in Polna. And it was the first Czech president after gaining independence in 1921, Professor T.G. Masaryk, who made is name with the revision of the court indictment finally exonerating Hilsener. Nevertheless since then the West is drifting towards a gradual and not merely symbolical - think of child rape and “pedophilia”- reversal of the Abrahamic abolition of child sacrifice.

Now let’s ask a few questions: Who afforded homosexuals the privilege to be addressed as gay by the rest of us like royals? Or: if fathers are supposed to be gay by definition, what is left for their children? What kind of sacrifices children are expected to make for same-sex parents? Children, Sir Elton John deplored to his merit, raised by gay couples have to make do without the devotion of a loving mother. Right to the point, for anyone who has grown up close to homosexual adolescents, knows that we used to call them spoiled “mothers boys”. Ironically this might be very bad news indeed if future gays are supposed to be raised without mothers. Could the homosexual avant-garde become extinct within a few generations after gay marriage has gone mainstream? After all some kind of trepidation must be behind the hard-nosed implementation of homosexual education from cradle to grave in most EU countries

Surely growing up without a mother in a homosexual household is an unfathomable disadvantage since there is strong evidence that only women have a natural capability of unselfish love, essential for raising children. It is for this reason that gay parenting is set to become an unprecedented social experiment with unknown outcome. Nobody can possibly know for sure the unintended consequences - despite phony liberal social science studies to the contrary (Nelson Lund: “A social experiment without science behind it”, WSJ). Over at the Weekly Standard the editors are pointing out that neither benefits nor risks are backed by any “science” since there are simply no samples available, large enough for statistical significance.

Time will tell. But why, for heaven’s sake, would anybody with his right mind take such risks for our society? The only reason that comes to mind is that same-sex couples might on average be “greener” than straight ones because of their prohibitive costs of having and raising children - benefiting in turn our earths “carbon footprint”. Not that I would seriously buy into that. Yet with regards to the risks we know a lot more, specifically about the dismal effect of absent fathers in families run by single mothers. These dysfunctional families have a track record of well above average rates of depression, suicide attempts, educational failure and even increased criminal records with their offspring. The lack of a mother might be expected to elicit even more dramatic effects, particularly enhanced levels of violence. For it is common sense that the weakening of parental authority increases the level of violence in families with a strong tendency to be transferred to the next generation.

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Gilles Bernheim

Now late Pope Benedict XVI, defending traditional marriage in his last Christmas address, referred the Chief Rabbi of Paris Gilles Bernheim. He is the author of a brilliant paper focusing on the dangers of same-sex parenting. Bernheim’s paper “Homosexual Marriage, Parenting and Adoption” was translated into English immediately after the Pope’s mentioning and attracted considerable international attention. Bernheim believes “that it is a matter of the greatest importance to make clear the true implications of the negation of sexual difference” and that the argument of equality in favor of same-sex marriage does not stand up to scrutiny.

He does not adduce the biblical prohibition of homosexuality in Leviticus because the issue for him is only homosexual parenting and the well-being of children according. He tells us: “What is at stake is the risk of irreversibly scrambling genealogies, as well as legal and social statuses (the child-as-subject becoming child-as-object) and identities— a confusion that would be harmful to society as a whole and that would lose sight of the general interest in seeking the advantage of a tiny minority.” With this in mind the Chief Rabbi points to the absurdity of heterosexual couples who reject marriage demonstrating alongside homosexual activists for the introduction of same sex marriage. The only reasonable explanation for this political solidarity is that both aim at the abolition of traditional marriage.

The rabbi then confronts the spurious claim that homosexuals could be loving parents as much as heterosexuals. For this completely misses the point, reducing the “parental bond to its affective and educative aspects”, overlooking that “the parent–child bond is a psychological vector of fundamental importance for the child’s sense of identity…For the child establishes his (her) own identity only by a process of differentiation, which presupposes that he (she) knows whom he (she) resembles. Thus he (she) needs to know that he (she) issues from the love and the union between a man, his (her) father, and a woman, his (her) mother, thanks to the sexual difference between them. Even adopted children know that they originate from the love and the desire of their parents, even when these are not their biological parents.”

Thus same sex parenting lacks the stimulus based on parental difference to develop the child’s identity and the reassurance of recognizing a place in its genealogy. The generational chain alone guarantees each individual a place in the world in which he or she lives knowing where he or she came from. The categorical error lies in the concept of homosexual parenting as constructed upon gender or the sexuality of two individuals instead of actual parental sex creating offspring. Thus homosexual parenting is a fiction: “The term “parent” is not neutral; it involves sexual difference. To accept the term “homosexual parenting” is to strip the word “parent” of its intrinsic bodily, biological, and fleshly meaning.” There is no right to a child for children are not objects of rights but their subjects, another categorical error of same-sex advocacy. The fallacy of instrumentalization or the disregard of the child’s personality and needs as already present in the Pro-Choice abortion stance. Yet it develops its full traumatic potential only in gay parenting: “This absence allows adults demanding rights to avoid asking about the rights of the child, what the child might need, and whether the child might prefer having a father and mother instead of two parents of the same sex. This is a case where our carelessness borders on cynicism. The right of the child is radically different from the right to the child. The former right is fundamental. It consists in particular in giving the child a family in which he (she) will have the best chance to have the best life.”

Yet it gets worse with homosexual adoption, neglecting the vulnerability that is involved, for same sex adoption thus risks aggravating the “trauma of the abandoned child, for the generational chain would be doubly broken: first in the reality of the child’s abandonment, and second, symbolically, in the fact of the homosexuality of the adoptive parents. Do we have the right to ask a child who has already been wounded by his past to adapt to the affective situation of his parents, a situation that is very different at once from that of the great majority of other children and from what the child aspires to rediscover? Is it the adopted child’s responsibility to adapt to the affective life choices of his or her parents?”

The unintended consequence of imposing gender equality on everyone is that people keep looking inside for difference – reaching into the abyss of instincts and loneliness. The result will be probably more private violence. The irony here is that having dispensed of religion as exalted inwardness people in search of guidance end up with lowering replacements. Tocqueville once held against Rousseau: „In ages of equality…the feelings of each man are turned to himself alone. It is in ages of inequality that public spirit runs high, for only by transforming society can each man transform his own personal relations“(Ph. Rieff “The Triumph of the Therapeutic,” 1976, p.58). Once egalitarian individualism has sapped its virtues, democracy breaks the chain of coherence that held the members of the community together.

On a different note it is important to recognize that with the popular LGBT movement the transgressive spirit of modern disruptive revolutions makes an unwelcome return. Just as previous revolutions launched attacks in their particular way against the church (French Revolution), the nation (Russian Revolution) or the Jewish foundation of civil society (Nazi-Revolution) the sexual revolution starting in 1968 is bound to globalize what the Nazi’s started but could not finish: the destruction of the Judeo-Christian civilization based on the family as we know it.

However the transgressive impulses that would become modern LGBT rage first emerged during the fin-de-siècle decadence with a mix of feminism, homosexuality, anarchism and anti-Semitism. It is no surprise that the lowering impulses emanating from unleashed sexual and violent instincts at the close of the romantic era collided with the oldest codes of human civilizations which is Jewish Law - hence anti-Semitism. Trilling observed that this sensualist turn was reflected in the lowering of the meaning of the word pleasure to “a strictly physical sense” in the Oxford English Dictionary at the time. By contrast James Joyce (Molly in Ulysses), Boris Pasternak (Lara in Dr Zhivago) and William Butler Yeat’s Maud, Trilling tells us, “were among the last devotees of the European cult of Woman…” That is why the emergence of suffragettes is matched by women losing their privileged position of attracting admiration and the longing for pleasure. The object of male desire turned to “innocent youth” (cf. Keats Lamia and his dialectics of pleasure, see Trilling:”Beyond Culture”, London: 1955, p.65). Hence the lockstep rise of homosexuality and pedophilia was epitomized with Oscar Wilde’s “Dorian Grey” – the man who never gets old.

The Victorians could not make up their mind whether children were angels or monsters. Yet Freud and Kafka tackled this problem. They were in this sense the last prophets of the Enlightenment. Their works mark a major Rousseau-an pivot towards the youth cult depreciating maturity and age wisdom. By mimicking the innocence of children Kafka expanded the Rousseau-an vision of the “noble savage” to children: the fatal enlightened prejudice that humans are innocent in general and society is to blame for any evil. Kafka thus spoke of children as the ideal reformers. Freud would theorize about formative early childhood rendering adulthood as cast into predetermined Greek tragedy. Thus Kafka and Freud shared the folly of German historicism and idealism by collapsing any longue durée or traditional view in a new myth of immediacy weakening the power of institutions. The other side of this coin was that Freud, following German idealism, in 1897 declared confessions of female rape victims as (childhood) fantasies, denying their reality. Previously he had understood those abuses as caused by seduction of children by grown-ups as we understand them today.

This Freudian switch to the unconscious amounted to a quiet but sweeping rehabilitation of male rapists of the fin-de-siècle decadence leading up to the First World War. Interwar existentialism was another attempt to reclaim the innocence of childhood by grown-ups, just living for the moment. Eventually the 1968 adoration of spontaneity and pedophiles of the Jimmy Savile format is just another extension. Today the dialectic between infantilizing and paternalistic big government is a self-enforcing circuit, weakening the “ego” by strengthening the “id” and “super-ego” in the manner of divide et impera of old.

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It was Fjodor Dostoyevsky who in his influential 1864 Notes from Underground first sensed this transgressive turn in European culture, propelled by abundant materialism. His first person account of a miserable clerk, who hates all purposeful work or drudging away just for “specious goods of pleasure” and who rejects sacrificing his human dignity and freedom. Dostoyevsky’s was a polemic response to the utopian but acquisitive novel “What is to be done” by Nikolai Chernyshevski, that later inspired Lenin’ eponymous work of 1902 that kindled the first revolutionary disorder of 1905. This unnamed clerk as anti-Hero is the ancestor of a contemporary still popular tribe of outcasts devoted to alternative lifestyle. He is the prototype of the antagonistic bohemian type that over the last two centuries emerged equally enthusiastic from the left as from the right radical fringes such as the failed artist Adolf Hitler. Hatred of the bourgeoisie is the lifeblood of modern extremism and unified shortly in 1939 even Hitler and Stalin into war allies against the bourgeois West.

The list of anti-bourgeois activist is endless and a few examples may suffice: Jean Jacques Rousseau, Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, Richard Wagner, Oscar Wilde, George Lukasz, Wilhelm Reich, Martin Heidegger, Hannah Arendt, Herbert Marcuse, the Black Panthers, Rudi Dutschke and, more recently, Danny Cohn-Bendit (Green MEP) and Judith Butler (University of Berkeley Philosopher) - the latter being intellectual grandchildren of the Nazi philosopher Martin Heidegger and his mistress Hannah Arendt. Whereas Heidegger was a philanderer, Cohn-Bendit joined the student revolt of 1968, later working in a Frankfurt/Main Kindergarten as a confessing pedophile – a clientele that belonged to the founders of the German Green Party. Judith Butler, a radical chic self-hating Jewess, represents the international queer community and the BDS movement fighting the state of Israel.

From an actual film, titled “Hannah Arendt”, by the German director Margarethe von Trotta you may grasp how postmodern anti-Semitism of the liberal persuasion emerged from its hard-right wing Nazi predecessor. The post-WW II existentialist philosopher Hannah Arendt was fascinated not only by her lover Martin Heidegger but also by the dissimulating Nazi clerk of the Holocaust Adolf Eichmann who’s 1961 trial in Jerusalem she was commissioned to report for the “New Yorker” magazine. Heidegger’s philosophical existentialism was the expanded version and culmination of Germany’s historicism and it’s infatuation with “kairos” (Greek for the moment) - the closest thing to a fundamental rejection of the meta-historical Jewish law reflecting immutable human nature. This ideological conflict is at the heart of Heidegger’s lifelong refusal of an apology to the victims of the Holocaust. After all his philosophy had been the leaven of violent activism in the 1930ies re-staged in the 1968 student revolution.

The key here is Heidegger’s concept of parousia which denotes spontaneous action or the secular presence of the holy redeemer or still more remotely the second coming of Christ. In the periods of transition as in the 1920ies and 1960ies this concept was shared by radical right and left wing groups springing from an anti-authoritarian impulse against their father’s war generation - with commanding right extremism after WW I and commanding left extremism after WW II. This reflects the deeper truth that hatred of the middle class or bourgeoisie unites left and right radicals, bohemians and petit bourgeois. The concept has been perfectly expressed by Franz Kafka in fin-de-siècle Prague. As a schoolboy Franz used to be accompanied by the family cook on his way to German primary school, which was not far away from the family villa near the old Town Hall of Prague. The cook bullied unruly Franz as “little Ravachol”, after the nom-de-guerre of the notorious anarchist Francois Königstein who was guillotined in 1892.

Anarchism has been widespread at the time - with roughly thousand reported attempts of assassination in Europe and 500 in America in 1892 alone – reflecting the growing rancor of the ruffled socialist crowds. Kafka early on read most of the anarchists such as Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin and also Leo Tolstoy. He even attended anarchist circles at “Zum Kanonenkreuz” in Prague in 1910, a formidable contrast to his boring job as clerk with the Bohemian labor accident insurance. Kafka was pretty much driven by the left prejudice that society is always evil and thus became familiar with the likes of Erich Mühsam, Arthur Holitscher and the Viennese anarchist Rudolf Grossman. Falling short of joining in anarchist action, the dream of a great rebellion had settled deep in his imagination.

The popularity of Kafka as the foremost novelist of the 20th century rests for a good measure on his lifelong antagonism to his father Hermann, a wealthy business man in whole sale lingerie but he also, contributing to Kafka’s paranoia, served as . With the famous letter to his father Kafka set the tone for the central issue of the coming totalitarian century featuring unprecedented dictators and galore male perpetrators. It was Theodore W. Adorno who in his “Dialectic of the Enlightenment”, written in 1944 with Max Horkheimer in the Californian exile, put the authoritarian personality at the center of the Third Reich. All the same for Kafka his father was a God-like, all powerful authority, representing the epicenter of all repressions the son had to endure. This is perfectly epitomized in the following quote from the famous letter to his father: “Sometimes I imagine the map of the world spread out flat and you stretched out diagonally across it. And what I feel then is that only those territories come into question for my life that either are not covered by you or are not within your reach. And, in keeping with the conception that I have of your magnitude, these are not many and not very comforting territories, and above all marriage is not among them.”

It was Philip Rieff who observed that Adorno, just like adolescent Kafka, is liable of generalizations not borne out by the facts when he identifies the authoritarian head of the petit bourgeoisie family as the main culprit of totalitarianism that ended with the Holocaust. Both geniuses are guilty of reducing the whole of civilizational repression to a family affair. However it served perfectly as the postwar screenplay for the anti-authoritarian revolt that continued with the sexual revolution which is still with us. And since homosexuality according to psychoanalysis stems from the unresolved conflict between son and father it follows that a wave of “coming out” was to be expected as a result of the war experience.

It might be quite appropriate to conclude that the gender reductionism of the Frankfurt School actually propelled the student revolt. And with last year’s bestowal to Judith Butler of the Theodore Adorno - Prize the present same-sex revolt in sync with the BDS movement against Israel has been catalyzed again. In a similar fashion the anti-authoritarian revolt of 1968 accomplished its march through the institutions by marginalizing the father and elevating the mother. The best explanation for both is offered by Philip Rieff’s first sociological law, applicable to all public life, which says “there are no aggressions except as transgressions”.

In the same-sex campaign of our day returns the suppressed father with more than a whiff of authoritarianism that marks the implementation of same-sex policies within Western society: the combination of a repressive political order with a permissive moral order. Only in this way we may speak of soft totalitarianism that marks LGBT and the greens as well (cf. Jonah Goldberg “Liberal Fascism”, 2007). In addition our traditional interdictory system of moral restraint is just as much lowered as the social cost for supporting and medically facilitating same-sex families compared to traditional ones is increased. This can only accelerate the breakdown of our overstretched welfare systems in the West. It definitely sends the wrong signal and it might well increase the risk of dictatorship in a Europe that is already beginning to disintegrate under the burden of the financial crisis.

Already the European bureaucrats seem to resort to this panacea of political repression with moral slackness towards ascending elites such as the LGBT crowd. The penchant for the bohemian has always been a feature of major turning points in Western history that between them shared a disgust for the bourgeoisie: the French Revolution of Robespierre, Lenin’s Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917, Nazi-Berlin of 1934 with Ernst Röhm’s proletarian-homosexual revolt and also at the beginning and the end of the fascist experiment in Fiume 1920 and Salo 1944, orchestrated by the Italian Röhm, Gabriele D’Annunzio serving his duce Mussolini.

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The openly homosexual late Italian film director Pierre Paolo Pasolini made this the motive of his film “The 120 Days of Sodom” of 1975 with echoes to the eponymous enlightenment work of Marquis de Sade. It shows sadomasochistic orgies coalescing with political despotism in the Republic of Salo on the Garda Lake in 1944, the last refuge of Mussolini. D’Annunzio had a lesbian lover and wrote obscene prose, the sweeteners that in turn called for Mussolini brandishing the cane. All of this gives us a fair measure of the true modernity not only of the communists, but also of the fascists and Nazis. They are still “sexy” and looking back we can see why. The female types were very popular indeed with feminists in the 1970ies as Susan Sontag has demonstrated in her essay “Fascinating Fascism. For more than a decade the late Sontag had been the star of the post-1968 intellectual New York after being married to Philip Rieff for a decade in the 1950ies.

The dynamics of Western triumphalism heated up in the decadence of fin-de-siècle and exploded in two World Wars are revealing in terms of the sexual imagination. In 1789 as in the 1920ies and 30ies it was ripe with sadomasochism, which is basically the lowering of sexual pleasure to pain of any kind confirming the close link between liberated sex and violence. Thus it has been historically evident that in homosexual sodomy pain usually commands love and not the other way round. This feature raises serious doubts over the concept of homosexuals parenting. That much we have learned about the experience of sodomy from the theorizing and practicing sadomasochist Michel Foucault.

Turning the screw a bit further are those shocking KZ porno’s which are just another sexual augmentation as for instance shown in the movie “The Night Porter” with Charlotte Rampling’s erotic submission to her Nazi tormentor. All this explains why in postwar Germany and beyond we saw a self-destructive gay turn, born out of its predecessor, the collectivist Nazi death cult - or in other words: the last triumph of Ernst Röhm. The post-war homosexual death cult was detectable in the plunging of the gay community into the horror of an AIDS epidemic despite all attempts to respect privacy and protect them against spreading the infection. After a first shock with a sense of repentance most gay people ignored the warnings and preventive measures as far as I can tell from personal experience. I headed an institute in the 1980ies and 90ies dedicated to HIV prevention in Hamburg.

Since the late nineteenth century Germany has been leading the West in terms of secularization with the first homosexual think tank being established by Magnus Hirschfield in Berlin before the turn of the century, when German was still the lingua franca of the scientific community. The artistic cliques of Berlin, Vienna and Munich had just unleashed the first shot of the sexual revolution, which - interrupted by two World Wars except for the roaring twenties in Berlin - gathered full steam with the student revolt of 1968. We seem to have reached the pinnacle today with the victorious same-sex marriage campaign all over the Anglo-sphere, which rings the death knell for conservatives of the Edmund Burke persuasion. Any significance of his “Reflections on the Revolution in France” or of natural law and English common sense for that matter is being vanishing under the final blow of the combined forces of radical NGO advocacy and authoritarian EU bureaucracy.

A hint of the tribulations ahead of us might be taken from the insolence of the “gay”-label monopoly. Quietly indulged by the rest of us without any controversy as far as I am aware, the homosexual community has successfully engineered gaiety - or in proper Gramscian terms: has accomplished cultural hegemony for their politically extremely efficient sodomy networks – probably the strongest version of nepotism in modern Western political history. It has undermined the church first, followed by the media, the universities, the military and now government. With literally no opposition to speak of anymore in academic and media elites this miracle might be explained by manipulated gay victimology: the dominant mainstream account of the persecution of homosexuals by the Nazis, putting them next to the Jews and Gypsies.

This narrative is at best misleading if not outright offensive. For the Jews and Gypsies, by contrast to the homosexual network behind Ernst Röhm, could never have challenged Hitler’s leadership. According to Wikipedia Röhm and Hitler were so close and modern that they addressed each other as du (the German intimate pronoun), the only top Nazi that Hitler addressed as such. In turn, Röhm was the only Nazi who dared address Hitler as "Adolf," rather than "mein Führer”, “My leader”). For the time being Hitler’s person is still unpopular but all positive attributes of his Nazi celebrity are alive and kicking: sexual escapism (Hermann Göring's cross-dressing), smoking bans, the colonoscopy fad, health fetishism, vegetarianism, Asian medicine, animal worship, nuclear power-phobia and last not least anti-Semitism.

In contrast to the presently unassailable gays, the Jews and Israel, with the Holocaust in living memory, are again anything but unassailable. Rather they are increasingly becoming targeted by anti-Semites in Europe. The situation begins to resemble the 1880ies when anti-Semitism first got traction in Europe. Experience holds: when the mores are loosening the Jews ought to take care and start packing. They are doing this right now by the ten-thousands in France and Scandinavia. Jews in continental Europe are advised not to risk their life by publicly displaying their religious credentials. It is not difficult to imagine what the next worldwide export from advanced secular Germany will be. First of all we will certainly see gay lord majors in Western big cities as we already have in Germany’s Berlin and Hamburg among others. And I reckon the German fin-de-siècle invention of nudism will be spreading around the still remotely puritan Anglo sphere. And then triple marriages and what have you will follow.

And this is how the almost unassailable LGBT machine succeeds: You won’t see meaningful controversy in the mainstream media on same-sex marriage, just appeasement as with the Nazi transgressions. The homosexual presumption of being nothing but gay results in putting themselves in the pole position of the pleasure seeking crowds of the sexual revolution, proudly displayed with their spiritual militancy in the vulgar “gay pride” parading in the West and beyond. Exalted gays, still relying on the image of anti-heroes are taking exception to the quotidian human drudgery that Dostoyevsky’s clerk despised - insinuating in childish manner to the rest of us “I have more life than you”. With this they are already attracting heterosexuals curious to share the experience of Berlin darkrooms.

The term “gay” emerged first in England at the close of the 19th century. It was remarkable for lacking any semblance of restraint and has set the homosexuals on a slippery slope. Hence in the 1920ies Berlin was somehow the European capital of debauchery where the urban bohemians flocked. And history, not remembered, tends to repeat itself. Berlin today is again becoming the world hub for sex tourism, proud particularly of it’s more than two dozens of “dark rooms”, an Eldorado of transgressive gay culture. Berlin’s prestigious but also slightly vulgar national newspaper “Die Welt” recently published a book review on the new “Knigge for dark rooms”. The original baron Adolph Knigge wrote a venerable book on what was considered good manners of gentlemen in the 18th century. It is s fair measure of the lowering of Berlin’s cultural reputation to compare the old “Knigge” with the new, a book on codes for transgressive sex addicts.

Whereas in the 1990ies I could still discuss anything with my homosexual friends, today this seems to be impossible in Germany and most of Europe. Meanwhile anyone is excluded from polite society who dares to oppose same sex marriage even if in favor of civic unions. The public climate has turned Orwellian and as a result the whole West all of a sudden miraculously is on the verge of submitting to the pressure of gay advocacy – something unimaginable a decade ago. Homosexuals presently are commanding the public imagination in the West. They are the newest market, kindling the “animal spirits” of otherwise exhausted and overstuffed consumers. It serves as a marginal cultural addition – something new a fad that may pass. Certainly ushering in new markets the gay “wedding culture” offers new consumption opportunities. Homosexuals are also track blazers to other lowering subcultures in Western society opening up opportunities of direct-marketing to prison populations.

For this newest Berlin hype people hop on a plane for a weekend trip as far away as Montreal or Tel Aviv. In Israel the gay pride parades in particular amount to what Philip Rieff called an “assault upon the enabling human gaiety, and its dignity: upon the high life in sacred order, and the necessary dread of ascending in it (Rieff, Feeling intellect, p. 363)”. Despite the stunning and sweeping success of gay campaigning in all segments of our society, gay advocacy does not show any sign of content or gratitude. “Every trespass increases the probability of yet another trespass. The ‘domino theory’ of morality is correct. I think”. (Philip Rieff: The Feeling Intellect, Sentences, University of Chicago Press: 1990, p.368) This is why despite all what has been granted to the LGBT radicals, we still have to put up with offending metropolitan gay-pride parades even in the Holy City of Jerusalem.

Interestingly Tel Aviv and Beirut, with the odd war and terrorist assaults between them, are today competing for international gay tourism which, given that gays earn and spend more than heterosexuals, seems to be very lucrative. With the fading of religion, in Europe much faster than in America, the lowering of the interdictory rules has made progress to the point where it splits in non-binding relative “values”, subject to variable individual choices. We know from history what might happens next: the proverbial strong man will emerge and will enforce those accidental values with brutal power, smashing whatever is left of gaiety to smithereens. The inability of post-modern elites to defend our interdictory culture and moral demand system with indisputable limits is dangerous because it threatens our freedom.

Plato knew a thing about this:

„The goddess of limit, my dear Philebus, seeing insolence and all manner of wickedness breaking loose from all limit in point of pleasure and self-indulgence, established the limit of law and order, of limited being; and you say this restraint was the death of pleasure: I say it was the saving of it.” (Philebus, 26c.)

What gay advocacy has in common with previous revolutionary upheavals, apart from living for the moment, is that it doesn’t seem to respect any limits, buttressing their fondness of transgression for its own sake. Kafka’s story on the metamorphosis of Gregor Samsa is about the terror we feel in the presence of the seemingly inexorable progression of a lowering in sacred order, similar to modern movies with humans beings attacked by insects or monsters – all of which represent a lower order. After the gay abolition of restraint comes inevitably the abyss of pain. If you read de Sade and most of the transgressive literature of the 19th century up to Huysmans you will find this kind of terror and pain: the manna of same sex experiences. The main purpose of post-War gay advocacy has been to remove any interdicts or restraint on pleasure posed by religion or precious traditional custom and habit. What we learn from Plato about gay culture is this: not elevating but lowering of limits is the true death of gaiety.

One more remarkable difference between the decadence of old compared to the present. The pioneering bohemians in the 19th century cherished transgressions but still appreciated those limits they attempted to trespass (cf. George Bataille). Today’s LGBT advocacy groups put up endless fights to remove even the remotest barriers between what used to be polite society or bourgeois culture and the remainder of underground freaks or gender subcultures. Same-sex marriage is a case in point for the very reason that it aims at leveling any differences with heterosexuals if only to commit adultery and promiscuity with a good conscience. It has to be said that the passion of homosexual eroticism is not love but pain. With gays, Trilling notes in “Beyond Culture” (New York: Harcourt 1963, p.57-87), authority of pleasure is thought in pain, achieved through cultivation of lowering violence. Trilling shows in abundance how any interdictory rules were invariably and constantly denounced as “bourgeois” or “repressive” in the most influential literary enterprises.

