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samedi, 12 octobre 2019

Thz Scandza Forum on Human Biodiversity: Oslo, November 2


Three weeks to go!
The Scandza Forum on Human Biodiversity: Oslo, November 2

Only three weeks to go!

On November 2, 2019, the Scandza Forum returns to Oslo, Norway, with an impressive list of speakers:

Kevin MacDonald, Professor Emeritus at California State University-Long Beach. He is the author of more than one hundred scholarly papers and reviews, and is the author of Social and Personality Development: An Evolutionary Synthesis (1988), A People That Shall Dwell Alone: Judaism as a Group Evolutionary Strategy (1994), Separation and Its Discontents: Toward an Evolutionary Theory of Anti-Semitism (1998), and The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements (1998). He has also edited three books, Sociobiological Perspectives on Human Development (1988), Parent-Child Play: Descriptions and Implications (1994), and Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Development (2004). Cultural Insurrections, a collection of essays, appeared in 2008. In April 2015, Professor MacDonald spoke in Stockholm on the psychological mechanisms of pathological altruism [2], at an event organized by Fróði Midjord and Logik Förlag, and in the spring of 2017 he gave a speech at the first ever Scandza Forum.

Edward Dutton, PhD, is a British academic and writer based in northern in Finland. Editor-in-Chief of the scientific journal Mankind Quarterly [3], Dr. Dutton is the author of numerous peer-reviewed articles and many scholarly books, most recently: At Our Wits’ End: Why We’re Becoming Less Intelligent and What It Means for the Future, Race Differences in Ethnocentrism, The Silent Rape Epidemic: How the Finns Were Groomed to Love Their Abusers, and Churchill’s Headmaster: The ‘Sadist’ Who Nearly Saved the British Empire. Dr. Dutton burst onto the vlogging scene in January 2019 with his growing YouTube channel, The Jolly Heretic [4]. This will be his first appearance on the Scandza Forum stage.

Helmuth Nyborg, Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the University of Aarhus. Among other things, Professor Nyborg has done research on the genetic heredity of intelligence and behavior, and he has written on “collective fraud” regarding the nature/nurture debate in academia. One of his debate articles in Danish mainstream media from 2016 is titled “Danishness – culture or biology?” Professor Nyborg has previously spoken at American Renaissance, and he appeared in an interview with Stephan Molyneux [5] on the topic of “Race, Genetics, and Intelligence.” This will be his second appearance at the Scandza Forum.

Greg Johnson, PhD in philosophy, is the founder and editor of Counter-Currents/North American New Right, former editor of The Occidental Quarterly, and is the author of numerous articles as well as ten books, including The White Nationalist Manifesto [6] (San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2018). Dr. Johnson is one of the leading intellectuals of White Nationalism and the Alternative Right, and he has spoken at every Scandza Forum.

Fróði Midjord, founder of the Scandza Forum, is host of the Guide to Kulchur podcast and YouTube channel [7], and is a regular participant on Counter-Currents Radio and an internationally appreciated conference speaker. Last year, Mr. Midjord spoke at seven conferences in five different countries.


Our theme for this event is Human Biodiversity, the suggestion that the diversity found among and between human individuals and populations has a significant basis in biology. Although the theory of evolution is well-established, for decades it has been taboo to apply evolutionary and biological explanations to human behavior, and especially to differences between human populations and races. Popular culture and the political mainstream today has implicitly assumed the “blank slate” theory as an axiom for what can be discussed in polite society.

One famous example of this is James Watson, who won the Nobel Prize in Medicine 1962 for his groundbreaking research on DNA. In 2007 he told a newspaper that he was “inherently gloomy about the prospect of Africa” because “all our social policies are based on the fact that their intelligence is the same as ours — whereas all the testing says not really,” which would be an uncontroversial statement for anyone who is actually familiar with the research on the subject. However, the statement ignited a mass media witch-hunt which resulted in Watson selling his gold medal in 2014, because he had been ostracized from the scientific community.

During this event, we will break those taboos, speak freely on the “Nature vs. Nurture” debate, and discuss human diversity from an evolutionary perspective.