To be fair, modern heterosexual spirituality is equally fundamentally Rousseau-an as can be observed in TV junk such as “Big Brother” or “Jungle Camp”. It is caught up with instincts, mad for holy fools and fond of the sordid and the disgusting rather than the pleasing and noble. This perverse fundamentalism of cherishing any lowering experience has long captivated the liberal imagination. Liberals don’t realize the paradox that any transgressive mode is an ultimate longing for limiting authority. It is a nostalgic search of the sacred order. Yet alas! Liberal prophets such as Wilhelm Reich, Theodore W. Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Michel Foucault have succeeded in triumphant lowering and demoralization of Western institutions such as nation, church, military and family, first targeted by Sigmund Freud as repressive modern institutions. But Freud in contrast to his successors at least acknowledged the imperative of repression for any civilization. Yet to no avail. The postmodern prophets of the anti-authoritarian persuasion pressed for ever more lowering of discipline which then has been marketed as alternative life-style.

Freud’s most serious flaw was to reduce the fundamental question of sacred order to the parent question, framing it in his deceptively accessible therapeutic arrangements. But meta-psychologically he obscured the universal status of the question of moral vertical order. It was for this very reason that the death of Satan was far more consequential than the death of God. For the sense of sinful transgression or of lowering or raising moral standards has been completely lost. It has generated an aesthetic without evil as happened with the cult of liberal honesty and the modern therapeutic arrangement. This is why even serious transgressions such as rape and child abused are not anymore recognized as evil. This is the essence of LGBT culture.

The successful abolition of evil has blindfolded the straight public into indulging the destruction of their still sacramental concept of marriage. Everything is on the same level in this world of “comic ugliness and lustered nothingness” (Wallace Stevens “Esthetique du Mal”, in Collected Poems, New York: Alfred Knopf, 1976, 313-26). The dynamics of homosexual emancipation, as with female emancipation before, is under the spell of Freud’s “primary process”: never to be satisfied, for its endless nostalgia for “the place in which to be is not enough to be” (ibid Stevens). Thus don’t fool yourself into believing after sanctioning same-sex marriage the trouble will be over. Far from it the LGBT machine will go on. We will probably see demands for the abolition of incest or the normalization of pedophilia and lots more debasement.

It is an interesting observation that homosexuals emerged in the bourgeois culture in the 19th century as connoisseurs of the arts, gourmets and highbrow intellectuals not publicly living out their sexual orientation. What was irritating some is the combination of aesthetics refinement with at times profane even brutal sexuality. This is famously also a feature of the emerging modern art in fin-de-siècle Europe.

As we have seen in 1968: the apostles of anti-culture invited violence as emancipatory means and pathetic indiscipline: ”Under such shifting conditions, all justifications exposed as ideologies, the discipline necessary for collective existence must become more entirely outward than ever before in our history.” This externalization or “coming out” is unsustainable for the reasons mentioned above and may collapse sooner or later. At some point heterosexuals might not be able to cope with the double whopper of transgression and aggression. Philip Rieff argues: scientists produce new facts but gay orgiasts produce new experiences. This will be the modern dialectic between progressive technologists like the contraceptive pill or fertility and insemination doctors on one side and regressive sensualists of the LGBT persuasion on the other. As a result we will get more disoriented science and less moral guidance rooted in a culture of religious interdicts. This dynamic has already overwhelmed the universities which are meant to protect our culture.

Rieff asserts;

"If a past has no authority, then it is dead, however expensive its artifacts. There can be no culture without living authority, right and proper demands superior to competing immediacies, not reducible to nor identical with power, which is the successful assertion of one's own immediacy over another's."

Power grabs and assertion of immediacies are the one thing that LGBT advocacy understands. It reflects the intricate dynamics between transgression and aggression which was anticipated by the Roman emperor Hadrian, one of the supreme monsters of Jewish history, as Simon Sebag Montefiori tells us in his monumental new biography of Jerusalem: “In 130 C.E., the emperor visited Jerusalem, accompanied by his young lover Antinous, and decided to abolish the city, even down to its very name. He ordered a new city to be built on the site of the old one, to be named Aelia Capitolina, after his own family and Jupiter Capitolinus (the god most associated with the empire), and he banned circumcision, the sign of God’s covenant with the Jews, on pain of death” (Phoenix, London 2012, p.160). The same significance accrues to the abolition of traditional marriage and the construction of a new same-sex Jupiter cult. Lord Carey, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, has put it succinctly “Marriage precedes both the state and the church, and neither of these institutions have the right to redefine it in such a fundamental way.”

vendredi, 20 septembre 2013

Ecologie humaine

16:35 Publié dans Ecologie, Evénement | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : écologie, événement, paris, france | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

L`Egitto verso i non allineati

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L`Egitto verso i non allineati

 

Il Cairo rifiuta il prestito Fmi e guarda ai Brics

Lorenzo Moore

E' questa l'altra faccia dello stato di tensione che percorre la politica internazionale e che, facendo perno sulla necessità occidentale (atlantica) di destabilizzare e dividere quello che il nostro più vicino oriente, ha fortunatamente fatto emergere forze di radicale contrasto tra i Paesi non allineati, Iran compreso. Nell'attuale governo provvisorio de Il Cairo, imposto due mesi fa dal generale Abdul Fatah Khalil as-Sisi dopo la deposizione del presidente Morsi, leader dei Fratelli Musulmani, e il conseguente bagno di sangue, sta emergendo una linea di avvicinamento ai Paesi non allineati del blocco dei Brics (Brasile, Russia, India, Cina, Sudafrica). Una deviazione inattesa dalle diplomazie occidentali, già patrocinatrici della "primavera" che aveva determinato il crollo del presidente Mubarak,e che in un certo senso "rivoluziona" sia le virtuali alleanze con Riad e le altre monarchie del Golfo e sia i recenti collegamenti con Ankara.

Tutto si è iniziato con la recente decisione egiziana di rifiutare un nuovo prestito da parte del Fmi e dalla contemporanea dichiarazione, da parte del ministro degli Esteri Nabil Fahmy su un Egitto vittima di un "complotto internazionale" la cui mano armata sarebbero gli "atti di terrorismo" che si verificano in queste settimane all'interno del territorio nazionale "amplificati dai media internazionali" (un'accusa esplicita contro la catena televisiva qatariota al Jazeera e indiretta alla nordamericana Cnn).
Sta di fatto che vari sono stati in questi ultimi tempi i segnali di un "riallineamento dell'Egitto" verso i BRICS e al di fuori del cerchio di alleanze con l'Occidente (Stati Uniti in primis), con l'Arabia saudita e con gli Stati del Golfo.
Lunedì 16 settembre, peraltro, lo stesso Nabil Fahmy, nel corso di una visita ufficiale in Russia, ha dichiarato in un'intervista a Moscow News e a Ria Novosti che "l'Egitto apprezza il sostegno russo alle istanze del popolo egiziano" e ha annunciato lo "sviluppo" di proficue relazioni bilaterali di cooperazione e interessi comuni". Non solo, ma Nabil Fahmy ha dichiarato che il Cairo "apprezza l'iniziativa diplomatica russa sulle armi chimiche in Siria" e  si augura che il suo successo possa  "tutelare la regione del Medio Oriente da una minaccia di divisione" che invece provocherebbe una soluzione militare.
Un'inversione di tendenza, nella politica regionale, a tutto tondo. Sull'Egitto guidato da Morsi, infatti, sia il Qatar che le monarchie arabe alleate degli angloamericani, avevano rivolto le loro pressanti attenzioni per far schierare il Cairo nel fronte di aggressione contro la Siria. Una strategia di sostegno alla Fratellanza Musulmana iniziata dal Qatar fin dal 2008, con l'accensione delle micce di destabilizzazione (dette "Primavere arabe"), in Turchia, Siria, Libano, Palestina, Libia e nello stesso Egitto. Sotto la presidenza Morsi, inoltre, era stata coltivata una spirale di tensione contro l'Etiopia, accusata di attentare alle risorse idriche egiziane con la costruzione di una diga sul Nilo Azzurro per la produzione di energia elettrica.
In questo evidente inizio di riallineamento dell'Egitto su un fronte non allineato, con un ritorno agli equilibri fino ai primissimi anni Settanta, non è inoltre un caso che giochino anche sostanziosi interessi finanziari.
Nei mesi appena precedenti il rovesciamento della presidenza Morsi, l'Egitto aveva ricevuto aiuti per 5 miliardi di dollari dall'Arabia saudita (1 a fondo perduto, 2 con depositi nella sua Banca centrale e 2 con la fornitura di gas e petrolio), per 4 miliardi di dollari dal Kuwait (1 a fondo perduto, 2 in depositi e 1 in forniture petrolifere), 3 miliardi di dollari dagli Emirati Arabi Uniti (1 a fondo perduto e 2 in depositi). Inoltre il Cairo aveva negoziato 1,3 miliardi di dollari di aiuti dagli Usa (comprensivi della fornitura di 20 cacciabombardieri F-16).
La rinuncia all'ulteriore prestito del Fmi - annunciata ufficialmente dal ministro egiziano delle finanze - viene messa dagli analisti del Vicino Oriente in stretta correlazione con la decisione del gruppo non allineato dei Brics (presa a latere del recente G20 a San Pietroburgo) di capitalizzare la propria Banca per lo Sviluppo con 100 miliardi di dollari e di dare seguito a breve ad operazioni di finanziamento ai Paesi emergenti (Egitto, così, incluso).
E' questa l'altra faccia dello stato di tensione che percorre la politica internazionale e che, facendo perno sulla necessità occidentale (atlantica) di destabilizzare e dividere quello che il nostro più vicino oriente, ha fortunatamente fatto emergere forze di radicale contrasto tra i Paesi non allineati, Iran compreso. 
 

17 Settembre 2013 12:00:00 - http://www.rinascita.eu/index.php?action=news&id=22399

The Genesis of the Syrian Crisis and the Perpetual War of the U.S.

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The Genesis of the Syrian Crisis and the Perpetual War of the U.S.

Elena PONOMAREVA

Ex: http://www.strategic-culture.org

 
During the Great Depression era, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the 32nd president of the U.S. and one of the most eminent statesmen of the first half of the 20th century, stated, "One of my main goals is to keep bankers and businessmen from committing suicide." This touching concern turned into an enormous tragedy for all mankind: World War II, which was stirred up mainly by American industrialists and financiers. Over 54 million people were killed in that war, 90 million were wounded, and 28 million of those wounded were disabled. 

The Second World War resolved many of the problems of the American establishment, but not all of them: The Soviet Union not only survived, but turned into a superpower. But Roosevelt's main goal was achieved and then some; the U.S. became a world financial center. In July 1944 in the small town of Bretton Woods, at an international conference of the victors, such institutions as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, after 1960 - the World Bank) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were founded. At that time the U.S. dollar was declared a world currency, as good as gold. At that moment the U.S. controlled 70% of the world gold reserves. Within the U.S. were 129 billion dollars of liquid savings (a colossal amount even by current standards!).

This money, "earned" by American bankers and industrialists on the suffering and deaths of millions of people, was a powerful stimulus for the production of consumer goods and capital construction, to say nothing of the international status the U.S. acquired. Even Z. Brzezinski, a Russophobe and an ideological enemy of our country, has admitted, "Paradoxically, while the defeat of Nazi Germany elevated America's global status, American had not played a decisive role in the military defeat of Hitlerism. Credit in that regard has to go to the Stalinist Soviet Union". In any case, it was after the last world war that the foundation for the modern hegemony of America was laid.

For those who in fact rule America, the great and terrible war shaped their one and only model of behavior: resolution of one's own problems should always be achieved at the expense of other countries and peoples. Throughout the entire post-war period the U.S. has resorted to aggression each time it has encountered economic problems or it was necessary to direct attention away from unpopular economic measures inside the country.

For example, the Korean War was a reaction to the first post-war economic recession of 1949. The invasion of Lebanon came as a consequence of the recession of 1957-1958. Aggression against Vietnam was a reaction to the economic decline of 1967, and Carter's "launch" of a second wave of the cold war was a reaction to a slump in 1979. The slump of 1981-1982 called into being not only Reagan's "military Keynesianism", but also the American "approach" to Nicaragua and Grenada. To say nothing of such large-scale U.S./NATO interventions in the 21st century as Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya.

Many American scholars and writers have also noticed the aggressive nature of U.S. foreign policy as a reaction to internal problems. For example, Charles Austin Beard(1874-1948), the most influential historian of the first half of the 20th century and one of the founders of the economic school of U.S. historiography, author of the four-volume work The Rise of American Civilization, believed that after the victory over Japan in 1945 the U.S. would wage "perpetual war for perpetual peace".

Using Beard's prior work as a starting point, the eminent American liberal writer Gore Vidal placed tables of military and other operations conducted by Americans up to 2001 on several pages of his 2002 book How We Got to Be So Hated. The author, "out of pity (to the readers. - E.P.), did not list military operations conducted by the CIA in various countries, for example, in Guatemala (1953), or in Iran (1953), when Mossadegh was overthrown, or in Chile, when  Allende was overthrown, etc.". But the main thing, as Vidal emphasized, is that "In these several hundred wars against Communism, terrorism, drugs, or sometimes nothing much, between Pearl Harbor and Tuesday, September 11, 2001, we (America. - E.P.) tended to strike the first blow. But then we're the good guys, right? (emphasis mine - E.P.)."

By the same token, in their book Why Do People Hate America?, Ziauddin Sardar and Merryl Wyn Davies counted 124 American interventions in various parts of the globe in the period from 1890 (the U.S. military operation in Argentina) to 2001 (the beginning of the operation in Afghanistan). And, as the authors indicate, provocations have always occupied a special place in U.S. interventionist policy.  Examples? By all means.

In 1898 an explosion was arranged on the U.S.S. Maine; the Spanish were blamed. As a result, the U.S. declared war on Spain.

On May 7, 1915 the U.S. put the Lusitania in the line of fire from German submarines. The liner, with its name painted out and with no flag of any country, deliberately entered a zone designated by the German government as a "submarine war zone". Under the wartime conditions, the Lusitania was torpedoed by a German submarine and sank. 1198 of the 1958 people on board were killed. This incident was used for informational pressure on public opinion in many countries and abruptly changed attitudes toward Germany.

In 1941 Roosevelt was well informed about the preparations for a strike on Pearl Harbor, but he did nothing, as he needed a reason for entering the war.

In 1964 the so-called Tonkin incident took place, serving as a pretext to begin the Vietnam War.

The explosion of the Twin Towers on September 11, 2001 became the pretext for military intervention in Afghanistan.

A mythical nuclear program was the pretext for the destruction of Iraq. The nuclear provocational pretext has long been hanging over Iran and North Korea. And now chemical weapons in Syria.

***

U.S. foreign policy was also characterized as murderous by one other American scholar, Arno J. Mayer, professor emeritus of history at Princeton University. He was unable to publish his article "Untimely Reflections upon the State of the World" in the U.S., "the most democratic country in the world". He was able to do so in the French newspaper Le Monde. I quote:

"Until now, in modern times, acts of individual terror have been the weapon of the weak and the poor, while acts of state and economic terror have been the weapon of the strong. In both types of terror it is, of course, important to distinguish between target and victim. This distinction is crystal-clear in the fatal hit on the World Trade Center: the target is a prominent symbol and hub of globalizing corporate financial and economic power; the victim the hapless and partly subaltern work force. Such a distinction does not apply to the strike on the Pentagon: it houses the supreme military command...of capitalist globalization, even if it entailed, in the Pentagon's own language, "collateral" damage to human life.

In any case, since 1947 America has been the chief and pioneering perpetrator of "preemptive" state terror, exclusively in the Third World and therefore widely dissembled. Besides the unexceptional subversion and overthrow of governments in competition with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, Washington has resorted to political assassinations, surrogate death squads and unseemly freedom fighters (e.g., bin Laden). It masterminded the killing of Lumumba and Allende; and it unsuccessfully tried to put to death Castro, Khadafi, Saddam Hussein...and condoned Israel's violation of international agreements and UN resolutions as well as its practice of preemptive state terror (emphasis mine. - E.P.)."

The genesis of the Syrian crisis arises from the very nature of U.S. hegemony. However, why has Washington aimed for a "final resolution" of the Syrian issue right now? Why did they resort to their tried and true scheme of provocation? And why did they prepare so poorly? The staged nature of the video footage fobbed off on the world as "proof" of a chemical attack supposedly perpetrated by the Syrian army was obvious practically the next day!

The fact that it was a provocation was confirmed on September 9 at the "Human Rights and Armed Conflicts: The Threat of U.S. Force against Syria and International Law" briefing during the 24th session of the UN Council on Human Rights. As noted in a press release on the results of the meeting, "convincing evidence that the video and photos of chemical attack victims in a suburb of Damascus on August 21 were fabricated beforehand. The audience was shown the testimony of numerous witnesses who unanimously confirmed that it was the rebels who used chemical weapons in the East Ghouta district. The results of investigations into the incident conducted by activists and the testimony of eyewitnesses were handed over to the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria".

But why did the U.S. back off? That's against the principles of a global leader, and the UN is no longer an authority to America.

As was already mentioned, the U.S. is accustomed to solving its problems through international banditry. That is the root of the crisis in Syria and the reason for its escalation.

First, the U.S. economy is currently nearing a "fiscal cliff". In such conditions, the promises Obama made during his election campaign - to lower taxes, raise wages and legalize immigrants - are impossible to fulfill. A stalemate situation has taken shape in the country, coupled with a drop in the popularity of Obama and his team. The advisors and analysts of the White House saw a way out in a "small, victorious war". It would be difficult to find a more convenient place for such a war than exhausted and devastated Syria. And the resolution of internal economic problems through military intervention is a "good old" Anglo-Saxon tradition.

Second, the forces behind Obama actively support and implement the "controlled chaos" project, from Mauritania to Kyrgyzstan to Kashmir. The "arc of instability” which started in the Balkans should, according to their logic, reach Russia and China.

However, a "problem" appeared on the path of global destabilization - Syria. And Damascus is the ally of three large powers at the same time: Russia, China and Iran. To Russia, the Syrians are not just allies, they are friends as well, as Vladimir Putin has particularly emphasized. 

As for "chaos", it is needed for very specific reasons. One of them is the transit of hydrocarbons. And here again the Russian factor arises. I believe that the escalation of the Syrian crisis should be seen as a direct reaction to the intensification of Russian energy policy. The fact of the matter is that on August 13, during Russian President V. Putin's visit to Baku, serious agreements were reached on the transit of oil: corresponding agreements were signed between the Russian state company Rosneft and its Azerbaijani partners, and new areas and formats of cooperation in the field of the fuel and energy complex were defined. And the agreements signed are of a long-term nature, "perspectives for 15, maybe 20 years, that is, a good basis for collaboration for many, many years to come." After the meeting, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev emphasized, "I think that a great number of things in the field of regional energy issues will depend on active cooperation and the coordination of our efforts. We are oriented toward decisive collaboration and the strengthening of cooperation with Russia in this important area of economic and political development". The takeaway from this meeting was the creation of a Russia - Azerbaijan oil union, i.e., just what the West was afraid of and worked against for many years.

From the beginning the genesis of the Syrian crisis was to a great extent determined by the problem of energy resource transit. As is well known, gas fields have been discovered in the Southern Mediterranean region, both on the continental shelf and on the territory of Syria (Kara).  There is one more "gas factor" in the Syrian crisis: if al-Asad's regime is overthrown, then Qatar, which is a liquefied natural gas exporter, will be able to transport the "blue fuel" directly from the Mediterranean coast through Syria. That will at least double its exports and at the same time will complicate exports for Iran. The strengthening of Qatar on the gas market will automatically lead to a weakening of the position of Russian companies. And if you add the establishment of control over Algerian gas (which the Americans are actively working on), that threatens a blockade of all of Russia's oil and gas exports.

In speaking of the oil and gas wars in the Middle East, one mustn't forget what a battle is unfolding around the South Stream. But that is another story.

There are other reasons for the escalation of the Syrian crisis and Washington's aggressive position. For example, a desire to break up the Tehran - Damascus - Hezbollah union, which is causing problems for the U.S. and Israel. However, the main object of a "final resolution" of the Syrian issue still remains demonstrating to Russia and everyone else that everything in the world will be the way the U.S. and the supranational structures of global governance which stand behind it decide it will be.

And now is the perfect time to remember the words of Stalin, who liked to repeat: "There is the logic of intentions and there is the logic of circumstances. And the logic of circumstances is stronger than the logic of intentions." But the provocateurs did not consider the logic of circumstances. They did not consider the fact that Russia has changed, as has the world. The unipolar system no longer exists, and Moscow no longer reacts to shouts from Washington the same way it did twenty years ago.

At the same time, we must admit that the Syrian crisis is far from being resolved. It is only slightly frozen. Ahead lie tense and exhausting diplomatic battles…

La guerre en Syrie: une guerre pour l’Energie?

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La guerre en Syrie: une guerre pour l’Energie?

 

Alors que la guerre en Syrie continue, le Mainstream médiatique, qui s’acharne sur l’Etat syrien, oublie de façon récurrente de rappeler l’un des aspects les plus essentiels de ce conflit: l’aspect énergétique et notamment Gazier. Cet aspect explique principalement le soutien actif de la Russie à non pas la personnalité de Bashar El-Assad mais avant tout à l’effondrement du régime Syrien car cet effondrement voulu de l’extérieur serait un élément géopolitique d’un dispositif bien plus large et assez directement dirigé contre elle.

Lorsque la Russie commence à relever la tète à compter des années 2000, elle devient en effet le principal obstacle au plan de prise de contrôle énergétique des voies énergétiques liant l’Europe et l’Eurasie via les Balkans que les stratèges américains ont programmé et entamé via notamment la guerre en Serbie en 1999.

L'Amérique et l'Union Européenne vont alors chercher par tous les moyens à diversifier l’approvisionnement des pays européens pour réduire leur potentielle dépendance envers Moscou. C’est le début du projet de gazoduc Nabucco, aujourd’hui quasiment abandonné, qui consistait à permettre l'alimentation de l'Europe en gaz produit en Azerbaïdjan et au Turkménistan, via un itinéraire qui aurait traversé la Turquie et évité la Russie tout en contournant la Grèce. Autour de ce projet, il y avait un  plan géopolitique américain très ambitieux: Transformer l'allié Turc en pivot central d’un grand moyen orient à remodeler et aussi en un centre régional de transit énergétique entre les Balkans et le moyen orient.

On comprend dès lors mieux les velléités américaines pour que la Turquie intègre l’Union Européenne et aussi garder ce pays dans leur giron, ce qui leur permettrait de contrôler indirectement mais fermement l’approvisionnement énergétique de l’Europe et surtout d’empêcher une alliance continentale énergétique euro-russe jugée contraire aux intérêts américains en Eurasie.

Ce projet Nabucco a cependant échoué puisque le Turkménistan s'est tourné vers la Chine et que l'Azerbaïdjan s'est lui rapproché du projet russe South Stream. Développé en 2007, South Stream, a pour objectif de permettre à la Russie de garder le contrôle sur l’approvisionnement de l’Europe via notamment la caspienne et le Kazakhstan (membre de l’Union Douanière), tout en y incorporant la Serbie dont l'importance énergétique pour l'Union européenne sera, dans l’avenir, aussi grande que celle de l'Ukraine aujourd’hui. Une Ukraine définitivement contournée pour que ne se reproduise plus les incidents de 2006 et les coupures d’approvisionnement en Europe.

Après la faillite de la Grèce suite à la crise financière, la Russie s’était engagée sur la voie du rachat du consortium gazier grec par Gazprom. Ces négociations se sont arrêtées lorsque le département d'Etat américain a tout simplement mis en garde Athènes contre une coopération énergétique avec Moscou et déconseillé une cession à Gazprom qui "permettrait à Moscou de renforcer sa domination sur le marché énergétique de la région". South Stream prévoit malgré tout un embranchement vers la Grèce, achevant de transformer le projet en une sorte de pont énergétique orthodoxe en direction de l’Europe.

La position d’Ankara est à ce jour assez ambiguë. Fortement liée à la Russie sur le domaine énergétique via par Blue Stream, Ankara a également accepté qu’un raccord soit opéré entre Blue Stream et South Stream. En outre le pays, seconde puissance de l’Otan, s’est également déclaré candidat à rejoindre l’Organisation de Shanghai (l’alliance militaire sous direction Sino-russe), avec laquelle le pays a signé en début d’année 2013 un partenariat de dialogue préalable à l’adhésion. Est-ce le signe d’un profond et crucial retournement d’alliance?

La Syrie, aux prises avec une guerre civile et interconfessionnelle qui oppose chiites et sunnites, est elle directement concernée par deux projets de gazoducs liés aux projets Nabucco et South Stream mentionnés plus haut.

En 2009, un projet appelé "Friendship Pipeline" a été lancé par l'Iran, l'Irak et la Syrie, trois pays à gouvernance musulmane chiite. Le tube amènerait du gaz iranien à la méditerranée, en vue d'alimenter l'Europe, mais en évitant le territoire turc. Ce projet, destiné à permettre à l’Iran d’écouler son stock en Europe, comprend également une extension vers le Liban et selon Roland Lombardi devrait être à terme raccordé au projet russe South Stream. Il faut rappeler que l’Iran était initialement pressenti comme fournisseur essentiel de Nabucco mais sera rapidement exclu du projet pour des raisons politiques et aussi sans doute après que le renversement du régime soit apparu comme de plus en plus improbable, tant par la force que par des procédés moins violents comme l’embryon de révolution de couleur qui a frappé le pays en 2009

En 2009 aussi, un autre projet a été lancé, un projet de pays sunnites et qui aurait reçu l'aval du Pentagone. Du gaz qatari serait livré en Europe, par un gazoduc qui partirait du Qatar, traverserait l'Arabie Saoudite puis la Syrie et enfin la Turquie. Au passage ce projet ressusciterait le projet Nabucco, soutenu par les turcs et les américains, mais abandonné pour l’instant faute de fournisseurs de gaz fiables. Bien entendu, ce projet du Qatar est irréalisable si le régime de Bashar el-Assad n'est pas anéanti et remplacé par un gouvernement docile. On comprend mieux ce qui peut pousser un certain nombre de pays à s'engager activement dans le soutien de l'opposition syrienne.

On voit que le point focal de cette concurrence entre les producteurs de gaz est l'Union Européenne, cet énorme marché solvable dont la consommation de gaz ne devrait qu'augmenter malgré la crise.

Plus que jamais, les choses se passeront en Méditerranée car de nouveaux acteurs vont bientôt apparaitre sur le marché. Israël et Chypre ont découvert de très grandes réserves de gaz off shore dans leurs zones économiques exclusives, ces deux pays deviendront à moyen terme des pays exportateurs importants. Dans ce bassin de la méditerranée orientale, il est probable que les découvertes de gaz off shore ne font que commencer. Le Liban et la Syrie pourraient aussi disposer de réserves exploitables de gaz.

Pour l'exportation de ces nouvelles ressources deux solutions qui mélangent commerce et géopolitique s'affrontent déjà. Les USA sont partisans d'un réseau de gazoducs qui alimenteraient l'Europe en traversant la Turquie et les pressions sur Israël ont déjà commencé. Les russes, pour leur part, préfèreraient que ce gaz soit liquéfié et exporté par méthaniers vers l'Asie industrielle.

Le grand jeu énergétique semble s'accélérer, opposant plusieurs projets énergético-civilisationnels qui traduisent clairement les ambitions politiques et stratégiques de blocs politiques entre lesquels la guerre énergétique est visiblement en train de s’intensifier.

L’opinion exprimée dans cet article ne coïncide pas forcément avec la position de la rédaction, l'auteur étant extérieur à RIA Novosti.

Alexandre Latsa est un journaliste français qui vit en Russie et anime le site DISSONANCE, destiné à donner un "autre regard sur la Russie".

De Apple iPhone 5S, de droom van iedere Big Brother overheid

De Apple iPhone 5S, de droom van iedere Big Brother overheid
 

Uw vingerafdruk vrij toegankelijk voor Apple en de overheid, en kwetsbaar voor fraude door hackers - Ook Blackberry's en Android-smartphones eenvoudig te kraken


De recentste versie van de populair iPhone van Apple is een droom die uitkomt voor iedere 'Big Brother' overheid die zijn burgers onder steeds strakkere controle wil onderwerpen. De iPhone blijft niet alleen behept met talloze apps die via GPS uw locatie traceren en deze direct doorgeven aan bedrijven en de overheid, maar beschikt tevens over een vingerafdruksensor die gebruikt kan worden om uw toestel te ontgrendelen of om apps te kopen. En dat is nog maar het begin.

Inlichtingendiensten zoals de beruchte Amerikaanse NSA zijn in pure extase vanwege de nieuwe iPhone. Burgers hoeven niet langer eerst te worden gearresteerd om hun vingerafdrukken te moeten afgeven. Miljoenen iPhone gebruikers laten hun biometrische gegevens vrijwillig opslaan in een database die zonder enige twijfel vrij toegankelijk is voor Apple en de overheid.

Fraude met uw vingerafdruk

Zoals bekend heeft dezelfde fabrikant via het -inmiddels niet meer zo topgeheime- PRISM programma van de NSA al uw persoonlijke gegevens en chats weggegeven. Beveiligingsexperts en hooggeplaatste high-tech analisten waarschuwen dat al die zogenaamde 'veiligheids'opties waarmee nieuwe smartphones worden uitgerust, in werkelijkheid zeer kwetsbaar zijn. Zo kunnen hackers de enorme database met vingerafdrukken hacken en deze gebruiken voor allerlei vormen van fraude.

Apple beweert dan wel dat de vingerafdrukscans enkel op uw telefoon worden opgeslagen, maar gezien de ervaringen met de NSA en de FBI is dat nauwelijks geloofwaardig. Grote bedrijven zoals Apple verdienen tenslotte bakken met geld met de persoonlijke gegevens van hun klanten. Bedenk dat u met uw vingerafdruk apps kunt kopen. Dit betekent dat uw vingerafdruk op zijn minst door een derde partij ergens moet zijn opgeslagen.

Kwetsbaar voor hackers

'Kan biometrische authenticatie worden gehacked,' vraagt een beveiligingsspecialist op CNET retorisch. 'Vrijwel zeker. Ik ben ervan overtuigd dat iemand met een goede kopie van uw vingerafdruk en enige vaardigheid om wat basismaterialen te maken - of gewoon een goede printer - op deze manier toegang tot uw iPhone kan krijgen... Het grootste probleem met biometrische systemen is de database. Als dit systeem wordt gecentraliseerd, is er een grote database met biometrische informatie die kwetsbaar is voor hackers.'

Big Brother systeem

Stap voor stap wordt de maatschappij gecentraliseerd rond identificatie door middel van biometrische gegevens (vingerafdruk, irisscan, aderenscan, et cetera). De meeste mensen hebben er echter geen benul van dat ze met behulp van bijvoorbeeld gehypte smartphones zoals de iPhone met open ogen in een 'Big Brother' totale-controlesysteem worden gelokt. (1)

Alle grote besturingssystemen te kraken

Overigens zijn niet alleen iPhones, maar ook Blackberry's en smartphones die draaien op Android eenvoudig te bespioneren. De Duitse Spiegel citeerde onlangs interne NSA-documenten waaruit blijkt dat de inlichtingendiensten vrij toegang hebben tot uw contactpersonenlijst, verzonden en ontvangen SMS'jes en zowel huidige als vorige locaties. De NSA heeft voor ieder besturingssysteem een aparte werkgroep, die verantwoordelijk is voor clandestiene operaties waarmee de persoonlijke gegevens van smartphones worden verzameld. Wel zou de NSA het meeste 'succes' bij iPhones behalen.

De Blackberry's gaven de NSA aanvankelijk de meeste problemen, maar in 2010 slaagde de organisatie erin het door de Canadese fabrikant 'ondoordringbaar' genoemde mailsysteem van het toestel te kraken. Met één woord, 'champagne!', vierde de NSA deze voor hen belangrijke mijlpaal. (2)

Disconnect

'Disconnect' is een goede Amerikaanse dramafilm uit 2012 waarin op pijnlijke wijze is te zien hoe eenvoudig mensenlevens kunnen worden verwoest met behulp van valse identiteiten en misbruik van bestaande internet- en identificatiemethoden. Zo weet een hacker via een simpele chatroom in te breken op een computer van een goed opgeleid stel, en op deze wijze al hun geld te stelen. Dit soort 'kleine' (gezins)drama's zijn helaas dagelijkse realiteit geworden.

Xander

(1) Infowars
(2) Russia Today

Zie ook o.a.:

22-08: Duitse overheid: Windows 8 kwetsbaar voor NSA-spionage
03-08: CNN: Met Smart TV's kunnen burgers worden bespioneerd
02-08: FBI kan op afstand microfoons Androidtoestellen inschakelen en gesprekken opnemen
08-06: Speciale app beschikbaar om afluisteren door VS te voorkomen
01-07: Afluisterschandaal: 'VS opereert als Stasi en is morele geloofwaardigheid kwijtgeraakt'
01-02: Bill Gates streeft naar wereldwijd uitbannen van cash geld (/ Eerste Amerikaanse studenten betalen met vingerscan  - Vingerafdrukscanners worden geïntegreerd in mobieltjes)

00:05 Publié dans Actualité | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : technologie, informatique | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

Cioran, le flâneur aux idées noires

Portrait-de-Cioran-peinture-dIbara.jpg

Archives - 1995

Cioran, le flâneur aux idées noires

Par Didier Sénécal

Ex: http://www.lexpress.fr

Notre plus illustre moraliste s'est choisi sa vie. En adoptant la langue française comme une patrie, en décidant de ne jamais travailler, en veillant quand le monde dort...

Cioran est peut-être notre dernier écrivain légendaire. Grâce à son refus des projecteurs et à son indifférence aux honneurs, il a conservé une part de mystère - d'autant qu'il ne s'est jamais donné la peine de corriger les erreurs qui courent à son propos. Ainsi, les dictionnaires sont unanimes à le prénommer Emil Michel. La réalité est tout autre: comme Emil lui paraissait ridicule pour des oreilles françaises, il a adopté les initiales E.M., autrement dit les deux premières lettres de son prénom, en songeant au romancier anglais E.M. Forster. 

Emil Cioran, donc, est né en 1911 à Rasinari, village de Transylvanie, alors sous domination austro-hongroise. Son enfance est enchantée: il galope dans les collines en toute liberté et écoute les bergers dont les histoires proviennent de la nuit des temps. En 1921, ce bonheur prend fin brutalement. Son père, un prêtre orthodoxe, le conduit au lycée de Sibiu, la grande ville voisine où se côtoient Roumains, Hongrois et Allemands. Sept ans plus tard, il part étudier la philosophie à Bucarest. La rupture qui va déterminer toute son existence date de cette époque: le sommeil le fuit. Tenté un moment par le suicide, il préfère suivre le conseil de Nietzsche et transformer ses insomnies en un formidable moyen de connaissance: "On apprend plus dans une nuit blanche que dans une année de sommeil." Etudiant brillant, il écrit son premier livre, Sur les cimes du désespoir, à l'âge de vingt-deux ans. Beaucoup le considèrent comme un des espoirs de la jeune littérature roumaine, aux côtés d'Eugène Ionesco ou du déjà illustre Mircea Eliade. 

Après un séjour à Berlin, le voici professeur de philosophie au lycée de Brasov durant l'année scolaire 1936-1937. Expérience mouvementée, si l'on en juge par son surnom dans l'établissement: "le Dément". A l'en croire, le directeur "se saoule la gueule" le jour de son départ! Mais il doit laisser un sacré souvenir à ses élèves, car certains viendront encore lui rendre visite au bout de plusieurs décennies. C'est en tout cas une expérience unique: il n'exercera plus jamais la moindre activité professionnelle. 

En 1937, une bourse de l'Institut français de Bucarest lui permet d'aller préparer sa thèse à Paris. Non seulement il n'en écrit pas le premier mot, mais il est même incapable d'imaginer un titre... Les années suivantes sont consacrées à d'immenses lectures, à des randonnées à vélo dans les provinces françaises, à la poursuite de son ?uvre en roumain. Cioran vit comme il l'entend: pauvrement, mais sans contraintes, libre de déambuler des nuits entières dans les rues et d'approfondir ses obsessions. Pourtant, il se rend compte qu'il s'est engagé dans une impasse. Il vaudrait mieux, prétend-il, être un auteur d'opérettes que d'avoir écrit six livres dans une langue que personne ne comprend! 

Selon son propre témoignage, il aurait décidé d'adopter le français alors qu'il traduisait Mallarmé en roumain. D'autres épisodes ont sans doute joué un rôle important, en particulier un cours au Collège de France durant lequel un mathématicien étranger effectue une démonstration au tableau noir sans avoir besoin d'ouvrir la bouche. Cette mue linguistique est aussi capitale que l'abandon du russe par Nabokov au profit de l'anglais. Désormais, le français - et qui plus est, le français du XVIIIe siècle - va lui servir de "camisole de force"; la langue de Chamfort va corseter le lyrisme balkanique d'un désespéré qui ne jure que par Thérèse d'Avila et Dostoïevski. De là vient ce ton unique: cette invraisemblable synthèse entre la fièvre et la sagesse, entre le délire mystique et l'ironie des moralistes classiques. 

En 1947, Gallimard accepte la première mouture du Précis de décomposition. Cioran retravaille son manuscrit, qui est publié deux ans plus tard. Les critiques sont excellentes, mais le public ne suit pas. Et cette situation va se prolonger pendant près de trente ans. Il faut dire que Cioran est aux antipodes de Jean-Paul Sartre, qui fait alors la pluie et le beau temps, et qu'il éprouve une haine inexpiable envers le communisme. Les nouveaux maîtres roumains ont emprisonné son frère et certains de ses amis, et ses livres sont interdits de l'autre côté du rideau de fer. Cependant, plusieurs éléments lui donnent la force de surmonter les humiliations, les échecs, les volumes pilonnés. Ses amis, d'abord, qui se nomment Ionesco, Eliade, Beckett, Michaux ou Gabriel Marcel. Ses lecteurs, ensuite, très rares mais généralement fanatiques: "Les gens qui s'intéressent à moi ont forcément quelque chose de fêlé..." 

Et puis, peu à peu, le couvercle se soulève. En 1965, François Erval publie le Précis de décomposition en édition de poche. Une nouvelle génération découvre Les syllogismes de l'amertume et La tentation d'exister. Des traductions paraissent en Allemagne, aux Etats-Unis, en Espagne; les articles se multiplient; les chiffres de vente décollent enfin du plancher. 

Obscur ou fameux, Cioran demeure tel qu'en lui-même. Il continue à fuir les médias et à décliner les prix littéraires. Il brode inlassablement, dans un style d'une élégance glaciale, sur les thèmes qui le hantent depuis l'adolescence: le vertige du temps, la mort, "l'inconvénient d'être né", le mysticisme chrétien, l'essoufflement de la civilisation occidentale, Bouddha, Shakespeare, Bach. Sans doute considère-t-il cette célébrité tardive comme un malentendu; lorsqu'il plaint Borges, c'est à lui-même qu'il songe: "La consécration est la pire des punitions (...) A partir du moment où tout le monde le cite, on ne peut plus le citer, ou, si on le fait, on a l'impression de venir grossir la masse de ses ''admirateurs", de ses ennemis." 

Aveux et anathèmes est publié en 1987. C'est son dernier livre. Si les bruits qui courent en avril 1988 sur une éventuelle tentative de suicide sont infondés, en revanche, il est exact qu'il renonce définitivement à écrire. Atteint par une maladie grave, Cioran vit aujourd'hui dans un hôpital parisien. Cinquante-huit ans après avoir quitté la Roumanie pour jeter l'ancre au Quartier latin, il a toujours le statut d'apatride. 

Ce que je sais à soixante, je le savais aussi bien à vingt. Quarante ans d'un long, d'un superflu travail de vérification...
(De l'inconvénient d'être né) 

Ma vision de l'avenir est si précise que, si j'avais des enfants, je les étranglerais sur l'heure.
(De l'inconvénient d'être né) 

Cioran

jeudi, 19 septembre 2013

Une nouvelle Route de la Soie reliera l’Asie à l’Europe

Ancient-Silk-road-map.jpg

Une nouvelle Route de la Soie reliera l’Asie à l’Europe

Par Tatiana Golovanova

Ex: http://fortune.fdesouche.com

Les pays regroupés dans l’Organisation de coopération de Shanghai (OCS) pourront rétablir la Voie de la Soie sous forme d’un corridor de transport spécialement aménagé. Comme l’a annoncé vendredi au sommet de l’OCS à Bichkek (Kirghizie) le ministre de la Recherche et des technologies de la Chine Wang Gang, ce projet a trouvé un soutien auprès de tous les pays membres de l’organisation.

Les membres de l’OCS sont prêts à développer les échanges économiques et commerciaux. Durant ces trois mois des spécialistes de Chine, qui a pris l’initiative de faire renaître la Voie de la Soie, ont visité les pays d’Asie Centrale – le Kazakhstan, l’Ouzbékistan et la Turkménie.

La Voie de la Soie rénovée pourra relier la Chine à l’Europe via la Russie et les États d’Asie Centrale

Des ententes ont été conclues au sujet de la réalisation des projets communs pour des dizaines de milliards de dollars. L’aménagement d’un corridor de transport de l’Asie à l’Europe est une étape suivante de l’essor de ces rapports, remarque Sergueï Sanakoïev, secrétaire de la Chambre sino-russe.

« Il s’agit de créer un corridor transnational traversant le territoire du continent eurasiatique. Comme toujours, l’aménagement de tels corridors en plus de rendre possible la circulation des marchandises et des services prévoient aussi la création de grappes d’entreprises industrielles, de nouvelles productions, de technologies de pointe. Cela veut dire que cela ouvre de plus larges possibilités à la coopération dans le cadre de l’OCS lors de la mise en œuvre d’une telle initiative. »

Le projet est censé mettre en place un réseau routier reliant le Pacifique à la mer Baltique, anéantir les barrières commerciales, réduire les délais de livraison des marchandises et augmenter les règlements mutuels en monnaies nationales. L’une des variantes possibles de la future Voie de la Soie est le corridor de transport « Europe –Chine Occidentale ».

Il passera par le Kazakhstan, approchera la frontière de la Russie et se prolongera par Orenbourg et les autoroutes fédérales vers Saint-Pétersbourg et la Golfe de Finlande et la mer Baltique. La longueur de ce parcours pourra atteindre près de 8 500 km. Voici le commentaire d’Alexandre Potavine, analyste de la compagnie « RGS – Gestion des actifs ».
« En regardant la carte du monde et en évaluant les possibilités d’aménager une telle voie, on verra que les marchandises de Chine seront livrées via la Russie, l’Asie Centrale en Europe. Ce projet profite évidemment à la Chine. Il permet de minimiser les frais de transport, étant donnée que la Grande Voie de la Soie est d’environ un tiers est plus court que la voie maritime, contournant l’Asie et la péninsule Arabique. »

Si on réussit de mettre en œuvre cette conception, la Chine réduira les délais de livraison de ses marchandises. Actuellement les frets parviennent à l’Europe par mer au bout de 45 jours, par le Transsibérien – cela prend deux semaines. La nouvelle voie sera la plus courte et ne prendra pas plus de dix jours.

En plus de la Chine le corridor de transport permettra de se développer à d’autres participants. Ils pourront gagner bien sur le transit et la logistique, et vont encore attirer des investissements chinois pour leurs projets de transport, remarque Sergueï Sanakoïev.

La Voix de la Russie

Siria y la consolidación de un “orden” multipolar en el siglo XXI

por Miguel Barrios

Ex: http://paginatransversal.wordpress.com

La crisis en Siria está demostrando de manera definitiva la consolidación de un “orden” multipolar integrado por Estados Continentales industriales-como lo había anticipado Juan Domingo Perón al plantear la fase del continentalismo hacia el universalismo y teorizado Alberto Methól Ferré, con su teoría de que solo los Estados continentales industriales pueden regular al sistema mundo-.

A pesar de un sin fin de teorías que no viene al caso analizar, también se comprueba día a día, que la geopolítica es el sustrato de las relaciones internacionales. Y en la crisis en Siria, la ubicación privilegiada de ésta, el objetivo del cerco a Irán, los recursos naturales, el gas y los gasoductos, son inseparables para entender la crisis y el comportamiento de los Estados Unidos. Y también la reacción de Rusia y China en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas.

Algunas analistas vuelven a hablar de una nueva bipolaridad de EE.UU y Rusia y otros  de una era “apolar”, porque no hay actores nítidos,  es una exigencia para los latinoamericanos vislumbrar quienes son los actores del sistema mundo y cómo nos ubicamos.

Al abrirse el siglo XX, el geógrafo inglés Halford Mackinder señalaba,  en una conferencia del año 1904, que habíamos llegado al fin de un periodo de cuatro siglos al que llamaba “época colombina”, la era de formación unificada del sistema mundo iniciado por Castilla y Portugal, cuando impulsaron la navegación oceánica en el 1500 Desde el 900 es un sistema .Se trata de la segunda fase o periodo del sistema mundo.

En adelante hay definitivamente una sola historia, donde todo repercute en todo. Eso, es la originalidad que inaugura el siglo XX , que puede hablar así de guerras mundiales.

La era colombina era la de los grandes imperios marítimos coloniales dispersos en la ecumene, imperios de gran heterogeneidad en su constitución.

Pero el siglo XX cerraba el primer periodo del sistema mundo y con él, la era de los imperios marítimos coloniales que terminaron con la descolonización.

A la era final de los imperios coloniales se superponía la era de los Estados continentales industriales, segundo periodo del sistema mundo. Solo luego de la segunda guerra mundial se afirmó la bipolaridad dominante y determinante de EE.UU. y la URSS y muere la era talasocrática y sus potencias ahora en medianía.

Esta situación se complejiza con el surgimiento de innumerables Estados-nación que solo tenían de éstos el nombre, y peor aún, ya en la era de los Estados continentales industriales,  creándose una confusión teórica y práctica.

En nuestro tiempo y la crisis de Siria,  lo muestra elocuentemente, sin la idea de Estado-Nación nada se entiende. Pero con la sola idea de Estado-Nación tampoco nada se entiende. Una idea que sirve para todo corre el riesgo de terminar no sirviendo para nada, de ahí la necesidad de clarificar.

¿Qué rasgos principales tiene esta tercera fase? ¿Cuáles son sus características?

En resumen, si el segundo periodo del sistema mundo fue el surgimiento del Estado continental industrial y la lucha de los primeros EE.UU y la URSS, como última fase de la hegemonía de occidente, el tercer periodo, es el que se está consolidando en un “orden” multipolar de Estados Continentales industriales en distintos círculos culturales, de ahí la desoccidentalización de la política mundial.

Un Estado Continental industrial significa sumar en un poder soberano de dimensiones continentales la dimensión política, industrial, científico-tecnológica, militar y cultural. Los EE.UU, Rusia, China e India ya son Estados continentales industriales. La Unión Europea quedó en evidencia que no suma todo este poder, de ahí la división de posiciones entre Francia que acompaña a EE.UU. , el rechazo a la acción en Siria del Parlamento inglés y la actitud de rechazo de Alemania, son novedades originalísimas de la tercera fase del sistema mundo, y que surgen con claridad en Siria.

América Latina constituye una gran posibilidad histórica, porque el Mercosur, el Alba, la Unasur y la CELAC son anillos complementarios hacia un Estado Continental industrial, por ello, los bicentenarios son la hora de la Patria Grande de Manuel Ugarte.

La crisis en Siria demuestra con claridad absoluta que ya estamos en la tercera fase del sistema mundo.

Fuente: Dossier Geopolítico

G. Faye: de l'essence de la guerre

Ares__God_of_War_by_violscraper.jpg

Guillaume Faye:

De l’essence de la guerre

Ex: http://www.gfaye.com

On a lu tous les commentaires sur les frappes punitives contre le régime du Syrien Assad (au jour où j’écris, rien ne s’est encore produit) avec tous les arguments pour ou contre. Avec des pacifistes (les Verts français) qui deviennent bellicistes ; des anti-atlantistes qui s’alignent sur Washington (le PS français) ; des atlantistes qui s’en démarquent (The British Parliament) et autres étranges positions croisées. Voilà qui donne l’occasion de réfléchir. Qu’est-ce la guerre ?

La guerre, c’est-à-dire le recours à la force armée entre unités politiques souveraines – à distinguer de la violence privée – (1) a toujours eu des motifs assez troubles dans l’esprit même de ses protagonistes. Par exemple, l’essai récent sur le déclenchement de la Première guerre mondiale (1914-1918), catastrophe absolue pour l’Europe, Le dernier été de l’Europe. Qui a provoqué la première guerre mondiale ? (Pluriel) par l’historien David Fromkin, professeur à l’Université de Boston, démontre que cette course à l’abîme s’est produite hors de toute logique d’État rationnelle, et contre l’intérêt des belligérants, par une sorte de mécanisme autonome emballé, qu’on peut appeler le  ”bellicisme”. Un mécanisme tautologique, irrationnel,  “fou”, dira-t-on. Aucun acteur ne veut réellement ”attaquer l’autre”, mais tous veulent plus ou moins se battre à des degrés divers, sans que les buts de l’affrontement soient clairs et partagés. Fromkin démontre que, bien avant l’enchaînement tragique de ce dernier été de l’Europe heureuse, des forces disparates voulaient la guerre, avec des motivations polysémiques. Et ce, chez tous les futurs belligérants.  

Plongeons dans le temps. Les meilleurs historiens spécialistes de l’Empire Romain (2) notent que ses guerres de conquête dans la période pré-impériale n’obéissaient ni à une volonté d’hégémonie économique (celle-ci existait déjà) ni à une volonté défensive contre des Barbares alors calmes, ni à un impérialisme politico-culturel romain (qui, lui aussi, s’installait par la soft power, sans les légions). L’historien de la Gaule Jean-Louis Brunaux (3) note que César lui-même, dans ses célèbres Commentaires, n’a jamais expliqué logiquement les raisons de son engagement, notamment contre les Belges, Gaulois du nord (Celto-germains), qui ne menaçaient en rien Rome et a nécessité des opérations meurtrières, réprouvées par le Sénat pour leur inutilité stratégique. Pas plus qu’Auguste n’a pu justifier, trois générations plus tard, la perte des trois légions de Varus imprudemment engagés dans la Germanie ultérieure face au « traître » Hermann (Arminius) (4).  L’histoire offre d’innombrables exemples semblables. Des guerres ou des opérations militaires qui n’obéissent pas à une logique rationnelle ; et dont les buts auraient pu être atteints par d’autres moyens au fond plus faciles.

L’école marxiste (la guerre = impérialisme économique) ou l’école géopolitique (la guerre = contrôle sécuritaire de l’espace) ou encore l’école nationaliste (la guerre = défense du germen national) n’ont pas tort mais ne répondent pas à la question : pourquoi la guerre ? Car, selon le raisonnement aristotélicien logique, « pourquoi parvenir à un but par un moyen difficile alors qu’on le pourrait par un moyen plus facile ? »  Talleyrand pensait, à ce propos, que la France aurait pu dominer l’Europe aisément par sa diplomatie, son rayonnement  économique et culturel, sa démographie sans (et bien plus sûrement que par) les sanglantes guerres napoléoniennes, qui ont propulsé Anglais et Allemands au sommet. Au total, les guerres intra-européennes n’ont rien amené à aucun protagoniste mais ont affaibli l’ensemble du Continent.

Qu’est-ce que la guerre, donc ? La réponse à cette question ne se trouve pas dans les sciences politiques mais dans l’éthologie humaine. Robert Ardrey, Konrad Lorenz et bien d’autres ont vu que la branche des primates nommée homo sapiens était l’espèce la plus agressive, notamment en matière intraspécifique. La violence, sous toutes ses formes, est au centre des pulsions génétiques de l’espèce humaine. Impossible d’y échapper. Les religions et les morales “anti-violence“ ne font que confirmer, en creux, cette disposition. La guerre serait donc, pour reprendre l’expression de Martin Heidegger à propos de la technique, un « processus sans sujet ». C’est-à-dire un comportement qui A) échappe à la volition rationnelle et causale au sens d’Aristote et de Descartes ; B) ignore ses conséquences factuelles. L’essence de la guerre ne se situe donc pas dans le registre de la réflexion logique (p.ex. : devons-nous investir ou pas dans telle ou telle source d’énergie ?) mais dans l’illogique, aux frontières du paléo-cortex et du néo-cortex.

L’essence de la guerre c’est qu’elle est endogène, qu’elle recèle en elle-même sa propre justification. Je fais la guerre parce que c’est la guerre et qu’il faut faire la guerre. Il faut montrer sa force. Quand les Américains – et à une plus faible échelle les gouvernements français–  s’engagent dans des expéditions militaires, il s’agit moins d’un calcul (le même but serait atteint à moindre coût et, pire, le résultat contredit l’objectif) que d’une pulsion. Un besoin (non pas animal ! mais très humain) d’exercer la force, pour se prouver à soi-même qu’on existe. Vilfredo Pareto avait très bien vu, dans les comportements humains, ces deux niveaux : les actes et leurs justifications ; avec une déconnection  entre les deux. 

 Donc l’essence de la guerre, c’est elle-même. Ce qui n’est pas le cas d’autres activités humaines comme l’agriculture, l’industrie, l’élevage, la botanique, l’informatique, la recherche technologique, l’architecture, l’art, la médecine et la chirurgie, l’astronomie, etc. qui, pour reprendre les catégories aristotéliciennes, « ont des causes et des buts indépendants  de leur essence propre ». (5)  Et qu’est-ce qui ressemble le plus à la guerre, comme activité humaine auto-suffisante ? C’est la religion, évidemment.