If you want to know more about our events, please watch any of my several appearances on podcasts and live streams where I have been interviewed about the Scandza Forum, including:


If you want to attend, please send us an email for information on how to proceed with the registration: info@scandzaforum.com [18]

Since we have two conferences coming up, remember to let us know which one you want to attend (you are also welcome to register for both events, of course).

Because we care about your safety, we have a vetting procedure to make sure that everyone attends with honest intentions. There are three ways you can get admission to the event, so remember to include the necessary information when you contact us:

  1. If you have attended one of our events previously. Make sure to make a note of this when you send us an email.
  2. Get a trusted person to vouch for you (i.e., vouch that you want to attend with honest intentions and that you will follow our security procedure). If you know someone who has attended a previous event, or otherwise knows us, let us know in your email. Remember to also ask that person to send me confirmation that he/she can vouch for you.
  3. Send us photo ID and some personal details (e.g., address/phone no./social media) that will allow us to verify your identity, so that we can make an evaluation. No anonymous registration is accepted.

This will be an unforgettable event – so make sure to register now!

Finally, I want to thank our supporters and donors – you know who you are. It is with their help that the previous Scandza forums were made possible, and that we now are able to move forward!

I am looking forward to seeing you all in Oslo on November 2.

Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: https://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: https://www.counter-currents.com/2019/10/the-scandza-forum-on-human-biodiversity-2/

URLs in this post:

[1] Image: https://www.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/8-15-19-5.jpeg

[2] psychological mechanisms of pathological altruism: https://youtu.be/rWWfPWdbPC8

[3] Mankind Quarterly: http://www.mankindquarterly.org/

[4] The Jolly Heretic: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCMRs0Ml8RF0cWVAOeQeBxTw

[5] interview with Stephan Molyneux: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nTdMY9RI-7E

[6] The White Nationalist Manifesto: https://www.counter-currents.com/product/the-white-nationalist-manifesto/

[7] Guide to Kulchur podcast and YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCTSqK1VZTw81GhzV_kVmL-A

[8] Red Ice Radio: https://youtu.be/0p4PVAeS9wE

[9] The Public Space: https://youtu.be/0NBGD087ITU

[10] Happy Homelands: https://youtu.be/8C7LnbNBLrg

[11] Millenniyule: https://youtu.be/FqtJu5iwYHI

[12] Erkenbrand: https://youtu.be/5XheR2mqoyM

[13] This Week on the Alt Right: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZBqxdUDO6Es

[14] Anton och Jonas: https://youtu.be/KbECw93XCV4

[15] The After Party: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qakr6Ad-wuI

[16] TAP After Hours: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XtpphljhJKE

[17] Patriotic Weekly Review: https://youtu.be/JbSlqjW7Hm8

[18] info@scandzaforum.com: mailto:info@scandzaforum.com

lundi, 06 mai 2019

Viking Ship Tradition


Viking Ship Tradition

09:41 Publié dans archéologie | Lien permanent | Commentaires (0) | Tags : marine, vikings, scandinavie, archéologie, drakkars | |  del.icio.us | | Digg! Digg |  Facebook

jeudi, 13 septembre 2018

Elections parlementaires suédoises: une droite nationale en progression limitée face à deux camps minoritaires


Elections parlementaires suédoises: une droite nationale en progression limitée face à deux camps minoritaires

par Thomas Ferrier

Ex: http://thomasferrier.hautetfort.com 

A l'issue des élections parlementaires suédoises du 9 septembre 2018, le jeu parlementaire est des plus verrouillés, comme cela avait été annoncé, et les deux partis principaux, les sociaux-démocrates à gauche et les modérés à droite reculent d'environ 6,5 points, ainsi que les écologistes en recul de 2.4 points. Enfin les petites listes sont également laminées dans un contexte à forte polarisation avec 1,4% (-2.5 points).

Les Démocrates Suédois, mouvement de droite nationale dirigé par Jimmie Akesson, sont ceux qui progressent le plus, obtenant 17,6% des voix (+ 4.7) et 63 sièges (+14), mais ils sont loin des prévisions des sondages qui les plaçaient à plus de 20% et ils échouent aussi à obtenir la seconde place devant la droite modérée. C'est donc pour eux une déception. Ils ne peuvent pas en accuser les deux listes de droite nationaliste qui auront probablement réalisé des scores dérisoires (inconnus à cette heure). Le vote utile d'électeurs craignant une absence de majorité au Riksdag (parlement) a pu freiner son ascension. Ses positions eurosceptiques et pas seulement identitaires ont pu effrayer certains électeurs modérés.