La guerre, comme la religion, à laquelle elle est souvent associée (que la religion soit théologique ou idéologique), produit sa propre ambiance, autosuffisante. Il émane d’elle une gratuité. Elle exalte et stimule autant qu’elle détruit. Elle est un facteur conjoint de création et de dévastation. Elle ressortit du besoin humain d’avoir des ennemis à tout prix, même sans raison objective. C’est pourquoi les religions et les idéologies prônant la paix et la concorde n’ont jamais réussi à imposer leurs vues et ont, elles-mêmes, été la source de guerres. C’est que les idées émises par l’homme ne correspondent pas forcément à sa nature, et c’est cette dernière qui s’impose au final. (6)  La nature humaine n’est pas corrélée à la culture et aux idées humaines : elle est l’ infrastructure dominante. 

Faut-il pour autant verser dans le pacifisme ? L’Histoire, certes, ne se résume pas à la guerre, mais la guerre est le carburant de l’Histoire. La guerre inspire les artistes, les cinéastes comme les romanciers. Sans elle, que raconteraient les historiens ? Même les tenants de la ”fin de l’Histoire” peuvent se montrer bellicistes. On la déplore mais on l’adore. Des intellectuels féministes ont écrit que si les sociétés n’étaient pas machistes et dominées par les mâles belliqueux, il n’y aurait plus de guerre mais uniquement des négociations. Erreur génétique : chez les vertébrés supérieurs, les femelles sont aussi belliqueuses, voire plus, que les mâles.

Le paradoxe de la guerre, c’est qu’elle peut avoir un aspect de destruction créatrice (pour reprendre la fameuse catégorie de Schumpeter), notamment en matière économique . De plus, dans l’histoire techno-économique, depuis la plus haute Antiquité jusqu’à nos jours, la technique militaire a toujours été une cause majeure des innovations civiles. 

En réalité, de même que le conflit et la présence de l’ennemi crée un état de bonheur et de désir dans la sphère privée (parce que cela donne un sens à la vie), de même, dans la sphère publique étatique, la guerre initie un bonheur collectif, une mobilisation, une rupture de la grisaille du quotidien, un événement fascinant. Pour le meilleur ou pour le pire. Alors que faire ? Il ne faut pas abolir le fait de guerre. Il est dans notre génome comme la pulsion libidinale. La guerre fait partie du principe de plaisir. Elle est savoureuse, attirante, cruelle, dangereuse et créatrice. Il faut simplement la normer, l’orienter, essayer tant bien que mal de la dominer sans l’écarter.

La pire des choses est soit de refuser à tout prix la guerre, soit de la rechercher à tout prix. Ceux qui, face au djihad islamique, refusent une contre-guerre, seront balayés. Comme ceux qui se trompent d’ennemi – par exemple les partisans des frappes contre le régime syrien. Tout se tient dans le mésotès d’Aristote, le ”juste milieu”, qui se tient entre la lâcheté et la témérité, entre la peur et l’imprudence, dans le courage. C’est pourquoi toute nation qui désarme et renonce à la puissance guerrière est aussi inconstante que celles qui en abusent. La guerre est comme tous les plaisirs, elle doit être disciplinée.  

Notes:

(1) La guerre civile est de même nature : lutte de factions pour acquérir le monopole de la souveraineté d’une unité politique.

(2) Cf  notamment Lucien Jerphagnon, Histoire de la Rome antique, les armes et les mots, Tallandier.

(3) Jean-Louis Brunaux,  Alésia, la fin de l’ancienne Gaule, Gallimard

(4)  Cf.  Luc Mary, Rends-moi mes légions ! Le plus grand désastre de l’armée romaine. Larousse.

(5) En ce sens le terme de « guerre économique » pour qualifier la concurrence est très malvenu.  Non seulement parce qu’il n’y a pas de morts mais parce que les compétiteurs économiques font tout pour éviter l’affrontement ou le limiter (ententes, trusts, oligopoles, OPA, etc.), et parce que le but de la compétition n’est pas elle-même mais est extérieur à elle : maximiser les performances de l’entreprise. En revanche, le sport se rapproche davantage de la guerre.

(6) Par exemple, les théories du genre, d’inspiration féministe, sont en contradiction avec les comportements majoritaires.

L’Alevismo Turco

wha_alevi.jpg

L’Alevismo Turco

Ex: http://www.statopotenza.eu

L’Alevismo nella odierna Turchia è un elemento religioso molto interessante che si è sviluppato nei secoli, attualmente vivono in Turchia più di 10 milioni di Aleviti che non sono da confondere con gli Alawiti che vivono in Siria e Libano, discendono entrambi però da gruppi sciiti che vedremo nello specifico, nel  mondo islamico la divisione  tra sunniti e sciiti,  risale agli avvenimenti seguiti alla morte del profeta Muhammad (pace su di lui), la questione della successione, di chi prenderà il suo posto, la lotta per il Califfato. Per i sunniti il successore doveva essere Abu Baker, per gli sciiti invece Ali (sas) marito di Fatima (sas) la figlia di Muhammad (pace su di lui), è destinato a prendere il posto del Profeta. Tra gli sciiti, come tra i sunniti, ci sono poi correnti diverse. Gli Aleviti non rientrano in nessuna di queste correnti.


L’Alevismo è una setta unica  si pensa che le tribù turche e iraniche e azere del nord dell’Iran e dell’Anatolia Orientale furono convertite allo Sciismo durante l’Ikhanato Mongolo che dominava la Persia e l’Iraq all’epoca e parte dell’Anatolia. Il poeta Yunus Emre e il santo Hajji Bektash furono i primi santi di quel periodo e più tardi vennero associati con l’Alevismo. Gli Aleviti emersero in questo contesto come un ordine sufi militante con base ad Ardabil nell’odierno Iraq, il cui leader Shah Ismail riuscì a conquistare la Persia e dare vita alla dinastia Safavide. Ora nell’ambito dell’Islam sciita duodecimano, dal momento che gli Aleviti accettano si  il credo sciita riguardo Ali (as) e i dodici Imam (as), ci sono dei distinguo, alcuni Aleviti non vogliono essere descritti come Sciiti ortodossi, a causa di grosse differenze nella filosofia, abitudini e rituali rispetto alle forme prevalenti dello Sciismo dell’Iraq e del moderno Iran nonostante questo, l’Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (r.a.) nel 1970 ha dichiarato gli Aleviti parte della linea tradizionale sciita.


Gli  Aleviti credono e professano i dodici imam come discendenti del Profeta, Imam che torneranno un giorno a portare pace e giustizia nel mondo, elementi che avvicinano gli Aleviti agli Sciiti. Nella teologia e nella pratica ci sono però molte differenze e vedremo quali, per esempio la ritualità Alevita non prevede le cinque preghiere quotidiane, non c’è il mese del digiuno (il Ramadan) e neppure il pellegrinaggio alla Mecca. La credenza nella uguaglianza tra uomini e donne che condividono lo stesso spazio nella preghiera, l’esistenza di un semah, cioè un rituale sufi che consiste in una danza esoterica e gnostica detta “dei pianeti” l’uso della musica, l’uso degli alcolici nelle cerimonie, sono tutti elementi che mostrano quanto gli Aleviti siano lontani dalla Tradizione Sciita. Nelle cerimonie Alevite si parla molto dei fatti di Karbala nell’odierno Iraq, città dove nel 680 d.C. l’esercito Omayyade di Yazid l’usurpatore assassinò Hussein nipote di Muhammad (pace su di lui). Il ruolo della sofferenza, del martirio sono importanti così come nella tradizione sciita. L’ingiustizia patita a Karbala da Ali nel corso della lotta per la successione, l’avvelenamento di suo figlio Hasan (as) e l’uccisione del fratello Hussein (as) sono elementi importanti tra gli Aleviti ma anche qui ci sono differenze rilevanti soprattutto per quanto riguarda il dolore e la sua manifestazione. La questione del lutto e del Martirio  tra gli sciiti è molto importante, durante il periodo del Muharram e di Ashura cioè le cerimonie di lutto che si celebrano in questo mese ,  si possono  vedere queste differenze. Ferirsi, tagliarsi, colpirsi con delle catene, anche se si tratta di tradizioni che stanno perdendo la loro forza e per inciso in Iran sono vietate ma il folklore popolare a volte si manifesta in questi atti  sono elementi caratteristici del mondo sciita.


Tra gli Aleviti queste tradizioni sono completamente assenti. Il ricordo dei fatti di Karbala avviene durante le cerimonie chiamate “Cem” dentro le Cemevi che sono case assemblative  in luogo delle moschee che non esistono nell’Alevismo, attraverso orazioni funebri, con una modalità poetica ed artistica queste cerimonie vengono celebrate senza le tradizionali letture coraniche o formule di richiesta a Dio, questa è una differenza importante. Un’altra differenza è che nella cerimonia del Cem il momento in cui si ricorda l’ascensione di Muhammad  (pace su di lui) al fianco d Allah (SwT)  e chiamato “miraclama”,  in questa fase assistiamo anche alla divinizzazione della figura di Ali, questa una differenza fondamentale e importante rispetto a gran parte del mondo Sciita. Una nota a parte merita la confraternita “Sciita” dei Bektashi ancora oggi presente nei Balcani, Albania, Grecia e Turchia. I Bektashi sono una confraternita e quindi chiunque può diventare Bektashi, certo, ma l’Alevismo è qualcosa che passa attraverso di essa, il padre e la madre, i bektashi eleggono i loro “dede” cioè i loro maestri , i loro leader spirituali mentre per gli Aleviti il dede è una carica che si trasmette tra le generazioni, da padre in figlio. La confraternita dei bektashi è stata considerata il braccio spirituale dei giannizzeri, il corpo militare d’élite dello stato ottomano. Con le riforme del Sultano Mahmut II, la modernizzazione ottomana ha soppresso i giannizzeri ed allo stesso tempo la confraternita poiché visti come sciiti e quindi sospettati di cospirazione con l’Impero Persiano Safavide sciita, in epoca ottomana ogni professione, gruppo o corporazione, aveva legami privilegiati con una confraternita religiosa, molto fiorenti in Turchia e tra le migliori come quella dei Mevlevi di Rumi o i Jerrahi-Halveti. I giannizzeri erano legati ai Bektashi i quali erano spesso legati agli Aleviti , il  problema è guardare l’Impero Ottomano come uno stato nazionale moderno e in questa prospettiva vedere le relazioni tra confraternite e il centro come unidimensionali. Molti intellettuali Aleviti vedevano  di cattivo occhio una relazione tra i Bektashi ed il potere ottomano.


Nel mondo Turco c’erano diversi rapporti di forza e i Bektashi possono aver avuto una relazione privilegiata con i giannizzeri, del resto molti esponenti di spicco dei giannizzeri erano Bektashi e gli stessi erano cristiani convertiti all’Islam, perché era  particolare il  carattere dei giannizzeri formati da bambini cristiani, reclutati secondo il sistema della devsirme, ovvero  venivano rapiti dalle famiglie di origine e poi spesso affidati a famiglie Alevite-bektashi poiché gli Aleviti non facevano discriminazioni rispetto ai loro figli naturali, quindi le famiglie Alevite rappresentavano un ambiente ideale per crescere i futuri soldati. La religione nel mondo ottomano non aveva però un carattere così conservatore come vorrebbero gli islamisti odierni, difatti il Salafismo è una ideologia moderna come lo sono i Fratelli Musulmani nati negli anni 20′ del ’900, i Sunniti non avevano una posizione così predominante e il potere ottomano intrecciava relazioni coi differenti gruppi religiosi in modo pragmatico, strumentale a seconda delle circostanze, si può dire che almeno fino al XVI secolo nell’Islam sia impossibile parlare di una ortodossia consolidata. Quindi possiamo dire che in questo contesto non è possibile parlare neanche di eterodossia.


Dopo il XVI  secolo si può parlare tuttavia  di una ortodossia Sunnita Hanafita cioè una delle 4 scuole teologiche che preferisce l’intelletto e la moderazione , ora bisogna vedere se possibile parlare di ortodossia nella Turchia contemporanea che oggi è un paese laico ma probabilmente esiste ancora una ortodossia ufficiosa di origine sufi , come lo sono Gul o Erdogan per esempio di  scuola Naqsbanhdi .Il carattere “moderato” turco non sempre è stato manifestato dagli stessi…anzi per esempio  nel 1993 , il 2 luglio precisamente ci fu il triste massacro di Sivas dove morirono degli Aleviti per mano dei Sunniti , quel giorno cantanti, scrittori e filosofi Aleviti si riunirono per celebrare la festa di Pir Sultan Abdal, una loro  importante figura storico culturale nell’ambito musicale Alevita , la festa venne  celebrata nell’hotel Madimak e poco dopo una folla di 20.000 sunniti si riuni’ e circondò l’edificio, dandolo alle fiamme, bersagliandolo con pietre mentre intonavano slogan anti-Alevismo e pro-Sharia. Il massacro durò diverse ore durante nei quali ne i pompieri, la polizia e la gendarmeria fecero nulla  per fermare il massacro, alcuni filmati mostreranno come le richieste d’aiuto furono respinte, alla fine della strage si conteranno 33 morti, tutti Aleviti., nel 1997 la polizia arrestò 31 presunti responsabili e li condanno a morte, ma poi la pena di morte venne  trasformato in carcere a vita. Altro episodio nel 1995 dove questa volta ci  fu  una sparatoria da un’auto nel quartiere Gazi di Istanbul che causò la morte di alcuni Aleviti. Durante le  manifestazioni di protesta, la polizia aprì più volte il fuoco contro i dimostranti che abbatterono altri 15 Aleviti.


Oggi gli Aleviti politicamente sono contrapposti al fondamentalismo Sunnita e al Salafismo con le sue ramificazioni, assicurando  la continuazione del secolarismo turco Kemalista. sono i principali alleati delle forze secolari e alla sinistra, cercano anche l’alleanza dei Sunniti moderati contro gli estremisti. Richiedono che lo stato riconosca l’Alevismo come una comunità ufficiale islamica, con gli stessi diritti del, ma diversa dal, Sunnismo interessante è il pensiero Alevita secondo cui tutti gli sviluppi negativi dell’Islam sono visti come un fallimento della società e delle caratteristiche Arabe. Il Sunnismo, secondo gli Aleviti, non è vero Islam, ma un’aberrazione il cui stretto legalismo si oppone al pensiero libero e indipendente ed è visto come reazionario, bigotto, fanatico e antidemocratico. Gli Aleviti credono che il nazionalismo Sunnita sia intollerante, dominatore e settario credono fermamente che il Sunnismo sia una propria peculiarità araba e fallimentare come i loro popoli e strutture governative e l’Alevismo sia la vera Tradizione Religiosa Turca e Anatolica.

Mustafà

00:05 Publié dans Traditions | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : alévites, turquie, traditions, traditionalisme | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

Silvio Gesell: der “Marx” der Anarchisten

Robert STEUCKERS:

Silvio Gesell: der “Marx” der Anarchisten

Analyse: Klaus SCHMITT/Günter BARTSCH (Hrsg.), Silvio Gesell, “Marx” der Anarchisten. Texte zur Befreiung der Marktwirtschaft vom Kapitalismus und der Kinder und Mütter vom patriarchalischen Bodenunrecht, Karin Kramer Verlag, Berlin, 1989, 303 S., ISBN 3-87956-165-6.

silvio_gesell.jpgSilvio Gesell war ein nonkonformistischer Ökonom. Er nahm zusammen mit Figuren sowie Niekisch, Mühsam und Landauer an der Räteregierung Bayerns teil. Der gebürtige Sankt-Vikter entwickelte in seinem wichtigsten Buch “Die natürliche Ordnung” ein Projekt der Umverteilung des Bodens, damit ein Jeder selbständig-autonom in totaler Unabhängigkeit von abstrakten Strukturen leben konnte. Günter Bartsch nennt ihn ein “Akrat”, d.h. ein Mensch, der frei von jeder Bevormündung ist, sei diese politischer, religiöser oder verwaltungsartiger Natur. Für Klaus Schmitt, der Gesell für die deutsche nonkonforme Linke wiederentdeckt (aber nicht kritiklos), ist der räterepublikanische Akrat ein der schärfsten Kritiker der “Macht Mammons”. Diese Allmacht wollte Gesell mit der Einführung eines “Schwundgeldes” bzw. einer “Freigeld-Lehre” zerschmettern. Unter “Schwundgeld” verstand er ein Geld, das man nicht thesaurisieren konnte und für das keine Zinsen gezahlt wurden. Im Gegenteil war für Gesell die Hortung von Geldwerten die Hauptsünde. Geld, das nicht in Sachen (Maschinen, Geräte, Technik, Erziehung, Boden, Vieh, usw.) investiert wird, mußte durch moralischen und ökonomischen Zwang an Wert verlieren. Solche Ideen entwickelten auch der Vater des kanadischen und angelsächsichen Distributismus, C. H. Douglas, und der Dichter Ezra Pound, der in den amerikanischen Regierung ein Instrument des Teufels Mammon sah. Douglas entwickelte distributistische Bauern-Projekte in Kanada, die teilweise noch heute existieren. Pound drückte seinen Dichterhaß gegen Geld- und Bankwesen, indem er die italienischen “Saló-Republik” am Ende des Krieges unterstütze. Pound versuchte, seine amerikanische Landgenossen zu überzeugen, keinen Krieg gegen Mussolini und das spätfaschistischen Italien zu führen. Nach 1945, wurde er in den VSA zwölf Jahre lang in einer Irrenanstalt eingesperrt. Er kam trotzdem aus dieser Hölle ungebrochen zurück und ging bei seiner Dochter Mary de Rachewiltz in Südtirol wohnen, wo er 1972 starb.

silvio gesell,anarchisme,allemagne,histoire,nouvelle droite,théorie politique,sciences politiques,politologieNeben seiner ökonomischen Lehren über das Schwund- und Freigeld, theorisierte Gesell einen Anarchofeminismus, wobei er besonders die Kinder und die Frauen gegen männliche Ausbeutung schützen wollte. Diese Interpretation des matriarchalischen Archetyp implizierte eine ziemlich scharfe Kritik des Vaterrechts, der in seinen Augen die Position der Kinder in der Gesellschaft besonders labil machte. Insofern war Gesell ein Vorfechter der Kinderrechte. Praktish bedeutete dieser Anarchofeminismus die Einführung einer “Mutterrente”. «Gesell und sein Anhänger wollten den gesamten Boden den Müttern zueignen und ihnen bzw. ihren Kinder die Bodenrente bis zum 18. Lebensjahr der Kinder als “Mutter-” bzw. “Kinderrente” zukommen lassen. Ein “Bund der Mütter” soll den gesamten nationalen und in ferner Zukunft den gesamten Boden unseres Planeten verwalten und (...) an den oder die Meistbietenden verpachten. Nach diesem Verfahren hätte jeder einzelne Mensch und jede einzelne Gruppe (z. B. eine Genossenschaft) die gleichen Chancen wie alle anderen, Boden nutzen zu können, ohne von privaten oder staatlichen Parasiten ausgebeutet zu werden» (S. 124). Wissenschaftliche Benennung dieses Systems nach Gesell hieß “physiokratische Mutterschaft”.

Neben den langen Aufsätzen von Bartsch und Schmitt enthält das Buch auch Texte von Gustav Landauer (“Sehr wertvolle Vorschläge”) und Erich Mühsam (“Ein Wegbahner. Nachruf zum Tode Gesells 1930”).

Fazit: Das Buch hilft uns, die Komplexität und Verwicklung von Ideen zu verstehen, die in der Räterepublik anwesend waren. Ist Niekisch wiederentdeckt und breit kommentiert, so ist seine Nähe zu Personen wie Landauer, Mühsam und Gesell kaum erforscht. Auch interressant wäre es, die Beziehungspunkte zwischen Gesell, Douglas und Pound zu analysieren und zu vergleichen. Letztlich wäre es auch, die Lehren Gesells mit den national-revolutionären Theorien eines Henning Eichbergs in den Jahren 60 und 70 und mit dem Gedankengut, das eine Zeitschrift wie Wir Selbst verbreitet hat. Eichberg hat ja auch immer den Akzent auf das Mütterliche gelegt. Er sprach eher von einem mütterlich-schützende Mutterland statt von einem patriarchalisch-repressive Vaterland. Ähnlichkeiten, die der Ideen-Historiker nicht vernachlässigen kann (Robert STEUCKERS).

mercredi, 18 septembre 2013

Syrie: accord USA/Russie

 

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00:06 Publié dans Actualité | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : syrie, politique internationale, caricature | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

Gigantisch anti-Obama protest in VS genegeerd door media

Gigantisch anti-Obama protest in VS genegeerd door media

Protest gericht tegen 'fundamentele verandering VS door president Obama' - 'President oorzaak van vloedgolf politieke islam in Midden Oosten en Noord Afrika'


Tussen de 1 en 2 miljoen 'bikers' kwamen in Washington bijeen om te protesteren tegen het linkse, totalitaire pro-islam beleid van president Barack Hussein Obama.

De 'progressieve', politiek correcte reguliere media hadden gisteren geen enkele boodschap aan een gigantisch anti-Obama annex anti-islam protest in de Verenigde Staten. Klaarblijkelijk zijn 2 miljoen mensen die zich eensgezind verzetten tegen Obama's vernietiging van de Amerikaanse vrijheid, en zijn openlijke steun voor de wereldwijde verspreiding van een intolerant, discriminerend, racistisch en fascistisch religieus systeem, voor bijvoorbeeld NOS.nl en NU.nl niet belangrijk genoeg om er ook maar één item aan te wijden.

De gemeenteraad van Washington DC had het massaprotest zoals verwacht verboden, maar dat hield 2 miljoen Amerikaanse en Canadese motorrijders er niet van op de 12e gedenkdag van 9/11 gezamenlijk naar de hoofdstad te rijden. Op talloze filmpjes is op straten en andere wegen een letterlijk oneindige rij 'bikers' te zien.

2 miljoen vs. 25 demonstranten

Het massaprotest was het gevolg van een plan van een moslimbeweging om een 'moslim miljoen-mannenmars' op Washington te organiseren. Hoewel die demonstratie wél werd toegestaan, werd die een enorme flop; volgens de Weekly Standaard werden hooguit enkele honderden moslims en links-liberalen verwacht, en dat terwijl de organisatoren de naam van de mars nog hadden gewijzigd in 'miljoen Amerikanen marcheren tegen angst'. NBC berichtte dat er uiteindelijk slechts 25 demonstranten kwamen opdagen.

Het American Muslim Political Action Committee (AMPAC) had de totaal mislukte miljoen-mannenmars georganiseerd. AMPAC wordt geleid door M.D.Rabbi Alam, die de complottheorie verspreidt dat de Joden de aanslagen op 9/11 hebben veroorzaakt.

'Amerikanen hadden geen benul van Obama's 'change''

Het tegenprotest van 2 miljoen motorrijders -volgens de politie om 13.00 uur bijna 1 miljoen- was des te indrukwekkender. In een verklaring lieten de organisatoren weten dat het protest was gericht tegen de 'fundamentele verandering van de VS door president Obama'. Volgens de populaire radiotalkshow presentator rush Limbaugh hadden de Amerikanen er in 2008 geen benul dat Obama met zijn credo 'change' bedoelde dat hij 'de Amerikaanse Grondwet op zijn kop wilde zetten, en het kapitalisme zou vervangen door het socialisme.' (2)

Steun voor Moslim Broederschap

In het boek 'Impeachable Offenses: The Case to Remove Barack Obama from Office' tonen New York Times bestseller auteurs Aaron Klein en Brenda J. Elliot aan dat Obama doelbewust Moslim Broederschap regimes, die een bedreiging vormen voor de stabiliteit van de VS en de hele wereld, aan de macht helpt. 'Door Obama's beleid overspoelt de politieke islam als een vloedgolf van 'change' het hele Midden Oosten en Noord Afrika. De desastreuze gevolgen voor die regio's en voor de VS zijn inmiddels zichtbaar.'

De auteurs vergelijken Obama met de tot dan toe minst populaire Amerikaanse president ooit: Jimmy Carter. Carter verzwakte het regime van de Shah van Iran, en veroorzaakte daardoor een Shi'itische islamitische revolutie die tot op de dag van vandaag het wereldwijde terrorisme ondersteunt en vrijwel wekelijks roept dat Israël moet worden vernietigd.

Obama creëert chaos

Tunesië, Libië, Egypte, Jemen, Syrië - al deze landen zijn slachtoffers van Obama's beleid om chaos te creëren, zodat extremistische (terreur)bewegingen zoals Al-Qaeda en de Moslim Broederschap aan de macht kunnen en konden komen. Ook Marokko is niet aan Obama's aandacht ontsnapt; onder Amerikaanse druk heeft de koning Mohammed VI een aan de Broederschap verwante islamistische partij tot zijn regering toegelaten. Deze partij streeft ernaar om Marokko totaal door de islam te laten regeren.

Tal van redenen om Obama af te zetten

Daarnaast noemen de auteurs nog een groot aantal andere redenen om Obama af te zetten. Zo werd het Congres bij het invoeren van het peperdure 'Obamacare' gezondheidsstelsel gepasseerd, wat tegen de Grondwet is. Ook gaf hij een uitvoerend bevel om miljoenen illegalen amnestie te verlenen en grote aantallen criminele illegalen vrij te laten uit de gevangenissen. Hij begon de oorlog tegen Libië zonder instemming van het Congres, en verdonkeremaande bewijs van de werkelijke oorzaak en daders van de aanslag op het consulaat in Benghazi op 11 september 2012. (3)

Xander

(1) Infowars (YouTube filmpjes: 1 / 2 / 3 / 4 / 5 / 6 / 7  )
(2) World Net Daily
(3) World Net Daily

Syrie : L’initiative russe dans sa véritable dimension !

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Syrie : L’initiative russe dans sa véritable dimension !
 

L’initiative avancée par la Russie, pour contrer les États-Unis décidés à attaquer la Syrie, établit de nouvelles équations et de nouveaux équilibres traduisant les nouvelles réalités imposées par l’Axe de la résistance sur le terrain ; équations qui ont révélé  le coût d’une telle agression pour les États-Unis, leurs alliés, leurs agents dans la région et surtout pour l’entité sioniste, maintenant que la Syrie, l’Iran et la Résistance libanaise ont fait comprendre que cette entité recevra sa part de « la contre-attaque défensive » en réponse à l’agression étatsunienne.

Premièrement, par cette initiative la Russie a réussi à reprendre les rênes de l’offensive au niveau international et à imposer à Obama et à l’Empire US de nouvelles donnes qui devraient les ramener à « obéir » au Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU.

En effet, il est clair que l’équation révélée hier par M. Poutine, qui se résumerait à dire « l’arrêt de votre agression contre des accords avec la Syrie sur les armes chimiques », est le prélude à une entente globale qui  dissuaderait  toute ingérence en Syrie sous n’importe quelle forme que ce soit – aussi bien politique que financière ou militaire – et à la reprise du processus de Genève 2 perturbé par les USA depuis des mois.

De nombreux détails mériteraient plus d’attention et de suivi, notamment celui qui témoigne que la Russie a réussi à montrer que la crise est la résultante du conflit entre la Syrie et ses alliés d’une part, et les USA et leurs agents d’autre part ; en même temps qu’elle est apparue comme un référent essentiel pour les ajustements dictés par une nouvelle réalité internationale. Le tout, suivi d’une gifle retentissante assénée par son ministre des Affaires étrangères, Sergueï Lavrov, au triangle colonialiste US-France-GB lorsqu’il a refusé de placer tout projet concernant les armes chimiques dans le cadre du chapitre VII de la charte des Nations Unies.

Deuxièmement, l’ensemble des données disponibles révèlent que le « projet de solution russe »  vise à dissuader toute agression contre la Syrie et certainement pas à l’encourager ou à s’y associer. Ceci est très clair et le deviendra de plus en plus, car les USA ne devront pas se contenter de déclarer publiquement leur abandon des hostilités, retirer leurs navires de guerre et leurs destroyers ; ils devront aussi cesser tout financement, armement et soutien prodigués aux bandes terroristes. C’est en tout cas le premier point sur lequel repose l’entente préalable, sur cette initiative, entre les ministres des Affaires étrangères de la Russie et des USA.

Soutenir les efforts de l’Etat syrien dans son combat contre le terrorisme sera, dans les prochaines semaines, le cadre des activités de la Russie sur le plan international ; cette initiative ayant créé les conditions de nouvelles avancées sur le terrain en faveur de la Syrie. En l’occurrence, c’est ce dont témoignent les cris, les jérémiades et l’hystérie des pays impliqués dans l’agression, qui ont vu échouer leurs tentatives de destruction de l’État syrien et dont le dernier espoir était de faire pencher la balance en faveur des gangs terroristes d’Al-Qaïda dirigés par Bandar bin Sultan.

Troisièmement, l’abandon par la Syrie de son arsenal d’armes chimiques est compensé par une modification qualitative de ses capacités de défense et de dissuasion du fait de l’implication directe de la Russie dans des projets de renforcement de ses systèmes de défense et de sécurité. Ceci, que ce soit en missiles, en avions de combat, en armes sophistiquées, et même en connexion à l’immense réseau de stations radar russes comme l’a démontré le test des deux missiles [*] lancés par Israël.

Par conséquent, la Syrie – qui a annoncé sa volonté d’adhérer au Traité de non-prolifération des armes chimiques et d’abandonner son arsenal chimique sous contrôle international – dispose déjà de moyens, et disposera de tous les moyens qui seront mis à sa disposition par son allié russe. Par ailleurs, l’indéfectible partenariat qu’elle a construit avec l’Iran et la Résistance libanaise constitue une organisation hautement performante en cas d’agression sioniste, si bien qu’une des constantes des équations régionales et internationales est désormais que toute ingérence isolée ou groupée, d’Israël, des USA ou de l’OTAN en Syrie, rencontrera une douloureuse  réaction à laquelle participeront l’Iran et la Résistance libanaise, alors que la Russie sera présente en appui de la défense syrienne par tous les outils et moyens disponibles. D’ailleurs, c’est ce que la Russie a déjà fait en dépêchant sa flotte face au danger US et en fournissant des armes modernes à l’Armée arabe syrienne, en plus de ses formateurs et experts travaillant avec leurs homologues syriens à développer différentes techniques en fonction du plan de défense syrien.

Quatrièmement, la fin de règne de l’hégémonie et de l’unilatéralisme US, le renforcement de l’organisation défensive régionale contre Israël et les USA, et même la contre-attaque défensive contre l’agression des États-Unis qui ont pris toutes leurs dispositions pour ce faire, sont autant de réalisations initiées et accomplies par la résistance de l’État syrien, de son Commandant en chef, de son Armée et de son peuple ; réalisations à mettre aussi sur le compte de la fermeté de ses alliés d’Iran et du Hezbollah et de l’extraordinaire courage de son allié russe. Le monde doit s’attendre à découvrir le contenu de ce que nous ont préparé, tout en finesse politique et diplomatique, le trio  formé par Sergueï Lavrov, Walid Mouallem et Hussein Abdel Lahyan dont la présence concomitante à Moscou ne relève probablement pas de la coïncidence.

Le partenariat entre la Russie et « l’Organisation de la Résistance en Orient » s’est donc renforcé. C’est un nouveau bloc qui vient de naître et c’est le bras qui se met en travers de l’agression hargneuse des Israéliens et des USA.

Tout un chacun en Syrie ou ailleurs a le droit de  clamer que la Syrie en acceptant de se défaire de son arsenal chimique, au profit d’un système de défense plus performant, a capitulé. Mais cela reviendrait à refuser de reconnaître qu’une telle concession est d’un coût nettement moindre que celui que les Syriens auraient payé sans cette victoire politique, qui n’a été rendue possible que grâce à leur résistance à l’agression US.

Ce à quoi nous avons assisté, ces derniers jours, fera date dans l’Histoire moderne en ce sens que des forces de libération luttant pour leur souveraineté et leur indépendance ont réalisé cet exploit sans recourir à une guerre pour laquelle  ont été mobilisés de considérables moyens une fois qu’Obama a annoncé sa décision d’attaquer la Syrie, un exploit dont le mérite revient à la Résistance syrienne !

Ghaleb Kandil

11/09/2013

Article original : New Orient News

http://www.neworientnews.com/news/fullnews.php?news_id=112152

 Article traduit de l’arabe par Mouna Alno-Nakhal pour Mondialisation.ca

[*] La Russie détecte 2 missiles en Méditerranée

http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2013/09/03/97001-20130903FILWWW00299-la-russie-detecte-2-missiles-en-mediterranee.php

 

Monsieur Ghaleb kandil est le Directeur du Centre New Orient News (Liban)

Il Processo Ergenekon: Un’analisi giuridica e politica in ordine cronologico

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Il Processo Ergenekon: Un’analisi giuridica e politica in ordine cronologico

Aytekin Kaan Kurtul

Ex: http://www.statopotenza.eu

Il 5 agosto ha avuto luogo l’ultima udienza del processo Ergenekon che si trattava della “formazione di un’organizzazione terrorista” che “ha tentato ad organizzare un colpo di stato contro il Governo attuale (Erdoğan)”. L’inchiesta era stata iniziata nel 2007, con la “scoperta” delle armi “segrete” e dei “diari del golpe” dalla polizia, i quali erano stati “forniti” nel dipartimento della polizia secondo i video fatti da parte della polizia (gia’ qui si capisce come si e’ svolto il processo) .


Dopo il consolidamento del potere della “nuova oligarchia islamica” (ovvero dopo le elezioni generali e l’elezione presidenziale del 2007, con le quali il partito di Erdoğan ha praticamente “nominato” il Presidente)  il processo e’ stato portato davanti alla Corte dove sono state scritte le accuse. I soggetti in questione venivano accusati di far parte di un’organizzazione terrorista, chiamata Ergenekon, che mirava ad organizzare un colpe di stato contro il Governo Erdoğan. Anche se le accuse venivano considerate dentro il quadro di un tentato colpo di stato, i primi ad essere arrestati erano civili. Il piu’ noto di questi, Ergun Poyraz, era un ricercatore e uno scrittore indipendente che aveva scritto libri sulle relazioni “intime” tra le sette mafiose in Turchia (come la setta Gülen) , “gli stati religiosi” (il Vaticano e l’Israele) e i capitalisti finanziari d’Occidente. Il libro che veniva considerato come “una prova di delitto” s’intitolava “Erdoğan e Gül: I Figli d’Israele“, tanto per mostrare la liberta’ di espressione in Turchia.


Un altro personaggio noto tra i primi ad essere arrestati era l’imprenditore Kuddusi Okkır. Egli era il fondatore di un’impresa di informatica che cercava di sviluppare tecnologie nazionali per non dipendere totalmente dal rete statiunitense. Okkır e’ stato arrestato il 20 giugno 2007 ed e’ morto in carcere (presumabilmente a causa della tortura) prima della prima udienza del processo Ergenekon, nella data del 6 giugno 2008. Il 22 gennaio 2008, e’ stata iniziata la seconda onda di arresti. Questa volta i bersagli erano prevalentemente militari, con alcune eccezioni. Due di queste erano l’avvocato Kemal Kerinçsiz e la portavoce della Chiesa Ortodossa Turca, Sevgi Erenerol. Kemal Kerinçsiz era noto per aver impugnato scrittori liberali come Orhan Pamuk per “aver incitato odio razziale, aver insultato la nazione turca e aver incitato una guerra contro i confinanti della Repubblica” (artt. 301, 304 del Codice Penale). Sevgi Erenerol, invece, era una sacerdotessa cristiana e una scrittrice nota per le sue idee patriottiche.


Il 21 marzo 2008 era la data dell’inizio della onda piu’ grande. Personaggi noti dell’opposizione legale in Turchia come il Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori (noto per essere uno dei primi due partiti comunisti a difendere il socialismo eurasiatista), il Dottor Doğu Perinçek; il giornalista socialista noto per essere torturato durante il regime della giunta del ’71, İlhan Selçuk; il Vice Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori, Ferit İlsever; il Vice Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori, Nusret Senem; il fondatore della Fondazione del Pensiero Kemalista, Şener Eruygur; l’ex generale e personaggio kemalista Hurşit Tolon; giornalista socialdemocratico e deputato del Partito Repubblicano del Popolo, Mustafa Balbay; il tenente noto per aver provato ad arrestare i soldati statiunitensi ad İncirlik, Hasan Atilla Uğur e l’accademico Erol Mütercimler sono stati detenuti dalla polizia e la maggior parte e’ stata arrestata.
L’1 luglio 2008 ha testimoniato l’espansione dell’onda precedente ed e’ stato arrestato il Presidente Fondatore dell’Unione Giovanile di Turchia (l’Unione della Gioventu’ di Turchia), Adnan Türkkan. L’Unione Giovanile di Turchia (l’Unione della Gioventu’ di Turchia) e’ stata definita come “l’ala giovanile dell’organizzazione terrorista Ergenekon” dalla stampa liberale (conosciuta come “la stampa dei pinguini” dopo la Sollevazione di Giugno), anche se non era definita cosi neanche nelle accuse. L’arresto e’ stato seguito da repressioni nelle universita’ e tanti studenti hanno dovuto lottare per praticare il loro diritto allo studio.

La prima udienza e lo “schema” dell’organizzazione


La prima udienza ha avuto luogo nel comune di Silivri nella provincia di İstanbul (il quale e’ abbastanza lontano dal centro) il 20 ottobre 2008 ed e’ stato dichiarato lo “schema” dell’organizzazione. Secondo lo “schema”, non c’era una gerarchia o qualsiasi struttura organizzativa – c’era solo un “gruppo” di leader composto prevalentemente da militari. Tra questi leader, c’erano due personaggi noti: il Generale Martire Eşref Bitlis e l’ex generale Hurşit Tolon.


Il Generale Martire Eşref Bitlis era stato assassinato misteriosamente il 17 febbraio 1993. Egli era noto per aver promosso il dialogo con i contadini curdi per risolvere la questione curda. Il 7 febbraio 1993, il Generale Bitlis aveva dichiarato che “gli aerei statunitensi che partono da İncirlik portano armi e forniture ai terroristi del PKK nell’Iraq settentrionale e gli israeliani gli offrono informazioni vitali riguardo le nostre posizioni nella regione“. Era stato assassinato 10 giorni dopo.


L’ex generale Hurşit Tolon, invece, era uno dei primi militari a dichiarare il fatto che “far parte della NATO e’ una minaccia per l’esistenza della Repubblica“. Egli aveva promosso un’alleanza con “l’altro polo che sta crescendo, cioe’ quello guidato oggi dalla Cina, dalla Russia, dall’India e dall’Iran. In questo quadro l’Iran e’ il nostro alleato naturale per il fatto che abbiamo legami sociali e nemici in comune – a prescindere dalle nostre differenze ideologiche“.


Gli avvocati dei prigionieri hanno obiettato l’intero processo citando la mancanza delle prove concrete, l’illegalita’ dell’invasione della sfera privata durante l’inchiesta e il fatto che il Generale Bitlis era gia’ morto nel 1993 e quindi non era fisicamente capace di fare un colpo di stato nel 2008. Le loro obiezioni non sono state prese in considerazione.

L’aggiunta dell’attacco al Consiglio di Stato e il salafita Osman Yıldırım


Il 3 agosto 2009, il caso che riguarda l’attacco al Consiglio di Stato perpetuato da un salafita che si chiama Osman Yıldırım e’ stato aggiunto al caso Ergenekon, rendendo la cosidetta “organizzazione terrorista” in questione “un’organizzazione terrorista attiva”. Osman Yıldırım era stato condannato precedentemente per “aver commesso matricidio” e “aver venduto la propria nipote” (artt. 81, 227 del Codice Penale). Nelle prime udienze nel processo riguardo all’attaco al Consiglio di Stato, egli aveva affermato che mirava a “distruggere il regime laico infedele e costruire il Sacro Califfato. Io sono un cittadino dello Stato Islamico dell’Asia Minore  e un nemico del bastardo europeo che ha fondato il regime“, riferendosi al fondatore della Repubblica, il comandante antimperialista Mustafa Kemal Atatürk che era nato a Salonica. Per di piu’ ha ammesso che egli aveva perpetuato l’attacco. Nonostante il fatto che egli ha commesso i crimini “mirando a distruggere l’ordine repubblicano e l’unione nazionale” ed “essersi opposto all’ordine costituzionale” (artt. 302, 309 del Codice Penale), e’ stato rilasciato dopo l’ultima udienza (per aver collaborato con la corte) mentre decine di giornalisti, accademici e politici e anche l’ex Comandante in Capo delle Forze Armate Turche con il quale lo stesso Governo Erdoğan aveva collaborato sono stati simbolicamente condannati all’ergastolo.

La durata della reclusione e le sentenze della Corte Costituzionale e della CEDU


La maggior parte dei prigionieri e’ stata in carcere per piu’ di cinque anni senza una sentenza definitiva, una situazione che era stata legittimizzata con l’ultima riforma del Codice di Procedura Penale che aveva prolungato la durata massima di reclusione a 10 anni. La riforma, comunque, e’ stata dichiarata incostituzionale da parte della Corte Costituzionale con la sentenza 07/2013 pubblicata il 2 agosto 2013 sulla Gazzetta Ufficiale. Secondo la Corte, siccome la norma presente e’ stata annullata, dovrebbe essere applicata la norma precedente che aveva fissato la durata massima a 5 anni.


La sentenza e’ stata emessa parzialmente in conformita’ con le ultime sentenze della CEDU riguardo alla massima durata di reclusione. La CEDU, infatti, nella sentenza Vaccaro v. la Repubblica Italiana, aveva deciso che sei anni di reclusione era inaccettabile in un caso piu’ “leggero” rispetto al processo Ergenekon. Nonostante le sentenze della CEDU (le cui massime dovrebbero essere applicate nelle corte nazionali siccome la Turchia e’ una firmataria della Convenzione) e l’ultima sentenza della Corte Costituzionale della Repubblica di Turchia, la corte penale ha deciso di non rilasciare i prigionieri mentre uno che doveva essere condannato all’ergastolo secondo il Codice Penale vigente e’ stato rilasciato.

Una sintesi


Come avete visto, il processo Ergenekon e’ stato un processo illegale, incostituzionale e disumano sia nel senso giuridico che nel senso morale. L’Associazione degli Avvocati ha dichiarato che essa non riconosce le sentenze e giornalisti comunisti come Jürgen Elsasser e partiti comunisti come il Partito Comunista della Federazione Russa hanno espresso solidarieta’ ai prigioneri politici in Turchia. Gli antimperialisti nel mondo hanno visto che personaggi come l’ex Comandante in Capo delle Forze Armate Turche sono stati arrestati “simbolicamente”, ovvero per rendere piu’ “credibile” il processo che era totalmente politico e mirava a reprimere l’opposizione legale in Turchia. E ultimamente il Primo Ministro Erdoğan ha affermato che “non riconoscere le sentenze Ergenekon e’ un delitto“. Le sue parole contraddicono le norme del Codice Penale ma se esse valgono piu’ del diritto nazionale e della Costituzione, possiamo parlare di uno stato di diritto?
Scusate la mia liberta’ di espressione.

Le sentenze


Adnan Türkkan, membro fondatore dell’Unione Giovanile di Turchia (l’Unione della Gioventu’ di Turchia): 10 anni e 6 mesi in carcere
Tunç Akkoç, membro fondatore dell’Unione Giovanile di Turchia (l’Unione della Gioventu’ di Turchia), membro del Comitato Centrale del Partito dei Lavoratori: 11 anni in carcere
Doğu Perinçek, Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori: Ergastolo + 117 anni in carcere
Ferit İlsever, Vice Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori: 15 anni in carcere
Nusret Senem, Vice Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori: 20 anni, 3 mesi in carcere
Mehmet Bedri Gültekin, Vice Presidente del Partito dei Lavoratori: 10 anni, 6 mesi in carcere
Zafer Şen, membro del Comitato Centrale del Partito dei Lavoratori: 8 anni, 9 mesi in carcere
Erkan Önsel, membro del Comitato Centrale del Partito dei Lavoratori: 9 anni in carcere
Mustafa Balbay, Deputato del Partito Repubblicano del Popolo: 34 anni e 8 mesi in carcere
Tuncay Özkan, giornalista socialdemocratico: Ergastolo aggravato
Yalçın Küçük, accademico marxista: Ergastolo aggravato
İlker Başbuğ, Ex Comandante in Capo delle Forze Armate Turche: Due ergastoli aggravati seguenti + 4 anni, 2 mesi in carcere
Hikmet Çiçek, giornalista comunista: 21 anni in carcere
Sevgi Erenerol, Portavoce della Chiesa Ortodossa Turca: Ergastolo
Şener Eruygur, Fondatore della Fondazione del Pensiero Kemalista: Ergastolo
Tenente Hasan Atilla Uğur: 29 anni, 3 mesi in carcere
Dursun Çiçek, ammiraglio: Ergastolo aggravato
Mustafa Özbek, Presidente del Sindacato Türk-Metal: Ergastolo
Deniz Yıldırım, ex direttore editoriale del quotidiano comunista Aydınlık: 16 anni, 10 mesi in carcere
Hurşit Tolon, ex generale: Ergastolo aggravato
Kemal Kerinçsiz, avvocato: Ergastolo aggravato
Emcet Olcaytu, avvocato: 13 anni, 2 mesi in carcere
Adnan Akfırat, giornalista: 19 anni in carcere
Ünal İnanç, giornalista: 19 anni in carcere
Ergün Poyraz, scrittore: 29 anni, 4 mesi in carcere
Vedat Yenerer, giornalista: 7 anni, 6 mesi in carcere
Kemal Alemdaroğlu, accademico: 15 anni, 8 mesi in carcere
Mehmet Perinçek, accademico, figlio di Doğu Perinçek: 6 anni e 3 mesi in carcere
Ferit Bernay, accademico: 10 anni in carcere
Mustafa Yurtkuran, accademico: 10 anni in carcere
Aydın Gergin, membro del Partito dei Lavoratori: 8 anni in carcere
Tenente Fikri Karadağ: Ergastolo aggravato
İsmail Hakkı Pekin, ex generale: 7 anni, 6 mesi in carcere
Özlem Konur Usta, editore del quotidiano comunista Aydınlık: 6 anni, 3 mesi in carcere
Mehmet Bozkurt, editore del quotidiano comunista Aydınlık: 9 anni, 3 mesi in carcere
Turan Özlü, fondatore del canale televisivo Ulusal: 9 anni in carcere
Sinan Aygün, Deputato del Partito Repubblicano del Popolo: 13 anni, 6 mesi in carcere
Tenente Fuat Selvi: Ergastolo
Fatih Hilmioğlu, accademico: 23 anni in carcere
Serdar Öztürk, veterano di guerra: 25 anni, 6 mesi di carcere
Mahir Çayan Güngör, corrispondente del canale televisivo Ulusal: 6 anni, 3 mesi in carcere
Kemal Yavuz, ex generale: 7 anni, 6 mesi in carcere

D. H. Lawrence on the Metaphysics of Life

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D. H. Lawrence on the Metaphysics of Life

By Derek Hawthorne

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com

1. Life and the “Creative Mystery”

Lawrence believes that the chief thing modern science simply cannot explain is life itself. And he regards life as an irreducible, and ultimately inexplicable, primary. Further, he believes that there is no such thing as disembodied spirit, or immaterial existence. The only meaningful distinction is that between living and non-living matter.[1]

In addition, Lawrence believes that non-living matter is merely the dead remains of the living. (A position that will strike many as utterly bizarre.) Lawrence makes this claim many times, especially in Fantasia of the Unconscious, but also in his strange, Hermetic essay “The Two Principles.” He writes there, “Inanimate matter is released from the dead body of the world’s creatures. It is the static residue of the living conscious plasm, like feathers of birds.”[2] And: “death is not just shadow or mystery. It is the negative reality of life. It is what we call Matter and Force, among other things. . . . The cosmos is nothing but the aggregate of the dead bodies and dead energies of bygone individuals. The dead bodies decompose as we know into earth, air, and water, heat and radiant energy and free electricity and innumerable other scientific facts.”[3]

Obviously, if the non-living comes from the living and is its residue, then living things must have existed before there were any non-living things. But this seems to present a whole host of difficulties. Where did these living things reside, if not on the non-living rocks we call planets? If they were like the living things we know, then wouldn’t they have had to have breathed oxygen and consumed water? And oxygen and water can hardly be classed as “alive.” Lawrence finds a way around this problem, however, by postulating that in the beginning there were no living things; instead, life was “homogeneous,” and not divided into distinct creatures.

He puts this idea forward in his 1914 philosophical essay “A Study of Thomas Hardy”: “In the origin, life must have been uniform, a great unmoved, utterly homogeneous infinity, a great not-being, at once a positive and negative infinity: the whole universe, the whole infinity, one motionless homogeneity, a something, a nothing.”[4] (I will have reason to return to this quotation later for, as we shall shortly see, Lawrence qualifies this statement in an important way.)

Lawrence’s conception of an undifferentiated, homogeneous “life” is very close to Schopenhauer’s “will.” Recall that in The World as Will and Representation, Schopenhauer argues that the will is an impersonal, self-perpetuating force, and that it lies at the root of all that exists. Lawrence seems to have held some version of this theory for most of his life. In a letter from 1911 he writes: “There still remains a God, but not a personal God: a vast, shimmering impulse which waves onwards towards some end, I don’t know what—taking no regard for the little individual, but taking regard for humanity. When we die, like rain-drops falling back again into the sea, we fall back into the big, shimmering sea of unorganized life which we call God.”[5]

In Women in Love Birkin often expresses Schopenhauerian ideas: “Well, if mankind is destroyed, if our race is destroyed like Sodom, and there is this beautiful evening with the luminous land and trees, I am satisfied. That which informs it all is there, and can never be lost. After all, what is mankind but just one expression of the incomprehensible.”[6] And, later in the novel, Lawrence expresses Birkin’s thoughts after Gerald’s death:

If humanity ran into a cul-de-sac, and expended itself, the timeless creative mystery would bring forth some other being, finer, more wonderful, some new, more lovely race, to carry on the embodiment of creation. The game was never up. The mystery of creation was fathomless, infallible, inexhaustible, for ever. . . . The fountain-head was incorruptible and unsearchable. It had no limits. It could bring forth miracles, create utter new races and new species in its own hour, new forms of consciousness, new forms of body, new units of being. To be man was as nothing compared to the possibilities of the creative mystery.[7]

Lawrence also sometimes refers to “the pan mystery,” and at one point says “God is the flame-life in all the universe; multifarious, multifarious flames, all colours and beauties and pains and somberness. Whichever flame flames in your manhood, that is you, for the time being.”[8] Finally, in one of Lawrence’s last works of fiction, The Man Who Died, he writes,

And always the man who had died saw not the bird alone, but the short, sharp wave of life of which the bird was the crest. . . . And the man who had died watched the unsteady, rocking vibration of the bent bird, and it was not the bird he saw, but one wave-tip of life overlapping for a minute another, in the tide of the swaying ocean of life. And the destiny of life seemed more fierce and compulsive to him even than the destiny of death. The doom of death was a shadow compared to the raging destiny of life, the determined surge of life.[9]

Unlike Schopenhauer, Lawrence never settles on a single term for this “life force,” and so I have chosen to follow his language in Women In Love and to refer to it consistently here as the creative mystery. I take Lawrence’s discussion in “A Study of Thomas Hardy” of primordial life as a “great unmoved, utterly homogeneous infinity,” as yet another description of the creative mystery that lies at the root, and origin of all things.

It is easy to see that the creative mystery forms the basis for Lawrence’s ontology, his theory of Being.[10] If Lawrence merely followed Schopenhauer and identified the creative mystery with Being (as Schopenhauer himself never explicitly does), he would fall squarely within the tradition of what Heidegger calls “ontotheology.” Ontotheology is the error of identifying Being-as-such with the highest or most basic of all beings, or things that have being. The error is analogous to declaring that the characteristic of Tallness is just the same as a thing that happens to be tall (i.e., a thing that “has” tallness). To recognize what Heidegger calls the “ontological difference” is to recognize that Being is not simply another of the beings, no matter how special.

If the creative mystery is something that has Being, then it cannot be Being-as-such. Fortunately, however, Lawrence does not make this error. One of the few places where Lawrence explicitly refers to Being occurs in his essay “Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine”: “The clue to all existence is being. But you can’t have being without existence, any more than you can have the dandelion flower without the leaves and the long tap root.”[11] Essentially, for Lawrence Being is the emergence of individuals out of the creative mystery. The creative mystery itself is not Being, but what one might call the “ground of Being.”

This ontology comes very close to Heidegger’s understanding of the Pre-Socratic conception of Being as phusis. And surely this is no accident. Lawrence’s understanding of the creative mystery and what emerges from it was not formed solely through his encounter with Schopenhauer. His descriptions of it also reflect his encounter with pre-Socratic philosophy, which he also studied carefully. In particular, one can detect a strong hint of Anaximander’s “indefinite” (apeiron), out of which all things emerge and into which they return. I will return to Lawrence’s ontology later when I discuss his theory of the “Holy Ghost,” which “draws” individuals out of the creative mystery and into the flowering of Being. For now, however, we must continue to investigate Lawrence’s understanding of the creative mystery itself.

2. The Holy Ghost

Earlier I quoted Lawrence’s essay “A Study of Thomas Hardy” concerning the origin of life, when it was “uniform, a great unmoved, utterly homogeneous infinity.” However, he qualifies this statement in the next sentence: “And yet it can never have been utterly homogeneous: mathematically, yes; actually, no.”[12] Indeed, Lawrence makes it very clear elsewhere that he believes in the primacy of the individual.