Et en outre le matraquage international, il suffisait de lire Le Monde en France pour s'en convaincre, a payé. Nombreux Suédois craignaient de donner l'impression que leur pays devenait une "société fermée". C'est pourtant oublier que les Suédois par le passé avaient démontré une capacité de résistance exceptionnelle. Il suffit de songer qu'ils ont résisté au christianisme un siècle de plus que leurs voisins scandinaves.

La droite nationale, en France et ailleurs, a pu progresser et la Lega de Salvini est annoncée à 34% dans les sondages. Le FPÖ autrichien est intégré à une coalition même s'il n'a pas pu dépasser le score de Haider en 2000, mais de par la seule volonté du chancelier ÖVP Sebastian Kurz. Mais son programme économique anxiogène freine son ascension. Le déficit en crédibilité atteint surtout le RN (ex-FN) français.

Les sociaux-démocrates, principaux responsables depuis les années 70 de la crise sociétale de la Suède, en ouvrant ses frontières à de larges flux, ne sont pas sanctionnés autant qu'ils devraient l'être. Ils obtiennent 28,4% des voix et 100 sièges. La droite modérée ne parvient pas à remonter l'écart et doit se limiter à 19,8% des voix et 70 sièges.

Une coalition de gauche n'obtiendrait que 143 sièges et une coalition de droite aurait aussi 143 sièges soit une parfaite égalité. On peut imaginer selon le modèle danois une coalition de droite minoritaire aux affaires avec des démocrates suédois en soutien sans participation.

Les petits partis de droite se maintiennent (Libéraux à 5,5% et 19 sièges) ou se renforcent (Parti du centre 8,6% et 3 sièges, Démocrates chrétiens 6,4% et 23 sièges), tout comme le Parti de Gauche (Vänsterpartiet, 7,9% +2.2 et 28 sièges +7). Enfin les Verts (Miljöpartiet) tombent à 4,4% (-2.4) 15 sièges (-10). Le candidat de droite Ulf Kristersson n'a pas su convaincre. Quant au social-démocrate Stefan Löfven, qui a durci légèrement la ligne sur la question migratoire, il limite néanmoins la casse mais sans convaincre.

Thomas FERRIER (Le Parti des Européens)

dimanche, 21 janvier 2018

La Suède sombre dans la criminalité: le gouvernement n’exclut plus l’engagement de l’armée contre les bandes criminelles


La Suède sombre dans la criminalité: le gouvernement n’exclut plus l’engagement de l’armée contre les bandes criminelles

Ex : http://www.zuerst.de

Stockholm. En bien des domaines, la Suède doit désormais faire un pas en avant. Le gouvernement de Stockholm fait face à une criminalité débordante alors que débutent déjà les premières manœuvres d’une campagne électorale qui devra aboutir à l’élection d’un nouveau parlement en septembre. Cette date butoir l’oblige à adopter une politique de fermeté bien profilée.  Le premier ministre Stefan Löfven n’exclut plus de faire donner l’armée sur le territoire national. Il a déclaré : « L’engagement de l’armée ne constitue certes pas mon premier choix mais je veux faire tout ce qui est nécessaire pour tordre le cou à la criminalité débordante et organisée qui frappe aujourd’hui notre pays ».

Ces dernières années la Suède a été à la une de la presse internationale parce qu’elle présentait des chiffres affolants, ceux d’une criminalité en expansion constante. Mais, le « politiquement correct » oblige, le lien entre l’immigration massive et cette criminalité ne peut être dit : cela doit rester un secret qui est cependant connu de tous… Le gouvernement a dû débloquer plus de fonds pour la police et annoncer une loi plus restrictive sur la possession et le port d’armes. Dorénavant, qui plus est, les enquêteurs pourront écouter les conversations téléphoniques et surveiller les échanges de courriers électroniques.

Entretemps, on constate, sur le territoire suédois, que de premières attaques à la grenade ont eu lieu. Dans le sud du pays, à Malmö, les viols collectifs, commis par des bandes de migrants, se sont multipliés dangereusement au cours de ces dernières semaines.