In Fantasia of the Unconscious he writes, “Life is individual, always was individual and always will be. Life consists of living individuals, and always did so consist, in the beginning of everything.”[13] Later in the same text Lawrence remarks that living individuals are “the one, pure clue to our cosmos.” And then: “I only know there is but one origin, and that is the individual soul. The individual soul originated everything, and has itself no origin.”[14]Lawrence is here going a step further. Life is always individual life, but what accounts for individuality as such is “the soul,” or what he calls elsewhere the Holy Ghost. Lawrence has acquired these terms from his Christian upbringing, but he uses them in a highly unusual way, as we will see in the next section.

But here we must pause to raise a troubling, and obvious objection: doesn’t all of this completely contradict the idea Lawrence puts forward that in the beginning only life existed, but that it was an “utterly homogeneous infinity”? Yes and no. Lawrence frankly admits elsewhere that he does not believe there ever was a literal beginning to the universe. So what was the point, then, in telling us what happened “in the origin”? Is Lawrence simply spinning out myths? The answer is yes: Lawrence is consciously and deliberately expresses his ideas in mythic form.

When Lawrence speaks of a homogeneous life “in the origin” this is a mythic way of speaking of the creative mystery that is the source of all things. In a way, one can say that this is the “origin” of all things. However, the creative mystery has always existed in and through individuals. Because these individuals are all expressions of the creative mystery, they are all one; but the one creative mystery exists only within the many. As Lawrence says, “life” is homogeneous “mathematically,” but not “actually.”

Now, some might charge that the foregoing is merely a facile way of trying to resolve what is quite simply a glaring contradiction in Lawrence’s thought. But this is not the case. Lawrence makes it quite clear, in fact, that he means us to interpret him exactly as I have suggested. In his essay “The Two Principles” Lawrence writes: “When we postulate a beginning, we only do so to fix a starting point for our thought. There never was a beginning, and there never will be an end to the universe. The creative mystery, which is life itself, always was and always will be. It unfolds itself in pure living creatures.”[15]

For Lawrence, existence “begins” with an undifferentiated life force, which then progressively and infinitely individuates itself. Of course, we must remember that Lawrence does not believe in a literal beginning. When this is taken into account, his position comes extremely close to that of Schopenhauer: existence is, at root, an infinite will that never exists as such, purely by itself, but is continually “expressed” through individuals. Lawrence’s account of the course of creation then becomes, in effect, an alchemical ontology giving us the ultimate qualities and categories of being itself—the most fundamental of which are Fire and Water.

Lawrence develops his “creation myth” in Fantasia and in “The Two Principles.” It is complex and obscure, and best set aside for the moment. Instead, I will turn now to another issue, and an important one. We have seen that for Lawrence the purpose of existence itself is individuation: the coming-into-being of individuals of various forms, each unique and, to one degree or another, independent and self-sufficient. But how, in metaphysical terms, can we account of the arising of the individual? Lawrence answers this question with his idiosyncratic theory of the “Holy Ghost.”

Writing of the positive “sun-pole” and negative “moon-pole” in Fantasia, Lawrence states that “Existence is truly a matter of propagation between the two infinities. But it needs a third presence. . . . The hailstone needs a grain of dust for its core. So does the universe. Midway between the two cosmic infinities lies the third, which is more than infinite. This is the Holy Ghost Life, individual life.”[16] Lawrence also speaks of the ‘individual soul” as the “one clue to the universe.”[17] We shall see that the soul and the Holy Ghost are, in a way equivalent.

The Holy Ghost, Lawrence tells us, mediates between dualities. In the language of “The Two Principles” the Holy Ghost is that which “draws together” Fire and Water to produce a new individual. In his essay “The Crown,” Lawrence remarks that every new (living) individual is “a glimpse of the Holy Ghost.”[18] And in “Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine” he writes that “All existence is dual, and surging towards a consummation into being. In the seed of the dandelion, as it floats with its little umbrella of hairs, sits the Holy Ghost in tiny compass. The Holy Ghost is that which holds the light and the dark, the day and the night, the wet and the sunny, united in one little clue. There it sits, in the seed of the dandelion.”[19]

Lawrence’s concept of the Holy Ghost is not unlike Aristotelian entelecheia, or full or completed actuality. It is that for that for the sake of which each thing strives: its end, or, in Lawrence’s terms, its “fullness of being.” The entelecheia of a thing is just the fully-accomplished being or acting of the thing, yet it has the status of an ideality which is, in a sense, logically and ontologically prior to the existence of the thing. This comparison may seem a bit of stretch, so let us consider the following statements Lawrence makes in his essays. In “Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine” he writes,

Any creature that attains to its own fullness of being, its own living self, becomes unique, a nonpareil. It has its place in the fourth dimension, the heaven of existence, and there it is perfect, beyond comparison. . . . At the same time, every creature exists in time and space. And in time and space it exists relatively to all other existence, and can never be absolved. Its existence impinges on other existences, and is itself impinged upon. . . . The force which we call vitality, and which is the determining factor in the struggle for existence is, however, derived also from the fourth dimension. That is to say, the ultimate source of all vitality is in that other dimension, or region, where the dandelion blooms, and which men have called heaven, and which now they call the fourth dimension: which is only a way of saying that it is not to be reckoned in terms of space and time.[20]

dh-lawrence-women-in-love.jpgIn “Him with His Tail in His Mouth” (1925), Lawrence writes “Creation is a fourth dimension, and in it there are all sorts of things, gods and what-not. That brown hen, scratching with her hind leg in such common fashion, is a sort of goddess in the creative dimension.”[21] And in “Morality and the Novel” (1925), Lawrence tells us “By life, we mean something that gleams, that has the fourth-dimensional quality.”[22] Nothing in Lawrence is ever completely clear, but it seems clear enough in these passages that he thinks that living things exist in two ways. In space and time they exist alongside other creatures, and in large measure are what they are in contrast or opposition to those other creatures. In truth, however, their being is located in a realm beyond space and time.

So far, this seems Platonic. However, Lawrence tells us that any creature that attains its own “fullness of being” becomes unique, and “has its place in the fourth dimension.” In other words, being, for Lawrence, is an achievement. When creatures actualize themselves through becoming what they are, this actuality (what Lawrence calls “vitality”), achieved in space-time, partakes of the eternal.[23] Employing Aristotelian terminology to explain these ideas is almost irresistible—but I hope at this point that the reader sees that my use of this terminology is not misuse.

The Holy Ghost is the actuality of each individual living thing, existing “prior” to it, drawing it on to its achieved fullness of being. Lawrence’s statement that in the fourth dimension “there are all sorts of things, gods and what-not” is tantalizing. I take it to support my claims about the Holy Ghost (i.e., that it is a non-spatio-temporal ideality). But Lawrence’s remark about the hen shows very clearly that, as I shall argue more fully later on, each individual thing is itself God or a god insofar as it follows its Holy Ghost and achieves its fullness of being.

As we have seen, the universe for Lawrence tends toward individuation—or, to put it another way, the creative mystery realizes itself through the perpetual blossoming of myriad individuals. “While we live, we are balanced between the flux of life and the flux of death. But the real clue is the Holy Ghost, that moves us into the state of blossoming. And each year the blossoming is different: from the delicate blue speedwells of childhood to the equally delicate, frail farewell flowers of old age: through all the poppies and sunflowers: year after year of difference.”[24] The blossom is the “completed” individual, which is a wholly unique creation; an unrepeatable expression of the creative mystery.

Lawrence tells us that “Blossoming means the establishing of a pure, new relationship with all the cosmos.”[25] According to Lawrence’s fanciful cosmogony, “first” the creative mystery abides as the one existing individual. Yet, in this form, it is simply undifferentiated “life plasm”—and, in truth, it is no individual at all, for it has no other against which it marks itself off as a specific something. The creative mystery then comes to actualization as an individual, not through the introduction of a foreign other, but through “othering itself”: through expressing itself as an infinite plurality of individuals, whose identities mutually determine each other – who are drawn forth from the mystery in blossoming, abide for a while, then die. The residue they leave forms the material out of which other living things are grown, and on which they depend for shelter and sustenance.

That Lawrence is aware that he is formulating an ontology is clear from the language he uses. For example, to repeat a quotation from “Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine,” he states that “The clue to all existence is being. But you can’t have being without existence, any more than you can have the dandelion flower without the leaves and the long tap root.”[26] By “being” Lawrence means “blossoming,” which not only bears a strong similarity to the Aristotelian entelecheia, but also, more generally, to the Greek phusis, mentioned earlier. Existence, on the other hand, refers to the concrete forms through which blossoming takes place: individual flowers, animals, human beings, etc.

Lawrence is telling us that the clue to understanding beings is Being, but that there is no Being without beings. So long as one understands the specific sense Lawrence gives to Being—“blossoming”—these are not vacuous statements. Things exist only insofar as they are, in essential terms, the blossoming forth of an underlying, primal reality—and this underlying, primal reality only exists through the concrete forms of blossoming in terms of which it “specifies” itself.

Unsurprisingly, Lawrence goes on to identify his Holy Ghost with God. To Heideggereans, of course, this means that Lawrence’s ontology slides over into the fallacy of ontotheology, discussed earlier. Lawrence remarks that “The flower is the burning of God in the bush: the flame of the Holy Ghost: the actual Presence of accomplished oneness, accomplished out of twoness. The true God is created every time a pure relationship, or a consummation out of twoness into oneness takes place. So that the poppy flower is God come red out of the poppy-plant.”[27]

In truth, however, this is not ontotheology. Lawrence is in actual fact telling us that there is no separate being called God. If however, what we mean by “God” is simply the most fundamental fact or, we might say, the most fundamental act in the universe, then we may identify God with Being or blossoming as such. Lawrence’s imagery in the above quotation is a particularly brilliant example of both his skills as a writer, and as an interpreter of myth. God is the burning bush—but in truth every bush, every flower, every living thing is the fire of God: the fire of “accomplished oneness.” God, for Lawrence, just is individuation, and God comes into being, in the world, each time a new living individual blossoms forth.

So far I have spoken in general terms of the Holy Ghost as, in effect, an ideality all living things are striving, in Aristotelian fashion, to “realize.” But nothing has been said specifically about the Holy Ghost in us, and our experience of it. In his 1924 essay “On Being Religious,” Lawrence tells us that “Only the Holy Ghost within you can scent the new tracks of the Great God across the Cosmos of Creation. The Holy Ghost is the dark hound of heaven whose baying we ought to listen to, as he runs ahead into the unknown, tracking the mysterious everlasting departing of the Lord God, who is for ever departing from us.”[28]

The Holy Ghost is an “ideality,” in the sense that it is something being striven for, but in the human being it is not the intellect or a part of the intellect. In so far as Aristotle seems to identify the actualization of the human animal with the actualization of its intellect, this is definitely a point on which Lawrence parts company with Aristotle. As I have argued in other essays, for Lawrence the “true self” is not to be identified with the conscious, socially-constructed ego, nor is it to be identified with intellect. In fact, for Lawrence, the Holy Ghost in human beings is more or less the same thing that he calls the true unconscious (see my essay “D. H. Lawrence on the Unconscious [2]”). It is the primal self that knows without abstract concepts, and guides without words and rules. It is this primal self that draws us on to the realization of our “fullness of being.”

Our Holy Ghost is our being—and it is an expression of the ultimate being, the creative mystery. Thus, when Lawrence tells us that “Only the Holy Ghost within you can scent the new tracks of the Great God across the Cosmos of Creation” he means that if we are to identify ourselves with our primal self—if we are able to become, in a sense, just that—then through it we know all of life, all of the universe. Lawrence’s position is, again, structurally similar to that of Schopenhauer. In Schopenhauer’s philosophy, we come to know the will in nature through the will that manifests itself in our deepest self. Indeed, that is the only way in which we may become aware directly of the will as the source of all that is.

“We go in search of God,” Lawrence writes, “following the Holy Ghost, and depending on the Holy Ghost. There is no Way. There is no Word. There is no Light.”[29] Lawrence means that there is no way to God, to awareness of ultimate reality and ultimate goodness, except through following our own Holy Ghost and letting it draw us into blossoming, into fullness of being. In other words, because God just is Being or blossoming, there is no way to God except through each of us becoming what we are.

Words cannot get us there, nor can following a path marked out by others, or a light kindled by others. Each of us is alone before God, and each way to God is individual because God is individuation. Recall the passage quoted earlier: “Creation is a fourth dimension, and in it there are all sorts of things, gods and what-not. That brown hen, scratching with her hind leg in such common fashion, is a sort of goddess in the creative dimension.”[30] In a sense, each living thing is God insofar as it achieves its fullness of being.

Notes

[1] “There is no utterly immaterial existence, no spirit. The distinction is between living plasm and inanimate matter.” Phoenix II, 230 (“The Two Principles”).

[2] Phoenix II, 230 (“The Two Principles”).

[3] Fantasia, 150-51.

[4] Phoenix, 432 (“A Study of Thomas Hardy”).

[5] Selected Letters of D. H. Lawrence, ed. Diana Trilling (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Cudahy, 1958), 10. Note that Schopenhauer does not identity will with God. His is an atheistic philosophy. But Lawrence has already gone beyond Schopenhauer and given a religious dimension to the will doctrine. Also, there is no direct evidence that Lawrence read The World as Will and Representation. However, we do know that he read Schopenhauer’s essays, and that they made a major impact on him.

[6] D. H. Lawrence, Women in Love (New York: Viking Press, 1969), 52.

[7] Ibid., 470.

[8] Phoenix II, 426 (“The Novel”).

[9] D. H. Lawrence, The Man Who Died (New York: Ecco Press, 1994), 17-18.

[10] I capitalize the B in Being to distinguish it from a being, or thing which has Being. In other words, beings (things which are) have Being.

[11] Phoenix II, 470 (“Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine”).

[12] Phoenix, 432 (“A Study of Thomas Hardy”).

[13] Fantasia, 150.

[14] Fantasia, 160.

[15] Phoenix II, 227 (“The Two Principles”).

[16] Fantasia, 158.

[17] Fantasia, 150.

[18] Phoenix II, 396 (“The Crown”).

[19] Phoenix II, 470 (“Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine”).

[20] Phoenix II, 469 (“Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine”).

[21] Phoenix II, 431 (“Him With His Tail in His Mouth”).

[22] Phoenix I, 529 (“Morality and the Novel”).

[23] In “Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine,” Lawrence writes “Being is not ideal, as Plato would have it: nor spiritual. It is a transcendent form of existence, as much material as existence is. Only the matter suddenly enters the fourth dimension” (Phoenix II, 470). I take Lawrence to be expressing here (without realizing it) essentially the Aristotelian alternative to Platonism: the being of the thing is not another “thing” existing in another reality. Instead, in some sense a living thing becomes eternal—becomes fourth-dimensional—in its actualization. At the same time, we may speak of this “actualization” as something transcendent precisely because it is not a spatio-temporal “thing” at all, but something ontologically “prior” to things. Insofar as it is the actualization of some spatio-temporal living thing, however, in another way it is immanent.

[24] Phoenix II, 396 (“The Crown”).

[25] Phoenix II, 471 (“Reflections on the Death of a Porcupine”).

[26] Ibid., 470.

[27] Phoenix II, 412 (“The Crown”).

[28] Phoenix I, 728 (“On Being Religious”).

[29] Ibid., 729.

[30] Phoenix II, 431 (“Him With His Tail in His Mouth”).

 


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URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2013/09/d-h-lawrence-on-the-metaphysics-of-life/

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mardi, 17 septembre 2013

Syrie: la solution Poutine

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EU maakt weg vrij voor geheime bankreddingen met belastinggeld

banken1.jpg

EU maakt weg vrij voor geheime bankreddingen met belastinggeld

'De Duitsers kunnen een groot deel van hun auto-export net zo goed op een boot laden en deze bij Hamburg tot zinken brengen. Dat zou net zoveel opleveren als het verkopen van Audi's in ruil voor schuldbekentenissen (IOU's) van de bankroete (euro)landen.'

De kogel is door de kerk. Waar we al lange tijd voor waarschuwen is nu door het Europese parlement mogelijk gemaakt: banken kunnen, in tegenstelling tot alle eerdere beloftes, voortaan met de miljarden van het Europese Stabilisatie Mechanisme (ESM) worden gered. Bovendien blijven deze 'reddingen' geheim voor het publiek. Brussel heeft hiermee een succesvolle, door de media onopgemerkte greep naar het belastinggeld van de Nederlanders en alle andere Europeanen gedaan.

 

ESM gaat tóch voor banken worden gebruikt

 

'Onze' politici zwijgen er het liefste over als het graf, maar u herinnert zich vast nog wel dat het volk werd verzekerd dat het ESM beslist niet voor het redden van de banken zou worden gebruikt. Rutte, Dijsselbloem en hun Brusselse bazen beloofden dat de lasten in de toekomst op de aandeelhouders, investeerders en banken zelf zouden worden afgewenteld.

 

Loze beloften en holle woorden, zo vreesden critici. Ze blijken gelijk te hebben gehad. Met 556 ja-stemmen, 54 nee-stemmen en 28 onthoudingen is het Europese (schijn-)parlement akkoord gegaan met een compromis over het Europese bankentoezicht. De Europarlementariërs krijgen op papier enkel het recht om uit minstens twee kandidaten het hoofd van de toezichthoudende instelling te kiezen, die twee keer per jaar verantwoording aan het EP moet afleggen. Verder krijgt de chef van de financiële commissie van het EP het recht op een 'niet openbare dialoog' met de hoofd-toezichthouder.

 

Overleg en besluiten blijven geheim

 

Het publiek mag hier echter niet van op de hoogte worden gebracht. Zowel de parlementariërs als de chef van de financiële commissie krijgen geheimhoudingsplicht opgelegd. Als de ECB-raad niet instemt met een besluit van de bankentoezichthouder, dan krijgen enkel ECB-president Draghi en EP-voorzitter Schulz dit te horen. De ECB-raad hoeft echter niet alle besproken zaken aan het parlement mee te delen.

 

Ook de protocollen van de zittingen van de commissie van het bankentoezicht worden geheim gehouden. Het EP krijgt slechts een 'gedetailleerde samenvatting' van wat er besproken is. Onofficiële informatie over de betroffen banken, die de ECB en de toezichthouder niet naar buiten willen brengen, krijgt ook het parlement niet te weten.

 

De reden van de geheimhouding is duidelijk: als bekend wordt welke banken in de problemen verkeren, dan dreigt net als op Cyprus paniek en vervolgens een bankrun te ontstaan.

 

'Meest verstrekkende stap EU ooit'

 

Europarlementariër Sven Giegold (Duitse Groenen), die zich tenminste voor minimale controle had ingezet, spreekt van de 'meest verstrekkende stap die de EU sinds de invoering' heeft genomen. Het Europese bankentoezicht wordt echter dermate vaag en ondoorzichtig opgezet, en het parlement krijgt hierbij een zo'n nietszeggende rol, dat van enige democratische legitimering geen enkele sprake is.

 

Het bankentoezicht betekent niets anders dat Europese banken voortaan uit het met belastinggeld gefinancierde ESM-fonds kunnen worden gered. Nogmaals: het ESM werd uitsluitend opgezet om in problemen geraakt lidstaten te ondersteunen. Het (her)kapitaliseren van de banken werd hierbij uitdrukkelijk uitgesloten.

 

Bankroete landen staan al in de rij

 

Vorig jaar juni besloten de minister van Financiën om het ESM ook voor de banken in te zetten, zogenaamd omdat men niet langer belastinggeld voor deze doeleinden wilde gebruiken. Spanje en Italië drongen het meeste aan op het inzetten van het ESM. Duitsland ging 'onder voorwaarden' akkoord.

 

Die voorwaarden zijn nu vervuld. Het bankentoezicht wordt vanaf de herfst van 2014 actief. Aangezien het Europese parlement al heeft ingestemd, is het onduidelijk of er nu al ESM-gelden naar de banken zullen vloeien, of dat men toch tot de officiële ingangsdatum in 2014 wacht.

 

Hoe dan ook, Griekenland, Ierland, Portugal, Spanje en Slovenië staan al in de rij om hun banken door het ESM -dus wel degelijk met het belastinggeld van de burgers- te laten 'redden', in de hoop het staatsbankroet te kunnen ontlopen. (1)

 

Ergste achter de rug?

 

Media en financiële instellingen, zoals kredietbeoordelaar Moody's, zeggen dan ook dat het ergste voor de banken achter de rug is. ECB-directeur Jörg Asmussen waarschuwde deze week echter dat er nog altijd geen zekerheid is dat we geen tweede 'Lehman Brothers' (het begin van de financiële crisis in 2008) zullen meemaken.

 

De Europese banken bouwen weliswaar hun portefeuilles met Zuid-Europese staatsschulden af, maar als de schuldencrisis zich verergert, zullen er wel degelijk nieuwe belastingmiljarden 'nodig' zijn om de banken overeind te houden. De crisis is daarom nog lang niet voorbij (2), wat EU-Commissiepresident José Manuel Barroso ook moge beweren.

 

Overigens kreeg salonmarxist Barroso deze week opnieuw de wind van voren van de Britse Europarlementariër Nigel Farrage, die hem verantwoordelijk stelde voor 'de ramp die de EU voor de armen en werkelozen' is geworden.

 

'Bezuinigingen zullen dramatisch mislukken'

 

Volgens de onafhankelijke financiële advies- en onderzoeksfirma GaveKal Research pompt de EU feitelijk waardeloze schuldpapieren in de Unie rond, en weet inmiddels niemand meer wie hier uiteindelijk voor moet opdraaien (wij wel: u, ik en alle andere gewone burgers).

 

'Het gevolg (van de grote renteverschillen) is dat de private sector massaal hun leningen verminderen, wat gecompenseerd wordt door een enorme toename van de overheidsuitgaven in onder andere Frankrijk, Italië en Spanje. De logica van dit systeem is inherent in strijd met de begrotingsregels van 'Maastricht', want zolang de rente ver boven de (economische) groei ligt, kunnen bezuinigingen alleen maar dramatisch mislukken.'

 

'Duitsers kunnen hun auto-export net zo goed tot zinken brengen'

 

'Het systeem veroorzaakt onverbiddelijk de vernietiging van de industriële basis in Italië, Frankrijk, Spanje en andere landen,' vervolgt Charles Gave. Dat de Duitse industrie hier nu van profiteert, is tijdelijke schijn. 'De Duitsers kunnen een groot deel van hun auto's net zo goed op een boot laden en deze bij Hamburg tot zinken brengen. Dat zou net zoveel opleveren als het verkopen van Audi's in ruil voor schuldbekentenissen (IOU's) van de bankroete (euro)landen.'

 

Deze IOU's duiken bij de ECB op in de vorm van de op deze site al vaak besproken beruchte, door de politieke doodgezwegen Target-2 balansen. 'Dat betekent dat niemand weet wie er uiteindelijk voor het verlies gaat opdraaien. Het spel gaat dus verder... totdat de soevereine landen binnen en buiten de EU stoppen met het accepteren van dit waardeloze papier.'

 

Crisis niet afgewend, maar versterkt

 

The Hamiltonian constateert dan ook dat de zogenaamde 'afgewende' crisis in werkelijkheid een versterkte crisis is. Het structurele probleem in Europa, het systeem waarin de Europese politieke, bureaucratische, media-, academische en financiële elite onderling met elkaar verbonden is, wordt niet opgelost. De EU stevent dan ook op een permanente Transferunie af, waarin landen zoals Duitsland en Nederland de andere lidstaten met miljarden overeind moeten houden, wat blijvend ten koste van hun eigen welvaart zal gaan.

 

Tenslotte deelde The Hamiltonian ook nog een forse sneer uit naar Barroso: 'Zijn opmerkingen afgelopen avond, dat iedere stap terug van 'Europa' dezelfde omstandigheden zal veroorzaken die leidden tot de Eerste Wereldoorlog, zijn niet alleen belachelijk verkeerd -hij zit er 180 graden naast- maar ronduit obsceen.' (3)

 

Xander

 

(1) Deutsche Wirtschafts Nachrichten
(2) KOPP
(3) Zero Hedge

De Hiroshima à la Syrie

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De Hiroshima à la Syrie, le nom de l’ennemi dont Washington n’ose pas parler

Ex: http://www.mondialisation.ca

Cette fois, c’est la Syrie. La dernière fois c’était l’Irak. Obama a choisi d’accepter l’ensemble du Pentagone issu de l’ère Bush : guerres et crimes de guerre inclus.

Sur mon mur est affiché la première page du Daily Express datée du 5 Septembre 1945 avec les mots : « Ceci est un avertissement au monde entier. » Ainsi commence le témoignage rédigé par Wilfred Burchett depuis Hiroshima. C’était le scoop du siècle. Pour son voyage solitaire et périlleux en défi des autorités d’occupation américaines, Burchett fut cloué au pilori, y compris par ses collègues embarqués. Il avait averti qu’un acte prémédité d’assassinat en masse à une échelle historique venait de marquer le début d’une nouvelle ère de terreur.

A présent, presque chaque jour, les faits lui donnent raison. Le caractère intrinsèquement criminel de la bombe atomique est corroborée par les Archives nationales américaines et les décennies qui ont suivi de militarisme camouflé en démocratie. Le psychodrame Syrien en est une illustration. Et encore une fois, nous sommes pris en otage par la perspective d’un terrorisme dont la nature et l’histoire sont niées y compris par les critiques les plus progressistes. La grande vérité innommable est celle-ci : le plus grand danger pour l’humanité se trouve de l’autre côté de l’Atlantique.

La farce de John Kerry et les pirouettes de Barack Obama sont temporaires. L’accord de paix de la Russie sur les armes chimiques sera, à terme, traité avec le mépris que tous les militaristes réservent à la diplomatie. Avec al-Qaida comptant désormais parmi leurs alliés, et les auteurs du coup d’état armés par les États-Unis fermement aux commandes au Caire, les Etats-Unis ont l’intention d’écraser les derniers états indépendants du Moyen-Orient : d’abord la Syrie, ensuite l’Iran. « Cette opération [en Syrie ] », a déclaré en juin l’ancien ministre français des Affaires étrangères, Roland Dumas, « remonte à loin. Elle a été préparée , pré-conçue et planifiée. »

Lorsque le public est « psychologiquement marqué », comme le journaliste Jonathan Rugman de la chaîneChannel 4 a décrit l’écrasante hostilité du peuple britannique à une attaque contre la Syrie, la suppression de la vérité devient une urgence. Que ce soit Bachar al-Assad ou les « rebelles » qui ont utilisé des gaz dans la banlieue de Damas, il n’en demeure par moins que ce sont bien les États-Unis, et non la Syrie, qui sont les utilisateurs les plus prolifiques au monde de ces armes terribles.