Or le service militaire obligatoire a été réintroduit en Suède : le gouvernement peut donc compter, depuis le début de cette année, sur des effectifs plus nombreux dans les rangs de l’armée. Suite aux déclarations du premier ministre, on peut estimer que dans un avenir très proche, ces effectifs recevront réellement l’ordre d’aller combattre sur ce qu’il faut bien appeler « le front de la nouvelle guerre civile ».

mercredi, 08 novembre 2017

Elections parlementaires en Islande: un système divisé


Elections parlementaires en Islande: un système divisé

par Thomas Ferrier

Ex: http://thomasferrier.hautetfort.com

Les Islandais étaient amenés à voter pour leurs représentants cet octobre 2017 après avoir voté en 2016, en raison de l’impossibilité de disposer d’une majorité parlementaire stable. Les résultats désormais connus montrent une fragmentation encore plus nette de l’électorat islandais.

Avec 25,2% des voix et 16 députés, le Parti de l’Indépendance (eurosceptique, libéral et conservateur) réalise une contre-performance, perdant 3,8 points et 5 sièges. Bien qu’il demeure le premier parti du pays, le système proportionnel limite son impact et l’oblige surtout à une alliance afin de disposer de 16 sièges supplémentaires, la majorité parlementaire étant à 32 sièges (sur 63).

Avec 16,9% des voix (+ 1 point) et 11 sièges (+1), le Mouvement « Gauche verte » (social-démocrate, eurosceptique, éco-socialiste) maintient et renforce même légèrement ses positions. Le contexte est également favorable à la social-démocratie classique, pro-européenne, l’Alliance sociale-démocrate obtenant 12,1% des voix (+ 6,3 points) et 7 sièges (+4), dans un contexte où l’euroscepticisme reste dominant.

Le Parti du Centre (Miðflokurinn), nouveau venu de centre-droit, sur une ligne là encore eurosceptique mais également populiste, obtient 10,9% et 7 sièges, ce qui est un résultat considérable pour une première candidature aux élections parlementaires. Il semble avoir surtout pris au parti des Pirates, en net recul.

Les Pirates en effet n’obtiennent que 9,2% des voix (- 5,3 points) et 6 sièges (-4). Cette contre-performance est analogue aux autres partis « Pirates » en Europe, qui émergent puis reculent avant de disparaître. C’est un phénomène politique « feu de paille ». En Europe, seul le Mouvement 5 Etoiles italien, qui a émergé sur les thèmes de la démocratie directe via internet, a pu se maintenir à un très haut niveau.


Le Parti du Peuple, qui est à la fois socialiste, populiste et opposé à l’immigration, sur une synthèse originale qui rappelle néanmoins les tentatives de synthèse sociale et nationale, obtient 6,9% (+ 3,4 points) et 4 sièges (+4), perce également. Le Front national islandais (Islenska Þjorðfylkingin) qui avait obtenu seulement 0,16% des voix en 2016 sur une ligne nationaliste, n’était pas candidat.

Le Parti du Progrès (agraire, populiste, eurosceptique) progresse légèrement avec 11,5% des voix (+ 0,6 points) et conserve ses huit sièges. Enfin, le Parti de la Réforme (libéral, pro-européen) s’effondre avec 6,7% des voix (- 3,8 points) et 4 sièges (-3). De même le parti « Futur lumineux », à la fois libéral, social et européen, sombre avec 1,2% des voix (- 6 points) et perd toute représentation nationale. C’est encore davantage le cas avec le parti Aurore (Dögun) qui passe de 1,73% des voix en 2016 à 0,1%.

Les mouvements pro-européens, à l’exception des sociaux-démocrates qui progressent à leur détriment, ont été sévèrement sanctionnés par les électeurs. C’est une ligne nationale, à dominante eurosceptique, qui sort renforcée, avec en outre l’émergence d’un mouvement anti-immigration associant ce refus à des thématiques économiques de gauche. Toutefois le Parti de l’Indépendance en est lui-même victime, alors que la gauche éco-socialiste, eurosceptique, se maintient à un niveau élevé.