En 1970, le Sénat a rapporté : « Les États-Unis ont déversé sur le Viêt Nam une quantité de produits chimiques toxiques (dioxine) s’élevant à six livres par tête d’habitant. » Ce fut l’opération Hadès, rebaptisée plus tard par un nom plus convivial, Opération Ranch Hand (Ouvrier Agricole) – source de ce que les médecins vietnamiens appellent un « cycle de catastrophes fœtales ». J’ai vu des générations entières d’enfants avec des difformités familières et monstrueuses. John Kerry, dont les propres mains ont été trempées de sang dans cette guerre, s’en souviendra. Je les ai vus en Irak aussi, où les Etats-Unis ont utilisé de l’uranium appauvri et du phosphore blanc, comme l’ont fait les Israéliens à Gaza. Pour eux, aucune “ligne rouge” n’a été tracée par Obama. Pour eux, aucune épreuve de force psychodramatique.

Le débat répétitif et stérile pour savoir si “nous” devons “prendre des mesures” contre les dictateurs sélectionnés (c’est-à-dire applaudir à un nouveau massacre aérien par les États-Unis et leurs acolytes) fait partie de notre lavage de cerveau. Richard Falk, professeur émérite de droit international et rapporteur spécial de l’ONU sur la Palestine, décrit cela comme « un écran moralisateur, à sens unique, légal et moral composé d’images positives, de valeurs occidentales et d’innocence soi-disant menacées, pour justifier une campagne de violence politique illimitée » . Cette idée « est si largement acceptée qu’elle est pratiquement inattaquable ».

C’est ça le plus gros mensonge : le produit de ces « progressistes réalistes » des milieux politiques, de l’éducation et des médias anglo-américains qui se considèrent comme les gestionnaires mondiaux des crises plutôt que comme la cause de ces crises. En ôtant à l’humanité l’étude des nations et en la figeant avec un jargon qui sert les intérêts des puissances occidentales, ils désignent les états « voyous », « maléfiques », « en faillite » en vue d’une « intervention humanitaire ».

Une attaque contre la Syrie ou l’Iran ou tout autre « démon » américain s’appuierait sur une variante à la mode, la « Responsabilité de Protéger », ou R2P – dont le lutrin-trotter fanatique est l’ancien ministre des Affaires étrangères australien Gareth Evans, co- président d’un “centre global” basé à New York. Evans et ses lobbyistes généreusement financés jouent un rôle de propagande vital pour exhorter la « communauté internationale » à attaquer des pays où « le Conseil de sécurité rejette une proposition ou ne parvient pas à la traiter dans un délai raisonnable ».

Evans existe en chair et en os. On peut le voir dans mon documentaire de 1994, « Death of a Nation », qui a révélé l’ampleur du génocide au Timor oriental. L’homme souriant de Canberra lève son verre de champagne pour porter un toast à son homologue indonésien alors qu’ils survolent le Timor oriental dans un avion australien, après avoir signé un traité pour piller le pétrole et le gaz du pays sinistré où le tyran Suharto avait assassiné ou tué par la faim un tiers de la population.

Sous la présidence « molle » d’Obama, le militarisme a augmenté peut-être comme jamais auparavant. Sans la présence d’un seul blindé sur la pelouse de la Maison Blanche, un coup d’Etat militaire a eu lieu à Washington. En 2008, alors que ses fidèles partisans séchaient encore leurs larmes de joie, Obama a accepté la totalité du Pentagone laissé par son prédécesseur, George Bush : guerres et crimes de guerre inclus. Tandis que la Constitution est progressivement remplacée par un état policier, ceux qui ont détruit l’Irak avec choc et l’effroi, qui ont transformé l’Afghanistan en un amas de ruines et la Libye à un cauchemar hobbesien, sont toujours omniprésents dans l’administration américaine. Derrière les façades enrubannées, le nombre d’anciens soldats américains qui se suicident est supérieur à celui des soldats morts sur les champs de bataille. L’année dernière, 6500 anciens combattants se sont suicidés. Sortez encore quelques drapeaux.

L’historien Norman Pollack appelle cela le « fascisme progressiste » (liberal-fascism) : « Les marcheurs au pas de l’oie ont été remplacés par une militarisation totale de la culture, apparemment plus anodine. Et à la place du leader grandiloquent, nous avons un réformateur raté joyeusement à l’oeuvre, planifiant les assassinats et arborant en permanence un sourire. » Chaque mardi, l’« humanitaire » Obama supervise personnellement un réseau terroriste mondial de drones qui « écrasent comme des insectes » des êtres humains et leurs proches ainsi que les sauveteurs. (*) Dans les zones de confort de l’Occident, le premier dirigeant noir surgi de la terre de l’esclavage est toujours bien dans sa peau, comme si son existence même constituait une avancée sociale, sans considération pour la trainée de sang qu’il laisse derrière lui. Cet hommage à un symbole a pratiquement détruit le mouvement anti-guerre américain – l’unique succès d’Obama.

En Grande-Bretagne, la politique de distraction par de faux images et de fausses identités politiques n’a pas tout à fait réussi. Une agitation est née, mais les gens de conscience devraient se dépêcher. Les juges à Nuremberg ont été clairs : « Les citoyens ont le devoir d’enfreindre les lois nationales pour prévenir les crimes contre la paix et l’humanité. » Les gens ordinaires de la Syrie, et d’innombrables autres, et même notre amour-propre, ne méritent désormais rien de moins.

John Pilger

http://johnpilger.com 

Article original :

From Hiroshima to Syria, The Enemy Whose Name We Dare Not Speak, 10 septembre 2013

Traduction par VD pour Le Grand Soir 

(*) Explications ici :

David Petraeus aurait commis des crimes beaucoup plus graves en Afghanistan

Alors que l’ancien directeur de la CIA, David Petraeus n’en a pas fini avec son affaire extra-conjugale, certains voudraient qu’il réponde à des crimes beaucoup plus graves.

Il est prouvé que le général Petraeus, quand il commandait les forces américaines en Afghanistan, a supervisé le bombardement intentionnel de funérailles et de sauveteurs civils avec des drones, ce qui constitue un crime de guerre selon la Cour pénale internationale.

Pendant des années, le Bureau of Investigative Journalism ( TBIJ ) a fait état de l’utilisation de la technique de double frappe – une stratégie utilisée par les terroristes qui implique la frappe d’une cible à plusieurs reprises consécutives et rapprochées afin de maximiser les dégâts – et il n’y a des cas documentés que Petraeus a employé cette tactique en tant que directeur de la CIA .

En Septembre, les écoles de droit de NYU et Standford ont publié un rapport détaillant la manière dont les double-frappes affectent la population pakistanaise, soulignant que plusieurs professeurs de droit international ont dit que « les frappes intentionnelles sur les sauveteurs peuvent constituer des crimes de guerre. »

La CIA a utilisé la tactique au Pakistan et en Afghanistan en mai et juin de cette année, et le meurtre d’un travailleur de la Croix-Rouge, au Yémen, (…) est l’exemple même d’une exécution extrajudiciaire.

Mais est-ce que Petraeus ira en procès pour avoir employé cette tactique ? Tout comme pour les accusations de torture supervisée par l’administration Bush, il est probable que non.

Néanmoins, le général quatre étoiles à la retraite pourrait se retrouver devant une cour martiale s’il a effectivement entamé une liaison extra-conjugale avec Paula Broadwell alors qu’il était encore en service actif dans l’armée, car l’adultère est formellement interdit en vertu du Code Militaire.

(…)

http://www.businessinsider.com/david-petraeus-may-have-committed-much-…

Turkey’s Islamists and the military

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Turkey’s Islamists and the military

Youri Kirillov
Ex: http://journal-neo.org

A trial of a group of the former military has started in Turkey. They are accused of the overthrow, in the course of the bloodless coup in 1997, of the Islamist government led by Prime Minister N. Erbakan’s Refah Partisi (Welfare Party). Later, it was banned by the country’s Constitutional Court for the activities of the “anti-secular nature”.

The Justice and Development Party (JDP) – the Islamist party which has been ruling the country since 2002 – originated from Refah Partisi. One of its founders – present Prime Minister Erdoğan – received the relay baton from the hands of his teacher Erbakan.

The trial process, which reminds us of who governs politics in Turkey today, continues the sequence of trials of the military. They include the Ergenekon case, which took place only a month ago, a conspiracy against the government, the imprisonment verdicts issued earlier to more than 300 military for preparing terrorist acts aimed at destabilisation.

In fact, this is the echo of the confrontation between the Islamists and the Turkish army, which, for a long time, considered itself to be the successor of Kemal Ataturk – the founder of secular Turkey.

Although the current process is Turkey’s internal matter, its regional subtext should not be disregarded in the context of the ongoing turbulent Arab Spring near Turkey.

After the Islamists’ success (which was unexpected for many) at the elections in Egypt and Tunisia, as well as the deepening of the crisis in Syria, prospects have emerged for these forces to strengthen their positions at the centre of power, in place of the former elites. A number of Arab political forces, especially the Muslim Brotherhood and similar groups, have focused their attention on the development experience according to the Turkish model. These trends, obviously, appealed to the JDP’s leadership and increasingly inspired them for political involvement, and not only that, in the internal affairs of the countries undergoing the “Arab awakening”.They have revived the long-cherished dreams of Ankara’s Islamist elite to obtain the status of the leader or “big brother” in the Arab-Muslim region.

However, as the subsequent events of the Spring have shown, the leadership of the Islamist parties in Egypt and Tunisia turned out to be incapable to put an end to the post-revolutionary turmoil. Their rule just exacerbated the existing problems in all aspects, and in the field of security in particular.

In Syria, the anti-government opposition was joined, under the mask of the revolution, by the most militant elements of the international terrorist forces.

As a result of the perturbations and the overall imbalance of the situation in the region, the system of economic relations established by Turkey with a number of Arab countries during the rule of the authoritarian leaders, has been shaken. Ankara suffered damage economically and financially due to the internal war and overthrow of Gaddafi in Libya, which used to be one of the strongholds of Turkey’s entrepreneurship in the Arab world. There were about 30,000 Turks here engaged in the implementation of projects worth $15 billion dollars.

The Ankara–Syria relations – once friendly and mutually beneficial for both countries – now have been knocked out. Bilateral trade was growing rapidly, the visa regime was removed, but Ankara’s withdrawal from this trajectory in 2011 shook the cooperation structure like an earthquake.

In addition to the expenses for the support of rebels, the Turkish authorities had to provide shelter to more than 400,000 Syrian refugees. The presence of so many people is fraught with the destabilisation of normal life in the region, which leads to dissatisfaction among the local population.

Experts are warning that the rebellion in Syria fomented with Turkey’s help can have a boomerang-like effect on Turkey itself, and the Syrian religious war will spill into Turkey.

Turkey’s regional geopolitical ambitions were challenged by the overthrow of President Mohamed Morsi in Egypt as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood had been considered by Ankara as one of the most important partners.

Ankara’s relations with Egypt began to show signs of strain after Turkey’s leadership condemned the rise of the military in Egypt and the overthrow of Morsi. Cairo responded with an official protest to the interference in its internal affairs.

A very subdued reaction to the coup in Egypt from the West (especially from Turkey’s close ally – the US), the support for the Egyptian military on the part of Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf monarchies increased Erdoğan’s concerns about the military, interprets Atilla Yesilada, political analyst at Global Source Partners, Istanbul.

There is no denying that Turkey has outpaced the Arab world in terms of the level of the secularisation of society. Today, when in a number of the Spring countries there is a growing divide in society and an increasing confrontation between the Islamists, who came to power on the protest wave, and the liberal pro-secular forces, logically Ankara should side with the latter.

However, in reality, its authorities, following their narrow party interests, are playing into the hands of those forces in the Arab countries which, by striking the Islamist chords, are pulling their countries back.

Yuri Kirillov, an expert on the Middle East and North Africa, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

LA GEOPOLITICA DELLE LINGUE

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Claudio MUTTI

LA GEOPOLITICA DELLE LINGUE

Ex: http://www.eurasia-rivista.org

Sommario del numero XXXI (3-2013 [1])
 

“In queste condizioni, vi possono essere soltanto

lingue vincitrici e lingue vinte”

(J. V. Stalin, Al compagno Kholopov, 28 luglio 1950)

Lingua e Impero

Se il termine geolinguistica non fosse già utilizzato dai glottologi per significare la geografia linguistica o linguistica areale, ossia lo studio della diffusione geografica dei fenomeni linguistici, lo si potrebbe impiegare per indicare la geopolitica delle lingue, cioè il ruolo del fattore linguistico nel rapporto tra lo spazio fisico e lo spazio politico. A suggerire questa possibilità non è solo l’esistenza di analoghi composti nominali, come geostoria, geofilosofia, geoeconomia, ma anche la relazione della geopolitica delle lingue con una disciplina designata da uno di tali termini: la geostrategia.

La lengua es compañera del imperio“: il nesso tra egemonia linguistica ed egemonia politico-militare, così icasticamente rappresentato dal grammatico e lessicografo Elio Antonio de Nebrija (1441-1522), sottende la definizione che il Maresciallo di Francia Louis Lyautey (1854-1934) diede della lingua: “un dialetto che ha un esercito e una marina”. Al medesimo ordine di idee si ispira il generale Jordis von Lohausen (1907-2002), allorché prescrive che “la politica linguistica venga messa sullo stesso piano della politica militare” ed afferma che “i libri in lingua originale svolgono all’estero un ruolo talvolta più importante di quello dei cannoni”1. Secondo il geopolitico austriaco, infatti, “la diffusione d’una lingua è più importante d’ogni altra espansione, poiché la spada può solo delimitare il territorio e l’economia sfruttarlo, ma la lingua conserva e riempie il territorio conquistato”2. È questo, d’altronde, il senso della celebre frase di Anton Zischka (1904-1997): “Preferiamo i professori di lingue ai militari”.

L’affermazione del generale von Lohausen potrebbe essere illustrata da una vasta gamma di esempi storici, a partire dal caso dell’Impero romano, che tra i suoi fattori di potenza ebbe la diffusione del latino: una parlata contadina che con lo sviluppo politico di Roma diventò, in concorrenza col greco, la seconda lingua del mondo antico, usata dai popoli dell’Impero non perché costretti, ma perché indotti a ciò dal prestigio di Roma. Da principio il latino servì alle popolazioni assoggettate per comunicare coi soldati, i funzionari e i coloni; in seguito diventò il segno distintivo della comunità romana.

Tuttavia allo spazio imperiale romano, che per mezzo millennio costituì un’unica patria per le diversae gentes comprese tra l’Atlantico e la Mesopotamia e la Britannia e la Libia, non corrispose un’unica lingua: il processo di latinizzazione fu più lento e difficile quando i Romani si trovarono a contatto coi territori in cui si parlava la lingua greca, espressione e veicolo di una cultura che godeva, negli ambienti della stessa élite romana, di un prestigio superiore. Quello romano fu dunque in sostanza un impero bilingue: il latino e il greco, in quanto lingue della politica, della legge e dell’esercito, oltre che delle lettere, della filosofia e delle religioni, svolgevano una funzione sovranazionale, alla quale gli idiomi locali dell’ecumene imperiale non potevano adempiere.

Sicuramente è pressoché impossibile separare con una netta linea di confine il dominio del latino e quello del greco all’interno dell’Impero romano; nondimeno possiamo affermare che la divisione dell’Impero in due parti e la successiva scissione avvennero lungo una linea di demarcazione coincidente grosso modo col confine linguistico, che tagliava a metà sia i territori europei sia quelli nordafricani. In Libia, è proprio lungo questa linea che si è recentemente prodotta la frattura che ha separato di nuovo la Tripolitania dalla Cirenaica.

In seguito la carta linguistica dell’Europa ci presenta una situazione che Dante descrive identificando tre distinte aree: quella del mondo germanico, in cui fa rientrare anche Slavi e Ungheresi, quella di lingua greca, quella degl’idiomi neolatini3; all’interno di quest’ultima egli può ulteriormente distinguere le tre unità particolari di provenzale (lingua d’oc), francese (lingua d’oil) e italiano (lingua del ). Ma Dante è ben lungi dall’usare l’argomento della frammentazione linguistica per sostenere la frammentazione politica; anzi, egli è convinto che solo la restaurazione dell’unità imperiale potrebbe far sì che l’Italia, “il bel paese là dove il sì suona”4, torni ad essere “il giardin dello ‘mperio”5. E l’impero ha la sua lingua, il latino, poiché, come dice lo stesso Dante, “lo latino è perpetuo e non corruttibile, e lo volgare è non stabile e corruttibile”6.

In un’Europa linguisticamente frammentata, che il Sacro Romano Impero vorrebbe ricostituire in unità politica, una potente funzione unitaria è svolta proprio dal latino: non tanto dal sermo vulgaris, quanto dalla lingua di cultura della res publica clericorum. Questo “latino scolastico”, se vogliamo indicarne la dimensione geopolitica, “è stato il portatore per tutta l’Europa, ed anche fuori, della civiltà latina e cristiana: confermandola, come nelle Spagne, nell’Africa (…), nelle Gallie; o acquisendo ad essa zone nuove o appena sfiorate dalla civiltà romana: la Germania, l’Inghilterra, l’Irlanda, per non parlare poi anche di paesi nordici e slavi”7.

Le grandi aree linguistiche

Fra tutti gl’idiomi neolatini, l’espansione maggiore è stata raggiunta dalla lengua castellana. In seguito alla bolla di Alessandro VI, che nel 1493 divise il nuovo mondo tra Spagnoli e Portoghesi, il castigliano si impose nelle colonie appartenute alla Spagna, dal Messico fino alla Terra del Fuoco; ma anche dopo l’emancipazione i singoli Stati sorti sulle rovine dell’Impero delle Americhe mantennero il castigliano come lingua nazionale, ragion per cui l’America latina possiede una relativa unità culturale e il dominio linguistico spagnolo si estende anche ad una parte del territorio statunitense.

Per quanto riguarda il dominio dell’altra lingua iberica, a testimoniare l’estensione dell’area coloniale che in altri tempi appartenne al Portogallo basterebbe il fatto che l’idioma di Camões è “la lingua romanza che ha dato origine al maggior numero di varietà creole, per quanto alcune siano estinte o in via di estinzione”8: da Goa a Ceylon, a Macao, a Giava, alla Malacca, a Capo Verde, alla Guinea. Tra gli Stati che hanno raccolto l’eredità lusofona, si impone oggi il Paese emergente rappresentato dall’iniziale dell’acronimo BRICS: il Brasile, coi suoi duecento milioni di abitanti, a fronte dei dieci milioni e mezzo che vivono nell’antica madrepatria europea.

L’espansione extraeuropea del francese come lingua nazionale, invece, è stata inferiore a quella che esso ha avuto come lingua di cultura e di comunicazione. Infatti, se il francese è la quinta lingua più parlata nel mondo per numero di locutori (circa duecentocinquanta milioni) ed è la seconda più insegnata come lingua straniera, si trova invece al nono posto per numero di madrelingua (circa settanta milioni; circa centotrenta se si aggiungono anche gl’individui bilingui). In ogni caso, è l’unica lingua a trovarsi diffusa, come lingua ufficiale, in tutti i continenti: è lingua di scambio in Africa, il continente che annovera il maggior numero di entità statali (più d’una ventina) in cui il francese è lingua ufficiale; è la terza lingua nell’America del Nord; è usata anche nell’Oceano Indiano e nel Pacifico meridionale. Gli Stati e i governi che a vario titolo hanno in comune l’uso del francese sono raggruppati nell’Organizzazione Internazionale della Francofonia (OIF), fondata il 20 marzo 1970 con la Convenzione di Niamey.

Eminentemente eurasiatica è l’area d’espansione del russo, lingua comune e ufficiale di uno Stato multinazionale che, pur nel succedersi di fasi storiche e politiche che ne hanno cambiato la dimensione territoriale, rimane il più esteso sulla faccia della terra. Se nel periodo sovietico il russo poteva essere glorificato come “lo strumento della civiltà più avanzata, della civiltà socialista, della scienza progressista, la lingua della pace e del progresso (…) lingua grande, ricca e potente (…) strumento della civiltà più avanzata del mondo”9 e in quanto tale reso obbligatorio nell’insegnamento dei paesi dell’Europa orientale, dopo il 1991 esso gode di un diverso statuto in ciascuno degli Stati successori dell’Unione Sovietica. Nella Federazione Russa, la Costituzione del 1992 sancisce il diritto di ogni cittadino alla propria appartenenza nazionale ed all’uso della lingua corrispondente ed inoltre garantisce a ciascuna Repubblica la facoltà di avvalersi, accanto alla lingua ufficiale russa, delle lingue delle nazionalità che la costituiscono.

Se il russo è al primo posto per l’estensione del territorio dello Stato del quale esso è lingua ufficiale, il cinese detiene la preminenza per il numero dei parlanti. Usato attualmente da circa un miliardo e trecento milioni di persone, il cinese si presenta fin dall’antichità come un insieme di varianti che rendono alquanto problematica l’applicazione del termine dialetto; fra tutte primeggia il mandarino, un gruppo grande e variegato che a sua volta si distingue in mandarino del Nord, dell’Ovest e del Sud. Il mandarino del Nord, che ha il suo centro a Pechino, è stato preso a modello per la lingua ufficiale (tōnghuà, letteralmente “lingua comune”), parlata come lingua madre da più di ottocento milioni di persone. Ufficialmente la popolazione della Repubblica Popolare Cinese, che nella sua Costituzione si definisce “Stato plurinazionale unitario”, consta di cinquantasei nazionalità (minzu), ciascuna delle quali usa la propria lingua; fra queste, la più numerosa è quella han (92% della popolazione), mentre le altre cinquantacinque, che costituiscono il restante 8%, “parlano almeno sessantaquattro lingue, di cui ventisei hanno una forma scritta e sono insegnate nelle scuole elementari”10.

L’hindi e l’urdu, che possono essere considerati continuazioni del sanscrito, sono le lingue predominanti nel subcontinente indiano, dove dieci Stati dell’Unione Indiana costituiscono la cosiddetta “cintura hindi” e dove l’urdu è lingua ufficiale del Pakistan. La differenza più evidente tra queste due lingue consiste nel fatto che la prima si serve della scrittura devanagari, mentre la seconda fa uso dell’alfabeto arabo; sul piano lessicale, l’hindi ha recuperato una certa quantità di elementi sanscriti, mentre l’urdu ha incorporato molti termini persiani. Per quando riguarda in particolare l’hindi, si potrebbe dire che esso ha svolto nel subcontinente indiano una funzione analoga a quella del mandarino in Cina, poiché, formatosi sulla base di un dialetto parlato nelle vicinanze di Delhi (il khari boli), insieme con l’inglese è diventato, fra le ventidue lingue citate nella Costituzione indiana, la lingua ufficiale dell’Unione.  

L’arabo, veicolo della rivelazione coranica, con l’espansione dell’Islam si è diffuso ben al di fuori dei suoi confini originari: dall’Arabia al Nordafrica, dalla Mesopotamia alla Spagna. Caratterizzato da una notevole ricchezza di forme grammaticali e da finezze di rapporti sintattici, incline ad arricchire il proprio lessico attingendo vocaboli da dialetti e da lingue straniere, l’arabo prestò il proprio sistema alfabetico a lingue appartenenti ad altre famiglie, quali il persiano, il turco, l’urdu; codificato dai grammatici e divenuto lingua dotta del dâr al-islâm, si sostituì al siriaco, al copto, ai dialetti berberi; arricchì con numerosi prestiti il persiano, il turco, le lingue indiane, il malese, le lingue iberiche; come strumento di filosofia e di scienza, influenzò le lingue europee quando i califfati di Bagdad e di Cordova costituivano i maggiori centri di cultura ai quali poteva attingere l’Europa cristiana. Oggi l’arabo è in diversa misura conosciuto, studiato ed usato, in quanto lingua sacra e di pratica rituale, nell’ambito di una comunità che oltrepassa il miliardo di anime. Come lingua madre, esso appartiene a circa duecentocinquanta milioni di individui, stanziati su un’area politicamente frazionata che dal Marocco e dalla Mauritania si estende fino al Sudan ed alla Penisola araba. A tale denominatore linguistico si sono richiamati i progetti di unità della nazione araba formulati nel secolo scorso: “Arabo è colui la cui lingua è l’arabo”11 si legge ad esempio nello statuto del Baath.  

La lingua dell’imperialismo statunitense

In tutta la prima metà del Novecento, la lingua straniera più conosciuta nell’Europa continentale era il francese. Per quanto riguarda in particolare l’Italia, “solo nel 1918 vennero istituite cattedre universitarie di inglese ed alla stessa data risale la fondazione dell’Istituto britannico di Firenze, che, con la sua biblioteca e i suoi corsi linguistici, divenne ben presto il centro più importante di diffusione appunto della lingua inglese a livello universitario”12. Alla Conferenza di pace dell’anno successivo gli Stati Uniti, che si erano ormai introdotti nello spazio europeo, imposero per la prima volta l’inglese – accanto al francese – quale lingua diplomatica. Ma a determinare il decisivo sorpasso del francese da parte dell’inglese fu l’esito della seconda guerra mondiale, che comportò la penetrazione della “cultura” angloamericana in tutta l’Europa occidentale. Dell’importanza rivestita dal fattore linguistico in una strategia di dominio politico non era d’altronde inconsapevole lo stesso Sir Winston Churchill, che il 6 settembre 1943 dichiarò esplicitamente: “Il potere di dominare la lingua di un popolo offre guadagni di gran lunga superiori che non togliergli province e territori o schiacciarlo con lo sfruttamento. Gl’imperi del futuro sono quelli della mente”. Con la caduta dell’Unione Sovietica, nell’Europa centro-orientale “liberata” l’inglese non solo ha scalzato il russo, ma ha anche soppiantato in larga misura il tedesco, il francese e l’italiano, che prima vi avevano un’ampia circolazione. D’altronde, l’egemonia dell’inglese nella comunicazione internazionale si è ulteriormente consolidata nella fase più intensa della globalizzazione.

Così i teorici angloamericani del mondo globalizzato hanno potuto elaborare, basandosi sul peso geopolitico esercitato dalla lingua inglese, il concetto di “Anglosfera”, definito dal giornalista Andrew Sullivan come “l’idea di un gruppo di paesi in espansione che condividono principi fondamentali: l’individualismo, la supremazia della legge, il rispetto dei contratti e degli accordi e il riconoscimento della libertà come valore politico e culturale primario”13. Pare che ad introdurre il termine “Anglosfera” sia stato nel 2000 uno scrittore americano, James C. Bennett; a suo parere “i paesi di lingua inglese guideranno il mondo nel XXI secolo” (Why the English-Speaking Nations Will Lead the Way in the Twenty-First Century è il sottotitolo del suo libro The Anglosphere Challenge), poiché l’attuale sistema degli Stati è condannato a crollare sotto i colpi del cyberspazio anglofono e dell’ideologia liberale. Lo storico Andrew Roberts, continuatore dell’opera storiografica di Churchill con A History of the English Speaking Peoples since 1900, sostiene che il predominio dell’Anglosfera è dovuto alla lotta dei paesi anglofoni contro le epifanie del Fascismo (ossia – sic – “la Germania guglielmina, il nazismo, il comunismo e l’islamismo”), in difesa delle istituzioni rappresentative e del libero mercato.

Meno ideologica la tesi dello storico John Laughland, secondo il quale “l’importanza geopolitica della lingua inglese è (…) rilevante solo in funzione della potenza geopolitica dei paesi anglofoni. Potrebbe essere uno strumento da questi usato per rafforzare la loro influenza, ma non è una fonte indipendente di quest’ultima, perlomeno non della potenza militare”14. La lingua, conclude Laughland, può rispecchiare la potenza politica, ma non la può creare.

In questo caso la verità sta nel mezzo. È vero che l’importanza di una lingua dipende – spesso ma non sempre – dalla potenza politica, militare ed economica del paese che la parla; è vero che sono le sconfitte geopolitiche a comportare quelle linguistiche; è vero che “l’inglese avanza a detrimento del francese perché gli Stati Uniti attualmente restano più potenti di quanto non lo siano i paesi europei, i quali accettano che sia consacrata come lingua internazionale una lingua che non appartiene a nessun paese dell’Europa continentale”15. Tuttavia esiste anche una verità complementare: la diffusione internazionale di una lingua, contribuendo ad aumentare il prestigio del paese corrispondente, ne aumenta l’influenza culturale ed eventualmente quella politica (un concetto, questo, che pochi riescono ad esprimere senza fare ricorso all’anglicismo soft power); a maggior ragione, il predominio di una lingua nella comunicazione internazionale conferisce un potere egemone al più potente fra i paesi che la parlano come lingua madre.

Per quanto concerne l’attuale diffusione dell’inglese, “lingua della rete, della diplomazia, della guerra, delle transazioni finanziarie e dell’innovazione tecnologica, non vi è dubbio: questo stato di cose regala ai popoli di lingua inglese un incomparabile vantaggio e a tutti gli altri un considerevole svantaggio”16. Come spiega meno diplomaticamente il generale von Lohausen, il vantaggio che gli Stati Uniti hanno ricavato dall’anglofonia “è stato uguale per i loro commercianti e per i loro tecnici, per i loro scienziati e i loro scrittori, i loro uomini politici e i loro diplomatici. Più l’inglese è parlato nel mondo, più l’America può avvantaggiarsi della forza creativa straniera, attirando a sé, senza incontrare ostacoli, le idee, gli scritti, le invenzioni altrui. Coloro la cui lingua materna è universale, posseggono un’evidente superiorità. Il finanziamento accordato all’espansione di questa lingua ritorna centuplicato alla sua fonte”17.

langues1.jpg

Quale lingua per l’Europa?

Nei secoli XVI e XVII, dopo che la pace di Cateau Cambrésis (1559) ebbe sancito la dominazione spagnola in Italia, la lingua castigliana, oltre ad essere usata dalle cancellerie di Milano e di Napoli, si diffuse nel mondo della politica e delle lettere. Il numero delle voci italiane (e dialettali) nate in quel periodo per effetto dell’influsso spagnolo è elevatissimo18. Tra tutti questi ispanismi, però, alcuni furono usati solo in maniera occasionale e non si possono considerare come entrati nell’uso generale; altri ebbero vita effimera e scomparvero senza lasciar traccia; solo una minoranza entrò stabilmente a far parte del vocabolario italiano. In seguito alla pace di Utrecht (1713), che segnò la fine dell’egemonia spagnola nella penisola, l’influenza del castigliano sulla lingua italiana “è stata di gran lunga inferiore a quello dei secoli precedenti”19.

È lecito supporre che nemmeno il colonialismo culturale d’espressione angloamericana debba durare per l’eternità; anzi, alcuni linguisti già prevedono che all’odierna fase di predominio anglofono seguirà una fase di decadenza20. Essendo legato all’egemonia imperialistica statunitense, il predominio dell’inglese è destinato a risentire in maniera decisiva della transizione dallo stadio unipolare a quello multipolare, per cui lo scenario che la geopolitica delle lingue può ragionevolmente prefigurare è quello di un mondo articolato secondo il multipolarismo delle aree linguistiche.

Diversamente dal continente americano, che presenta una netta ripartizione tra il blocco anglofono del nord e quello ispanofono e lusofono della parte centrale e meridionale, l’Eurasia è il continente della frammentazione linguistica. Accanto ai grandi spazi rappresentati dalla Russia, dalla Cina o dall’India, relativamente omogenei sotto il profilo linguistico, abbiamo uno spazio europeo caratterizzato da una situazione di accentuato multilinguismo.

Perciò sarebbe stato logico che i fondatori della Comunità Economica Europea, se proprio volevano rifiutare una soluzione monolinguistica, adottassero come lingue ufficiali, tra quelle dei Paesi aderenti, le due o tre più parlate nell’area; magari scegliendo, in previsione dei successivi allargamenti della CEE, una terna di lingue che rappresentassero le tre principali famiglie presenti in Europa: la germanica, la romanza e la slava. Invece l’art. 1 del regolamento emanato nel 1958 indicò ben quattro lingue (francese, italiano, tedesco e olandese) come “lingue ufficiali e lingue di lavoro delle istituzioni della Comunità”, col risultato che le “lingue di lavoro” sono oggi praticamente tre: francese, tedesco e inglese.

Il fallimento dell’Unione Europea impone di sottoporre a radicale revisione il progetto europeista e di rifondare su nuove basi l’edificio politico europeo. La nuova classe politica che sarà chiamata ad affrontare questo compito storico non potrà più eludere un problema fondamentale come quello della lingua.

1. Jordis von Lohausen, Les empires et la puissance, Editions du Labyrinthe, Arpajon 1996, p. 49.

2. Jordis von Lohausen, ibidem.

3. De vulgari eloquentia, VIII, 3-6.

4. Dante, Inf. XXXIII, 80.

5. Dante, Purg. VI, 105.

6. Dante, Convivio, I, 5.

7. Luigi Alfonsi, La letteratura latina medievale, Accademia, Milano 1988, p. 11.

8. Carlo Tagliavini, Le origini delle lingue neolatine, Pàtron, Bologna 1982, p. 202.

9. “Voprosy Filozofij”, 2, 1949, cit. in: Lucien Laurat, Stalin, la linguistica e l’imperialismo russo, Graphos, Genova 1995, p. 52.

10. Roland Breton, Atlante mondiale delle lingue, Vallardi, Milano 2010, p. 34.

11. Michel ‘Aflaq, La resurrezione degli Arabi, Edizioni all’insegna del Veltro, Parma 2011, p. 54.

12. I. Baldelli, in Bruno Migliorini – Ignazio Baldelli, Breve storia della lingua italiana, Sansoni, Firenze 1972, p. 331.

13. Andrew Sullivan, Come on in: The Anglosphere is freedom’s new home, “The Sunday Times”, 2 febbraio 2003.

14. John Laughland, L’Anglosfera non esiste, “I quaderni speciali di Limes”, a. 2, n. 3, p. 178.

15. Alain de Benoist, Non à l’hégémonie de l’anglais d’aéroport!, voxnr.com, 27 maggio 2013.

16. Sergio Romano, Funzione mondiale dell’inglese. Troppo utile per combatterla, “Corriere della Sera”, 28 ottobre 2012.

17. Jordis von Lohausen, ibidem.

18. Gian Luigi Beccaria, Spagnolo e Spagnoli in Italia. Riflessi ispanici sulla lingua italiana del Cinque e del Seicento, Giappichelli, Torino 1968.

19. Paolo Zolli, Le parole straniere, Zanichelli, Bologna 1976, p. 76.

20. Nicholas Ostler, The Last Lingua Franca: English Until the Return of Babel, Allen Lane, London 2010.

 


 

Article printed from eurasia-rivista.org: http://www.eurasia-rivista.org

 

URL to article: http://www.eurasia-rivista.org/la-geopolitica-delle-lingue-2/20017/

lundi, 16 septembre 2013

L’Europa non ha difesa, ma a nessuno importa

L’Europa non ha difesa, ma a nessuno importa

Lorenzo Centini

Ex: http://www.statopotenza.it

135965939

 

E’ un paradosso esiziale, o piuttosto dadaista, che in questi anni vocianti, in cui tutti si sono sentiti in dovere di esprimere giudizi sull’integrazione europea, nessuno abbia speso metà della propria energia culturale per farsi una domanda importante: “Ma l’Europa Unita, come si difende?”.


Probabilmente la Storia sarà inclemente con questa Unione zoppa e troppo improvvisata, fatta di distillatori portoghesi e taglialegna scandinavi, ma noi che ci troviamo a viverla, questa anomalia, abbiamo l’obbligo di sforzarci per rispondere ad alcune domande. Quella suddetta non è di secondaria importanza.


E’ assolutamente intuitivo che qualsiasi organismo nazionale o sovranazionale con tendenze direttive organiche abbia bisogno di una forza, se non altro di difesa. Finiti i tempi delle vacche grasse in cui ONU era un imperativo e i trattati erano tutti categorici e vincolanti ab aeternum, per giocare un ruolo importante nei destini del mondo, come L’Europa può ancora tentare di fare, è necessario avere a disposizione una salda forza militare, moderna e rapida, per poterla adoperare nello scontro diplomatico, come fiches o come spauracchio.
Al momento qualsiasi vaga forza millitare paneruopea è racchiusa nella PESC (politica estera e di sicurezza comune), una serie di direttive intermittenti decise in cicliche riunioni dei ministri degli esteri comunitari. Tuttavia tale forza non è costituita in modo continuo e gestita direttamente da un capo maggiore europeo, nominato od eletto, ma consiste in frammentarie alleanze a geometria variabilissima che, di volta in volta, vengono promosse per rispondere a questioni di sicurezza presentate come “comuni”.


Tale metodo, come si può evincere, non ha quasi mai funzionato. Nato nel 1970, non ha praticamente visto la luce del mondo fino agli anni 2000 (se si eccettua l’EUFOR, la forza europea a partecipazione nominale che aiutò l’ONU in Yugolasvia negli anni 90′), vista la peculiare situazione politica dell’Europa Unita durante la guerra fredda.


Dopo aver subito un revival negli anni della presidenza di Javier Solana (1999-2009) è stata trasformata nel 2010, quando il Trattato di Lisbona ha destituito la formula dei “pilastri dell’UE” eliminando le barriere che intercorrevano tra i processi integrativi economici, politici e militari.


Di lì in poi, il buio. La PESC, che non ha mai avuto alcuna influenza effettiva negli orientamenti dei singoli stati in tema di politica estera, non è nemmeno mai riuscita a federare un numero relativamente grande di compagini militari nazionali e a farle collaborare in qualche teatro estero. Le guerre statunitensi in medioriente hanno infatti visto i paesi europei spaccarsi in un fronte a favore e in uno contro. Discorso simile si può fare per le operazioni in Libia e Mali, dove la stragrande maggioranza dei ministri esteri si è guardata bene dall’impegnarsi in scorrerie nei balcani del mondo. Eccettuato Parigi, che come si sa ha da ridire solo se le guerre non può condurle lei.


Da vent’anni a questa parte, difatti, l’Unione Europea ha intrapreso un percorso di riconsiderazione. La struttura confederale dell’Unione e il suo passato dotato di molta massa critica ne hanno designato peculiarità e limiti. Il più grosso dei quali è sicuramente il rifiuto da parte dei quadri europei di definire l’UE come forza politica attiva e assertiva.
Domina infatti, come voga culturale, la tendenza a rifiutare qualsiasi interventismo comunitario, diffondendo l’immagine di un Europa compagnona che si impegna su tutti i fronti e in tutti i dialoghi ma che non è disposta a investire in questi processi capitali fattuali o non propriamentre diplomatici.


L’esempio fondante è sicuramente il dialogo tra Serbia e Kossovo. L’Unione Europa ha monopolizzato da subito il dialogo tra le parti per stabilizzare un cortile da sempre scottante, riuscendo anche ad ottenere pochi ma sensibili successi, come la pacificazione al livello militare della zona. Ma si è rifiutata sempre di impegnare mezzi o capitali, asserendo di non voler interevenire fisicamente in un paese sovrano. Stessa formula copicollata alla situazione Siriana, dove l’UE si è subito discostata da qualsiasi ipotesi di intervento dell’asse NATO-UE ma si è semplicemente dichiarata favorevole, in linea di principio, alle richieste dei ribelli. Le nozze coi fichi secchi.


La mancanza di una forza europea comune si farà sempre più sentire. Un Europa che si affida alle proprie capacità di pressione economica è un Europa che vive dei propri dividendi storici, convinta di essere un too big to fail geopolitico e assolutamente sicura di poter gestire il mondo attorno a lei, a livello comunitario, con ammonizioni e sanzioni.


Un Europa sempre più vecchia e autoreferenziale, il cui collante con gli States viene meno ogni giorno di più, visto che a Washginton ormai ci vedono più come un peso che come una risorsa, con armi quindi spuntate e incapacitata a chiamare il Papi a stelle e strisce quando vorrà fare la voce grossa.


Un Europa sempre più vecchia, in tutti i sensi, che in futuro potrà contare solo su una forza militare organizzata e specializzata, per supporto alle proprie (si spera concertate) future indicazioni geopolitiche e sulla propria capacità di organizzazione diagonale.
Un Europa che, con una forza militare propria, potrebbe anche pensare ad un percorso geopolitico proprio, senza l’ansia di rimanere senza ombrello difensivo.


Bruxelles, infatti, in questi anni, ha dimostrato in sede internazionale di non sopportare più totalmente le angherie geopolitiche atlantiste, reprimendo sempre più a fatica spinte autonomistiche di singoli stati. Già parlato della Francia, che da anni costituisce l’avanguardia antiamericana nel mondo occidentale sulle decisione macropolitiche estere nei consessi internazionali, anche il Bundestag ha ultimamente cambiato rotta, ammonendo per esempio gli States sulla loro assertività in Iraq, esponendo anche dubbi sulle politiche missilistiche Obamiane sulla frontiera col Limes Moscovita. Un caso che proprio Sarkozy e la Merkel, rispettivamente nel 2010 e nel 2011 abbiano caldeggiato la nascita di una forza militare europea? Non credo proprio.


La creazione di una forza militare comunitaria è il viatico per una traformazione radicale dell’UE, e potrebbe diventare un motore esterno quasi involontario per la cementificazione politico/economica dell’Unione e trasformarla da club aristocratico di potenze litigiose in attore importante della politica internazionale, magari in antitesi (ma questa è fantageopolitica) al mutilato blocco anglosassone.


Un inno alla gioia contenuta, si direbbe.

Crise ou coup d'Etat - Entretien avec Michel Drac

Crise ou coup d'Etat

Entretien avec Michel Drac

00:05 Publié dans Actualité, Entretiens | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : crise, politique, michel drac | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

Stop à l’intervention occidentale en Syrie

politique internationale,syrie,manifestation,événement,bruxelles,actualité

Stop à l’intervention occidentale en Syrie: manifestation Bruxelles, le 25/09/2012 à 18h 

Manifestatie tegen een Westerse interventie in Syrië op 25/09/2012 om 18 uur

 

Tienduizenden steunen de Syrische president Bashar al-Assad op alle pleinen van Damascus.

USA : pourvoyeur de terroristes et fauteur de guerre en Syrie

Rassemblement devant l’ambassade des USA

Mardi 25 septembre à 18h

27 Bd du Régent, 1000 Bruxelles

Métro: Arts-Loi

 

 Stop à l’intervention occidentale en Syrie!

 

Verenigde Staten: maatje van terroristen en oorlogsstoker in Syrië

Bijeenkomst buiten aan de Amerikaanse ambassade

Dinsdag 25 september om 18 uur

  Regentlaan 27 te 1000 Brussel

Metro: Kunst-Wet

.

 Stop een westerse interventie in Syrië!

 

Jadis, l’Occident menait la Guerre Sainte pour répandre le christianisme et la civilisation. Aujourd’hui, la religion nouvelle s’appelle « droits de l’Homme », « démocratie » ou « protection des civils ». Au nom de ses valeurs et de ses intérêts, l’Occident, Etats-Unis en tête, ne recule devant aucun sale coup : financement de groupes d’opposition et de filières terroristes, désinformation, opérations psychologiques (Psyops), livraison d’armes, formation de mercenaires, actions de sabotages et de déstabilisation, embargos et sanctions, attentats ciblés, attentats aveugles et au besoin, bombardements massifs.

Si la Syrie est aujourd’hui dans la ligne de mire de nos Etats, ce n’est certainement pas parce que le régime maltraite ses opposants. Nous avons vu en effet comment nos élites pouvaient faire preuve de compassion et d’indulgence envers leurs alliés régionaux qui ne sont pas moins violents comme le régime de Tel-Aviv, celui d’Ali Abdallah Saleh au Yémen, de Ben Ali en Tunisie, celui des Saoud au Royaume du même nom ou celui des Al Khalifa au Bahreïn.

D’abord, la Syrie paie le prix de son attachement à sa souveraineté nationale. C’est le dernier pays arabe capable de résister au courant néoconservateur qui déferle avec le soutien de l’Occident sur les pays de la région à la faveur du « printemps arabe ».

Ensuite, la Syrie subit des représailles pour son insoumission à Israël. L’alliance stratégique que Damas a tissée avec l’Iran et les organisations de la résistance libanaise et palestinienne est un crime grave et sans appel aux yeux de nos élites. Officiellement en état de guerre avec Israël, l’Etat syrien est de surcroît doté de la dernière armée arabe capable de résister à la superpuissance de Tsahal.

Tous les mémorandums altruistes de l’Occident sur la Syrie ne servent qu’à dissimuler ces deux réalités. Pour se rendre compte de l’imposture humanitaire, est-il besoin de rappeler l’aveu d’Henry Kissinger, ancien secrétaire d’Etat sous le président Ford, affirmant que « les grandes puissances n’ont pas de principes, seulement des intérêts » (cf. Georges Soros, On Globalization, New York Review of Book, 2002, p. 12)?

Nous aurions bien voulu croire que la mission de nos élites soit de répandre le Bien. Mais nous pensons avoir le droit d’être sceptique quant aux intentions et aux moyens mis en œuvre en Syrie par ceux-là même qui nous avaient tant promis l’avènement de la démocratie en Afghanistan, en Irak ou en Libye.

La Libye pour ne citer que cet exemple a curieusement disparu de nos écrans-radars alors que les milices y font régner la terreur et procèdent à une épuration ethnique et religieuse méthodique. Des dizaines de milliers de prisonniers politiques accusés de loyauté envers l’ancien régime et d’émigrés subsahariens croupissent dans plusieurs prisons secrètes. Ces détenus sont quotidiennement torturés et parfois assassinés dans l’indifférence générale. Tous les jours, des attentats sont commis par des inconnus et des règlements de compte opposent des bandes rivales. Les tombeaux des saints considérés comme « hérétiques » sont détruits un à un sous le regard bienveillant des nouvelles forces de « sécurité » (cf. De Morgen, 30 août 2012). Bref, la Libye est en pleine voie de « somalisation ».

Depuis dix-neuf mois, un feu destructeur ravage la Syrie. Affirmer que ce feu est alimenté par la seule intransigeance et la seule brutalité du pouvoir syrien est parfaitement malhonnête. Car ce feu n’est ni une nouveauté ni exclusivement dû à des facteurs intérieurs. Ce feu est en effet entretenu sous forme de guerre larvée par les puissances occidentales depuis la libération de ce pays en 1946 du joug français. Soucieuse de restaurer leur tutelle sur la Syrie, ces puissances coloniales ont indirectement contribué à la militarisation de ce pays en soutenant la création et l’expansion d’Israël (1948) ainsi que toutes les pétromonarchies du Golfe dont le discours religieux sectaire s’avérait utile face au panarabisme prôné entre autres par l’Egypte de Nasser et la Syrie baassiste.

En avril 1949, pour établir leur hégémonie sur la Syrie et soulager Israël, les USA ont soutenu le coup d’Etat du colonel Za’im.

En 1957, soit bien avant l’avènement de la Syrie d’Hafez el-Assad, l’axe américano-britannique a planifié d’assassiner trois dirigeants syriens jugés trop pro-soviétiques (cf. Ben Fenton, The Guardian, Macmillan backed Syria Assassination Plot, 27 septembre 2003). A l’époque, tous les plans de renversement du régime baassiste ont été envisagés par la CIA et le SIS (MI-6) : organisation de troubles, appels à l’insurrection, création d’un « Comité Syrie Libre »,  armement de l’opposition, « activation des Frères Musulmans à Damas ». Bien naïf serait celui qui nierait la similitude entre cet épisode de l’histoire syrienne et la situation actuelle.

Revenons un moment sur le traitement de l’information à propos des événements récents.

A partir de mars 2011, profitant de l’agitation naissante dans le pays, nos experts en communication ont exagéré le poids de l’opposition et l’ampleur de la violence d’Etat tout en minimisant le réel soutien populaire dont dispose le gouvernement de Damas ce que d’ailleurs l’ambassadeur de France en Syrie Eric Chevalier n’a pas manqué de reprocher à son ministre Alain Juppé. On nous a sciemment caché la militarisation d’une partie de l’opposition syrienne et la présence de groupes terroristes s’infiltrant depuis le Liban, une réalité pourtant constatée dès le mois d’avril 2011 par des journalistes d’Al Jazeera, la chaîne qatarie. La censure imposée par le patron d’Al Jazeera alias émir du Qatar sur les événements qui révéleraient la conspiration anti-syrienne a contraint ces journalistes à faire « défection » pour utiliser un terme que l’on nous sert toujours à sens unique.

Qui plus est, à vouloir dénoncer systématiquement la propagande de l’Etat syrien, la presse mainstream occidentale a soit gobé soit alimenté la propagande de l’opposition radicale allant jusqu’à déguiser des massacres de soldats ou de civils par des terroristes en « crimes de la dictature » comme à Jisr-Al-Choughour (juin 2011), Houla (mai 2012), Deir Ez Zor (mai 2012) ou Daraya (août 2012).

On peut en conclure que l’Occident mène au moins une guerre psychologique contre la Syrie.

Est-il cependant raisonnable de croire que l’Occident n’est pas militairement engagé dans ce pays ?

En automne de l’année dernière, lorsque le gouvernement syrien a appelé les conjurés à déposer les armes, Victoria Nuland, porte-parole du département d’Etat US, a sommé ses protégés syriens de désobéir. Parallèlement, les agents de la CIA et leurs acolytes européens ont incité les soldats syriens à passer dans les rangs d’une armée de mercenaires placée sous commandement de l’OTAN par le truchement de l’armée turque.

Sans surprise, les QG de l’Armée syrienne libre (ASL) installés au Hatay accueille désormais des terroristes du monde entier désireux d’en découdre avec les Syriens patriotes accusés d’être des « infidèles » à la solde de « l’ennemi chiite ». Ces terroristes y reçoivent une formation militaire, des armes, des pick-up surmontés de fusils-mitrailleurs, des MANPAD (systèmes portatifs de défense anti-aérienne) et des appareils de communication performants.

« Nous avons surtout récupéré des roquettes RPG9 puisées sur les stocks de l’armée saoudienne » jubile un rebelle dans les colonnes du Figaro (28 juin 2012) qui ajoute « Elles ont été acheminées par avion, jusqu’à l’aéroport d’Adana, où la sécurité turque a surveillé les déchargements avant de savoir à qui ces roquettes allaient être destinées ». Petits détails: l’armement saoudien est essentiellement américain et la base turque d’Adana dont parle le terroriste, est la base américaine d’Incirlik.

L’Occident s’est longtemps défendu de fournir des « moyens létaux » aux terroristes alors que des agents du Service fédéral de renseignement (BND) croisant au large de la Syrie transmettaient des informations concernant les mouvements des troupes syriennes aux services britanniques et US pour qu’elles parviennent aux rebelles (cf. Bild am Sonntag, 19 août 2012).

Selon le Sunday Times, les services britanniques basés à Chypre ont eux aussi aidé les insurgés à mener plusieurs attaques.

Le fait d’indiquer à ces derniers à quel moment et quel endroit ils doivent tirer sur les troupes syriennes ne revient-il pas de facto à participer militairement au conflit ? L’Occident semble donc loin d’être neutre et habité par de louables intentions. En cette époque de crise et de récession, il peut même se targuer de mener une guerre low cost dans laquelle les seules victimes sont des Arabes.

En rappelant ces faits, notre but n’est absolument pas de minimiser les responsabilités du gouvernement de Damas dans la terrible répression du mouvement de contestation syrien, les crimes d’Etat commis au nom de « la paix et la sécurité », le degré de corruption de certains hauts fonctionnaires de l’Etat, la cruauté de ses services de renseignement, ni l’impunité dont ils ont trop longtemps bénéficié. Tous ces facteurs internes de la tragédie syrienne font partie des éléments déclencheurs de la légitime révolte populaire lancée en mars 2011.

Nous réitérons au passage notre profonde indignation face au degré de violence du conflit syrien et souhaitons que le peuple syrien puisse accéder à l’improbable démocratie à laquelle il aspire légitimement.

En soulignant le rôle de l’Occident dans la militarisation de l’Etat syrien, nous tenons avant tout à renouveler cet avertissement à ceux qui croient en « la libération » du peuple syrien par la voie des armes : au-delà du caractère illégitime de l’action de nos pompiers pyromanes, celle-ci a pour seul résultat l’augmentation de la souffrance de ce peuple et entraîne inexorablement l’humanité dans une aventure aux conséquences que nul ne peut aujourd’hui mesurer.

Les show médiatiques d’un Laurent Fabius qui appelle au meurtre du président syrien (en déclarant qu’il ne mérite pas de vivre), celui d’un Didier Reynders qui vient de plaider au sommet de Paphos pour « le devoir d’ingérence » en Syrie ou les déclarations scandaleusement violentes de l’administration Obama ne font que précipiter l’humanité vers ce chaos.

Hier -au nom du respect de la souveraineté des peuples, de l’humanisme et de la paix-, nous, avons dénoncé l’invasion de l’Afghanistan sans pour autant éprouver de sympathie pour les Talibans. Nous avons manifesté contre l’invasion de l’Irak sans pour autant défendre le président Saddam Hussein. Nous avons protesté contre l’ingérence occidentale en Côte d’Ivoire sans être des laudateurs du président Laurent Gbagbo. Nous nous sommes indignés de l’implication occidentale dans la guerre civile libyenne sans adorer le dirigeant Kadhafi. Et aujourd’hui, nous nous insurgeons contre l’intervention militaire en cours en Syrie sans pour autant être des partisans du président Bachar El-Assad.

Constatant que la destruction de la Syrie ne profite qu’à ses ennemis de toujours, conscients que seules les initiatives prônant la paix, le dialogue et la réconciliation pourront offrir une alternative digne et viable au peuple syrien, nous appelons tous les véritables amis de la Syrie à condamner l’ingérence de nos dirigeants dans les affaires intérieures de ce pays.

Dans le cadre du lancement de notre campagne pour la paix, le dialogue et la réconciliation en Syrie, nous appelons à protester contre l’ingérence militaire occidentale par un rassemblement devant l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Bruxelles le mardi 25 septembre à partir de 18 heures.

Pour le Comité contre l’ingérence en Syrie (CIS)

Bahar Kimyongür
Tél. : 0485 / 37 35 32