L’Union Européenne, que l’Islande a renoncé à rejoindre, n’apparaît plus comme une perspective favorable pour une Islande angoissée qui entend davantage préserver ses intérêts et qui craint pour son identité face aux phénomènes migratoires, alors qu’il n’y a que 300.000 Islandais, soit à peine le nombre d’habitants du Grand Nancy en France.

Thomas FERRIER (Le Parti des Européens).

samedi, 28 octobre 2017

August Strindberg’s Tschandala


August Strindberg’s Tschandala

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com

Although best known as a playwright, the Swedish author August Strindberg (1849–1912) was a prolific writer of novels, short stories, poetry, and essays. The official edition of his collected works comes to more than seventy volumes. In 1888 Strindberg attended a series of lectures about the then little-known philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche. He quickly became a devotee of Nietzsche and even started up a brief correspondence with the philosopher. After reading Beyond Good and Evil, The Twilight of the Gods, The Case of Wagner, and On the Genealogy of Morals, Strindberg began to write works that were directly influenced by Nietzschean philosophy as well as social Darwinist thought. One of the most explicit examples of this is the novella Tschandala of 1889.

The novella is set in Lund, Sweden in the 1690s, which was in a province that had only been recently captured from the Danes. The protagonist is one Master Andreas Törner, a professor at the University of Lund and an army veteran who had participated in the battle in which the Swedes wrested control of Lund from the Danes. Unlike the situation today, the victorious Swedes realize that multiculturalism does not work, and they use the educational system to enforce the societal norms, language, and ethos of the dominant culture. In scenes reminiscent of a typical Chicago or Detroit public school, Strindberg even describes Törner needing to employ his walking stick as a cudgel against his more recalcitrant students. After a long academic year, Törner is looking forward to taking his wife and children to his home province for the summer. Just as the school year is about to end, Törner receives orders from the Swedish court that he must remain in the area and ingratiate himself with the local population as a means to determine the degree to which the process of integration with Sweden is succeeding.


Törner ends up renting rooms in a dilapidated estate from a demented Danish Baroness. The estate is run by the Baroness’ factor Jensen, who is a gypsy given to wearing outlandish and filthy clothes, lies almost constantly, treats animals in a most cruel fashion, does almost no work on the property, and who is also the Baroness’ lover. In the beginning, Jensen tries to ingratiate himself with Törner, but the gypsy’s monstrous behavior soon puts him at odds with Törner. In a moment of self-clarity, Törner realizes that just proximity to a person as vile as Jensen is debilitating:

When he [Törner] examined himself, he found he had adopted a number of the gipsy’s gestures, borrowed certain tones of voice and, even worse, mixed Danish words and expressions into his speech. He had been jabbering with these infantile people for so long that he was forgetting how to speak properly; he had been lowering himself to their level for so long that his back was becoming hunched; he had been hearing lies for so long that he had come to believe that everyone lied. And he, a strong man who had never been afraid of battle, noticed that his courage was beginning to desert him, that cowardice and fear were creeping up on him in this struggle against invisible powers and enemies who were superior because they did not shrink from using weapons he could not bring himself to employ.

Herein lies Törner’s dilemma: the civilized man has difficulty accepting the fact that the uncivilized play by a different set of rules, that etiquette, good form, fairness, and tolerance are actually weaknesses when confronted by barbarism. As the novella’s narrator states:

What, then, lay at the heart of Törner’s disquiet about crushing this opponent? It was his sense of the value of human life, the doctrine that we should forgive our enemies, defeated or not. Old and foolish teachings which malevolent men have always availed themselves of to overthrow those who have been merciful in victory; stories of the blessings of compassion—omitting, of course, the story of the frozen serpent which turned on the breast that warmed it.

After a visit from a friend who—when hearing of Törner’s conflict with the gypsy—advises Törner to take more drastic measures with Jensen, Törner begins to plot the gypsy’s downfall. Using his superior intellectual abilities and in a manner in which to bring no suspicion upon himself, Törner is able to manipulate Jensen into a very macabre end, which I will not reveal so as not to spoil the delight of readers at witnessing the just desserts of such a reprehensible creature. The narrator states:

The pariah was dead, the Aryan victorious. Victorious thanks to his knowledge and spiritual superiority to the inferior race. But had he not found the strength to commit a crime he could easily have been the victim.

Back at the University, Törner comes across a Hindu text that describes the Tschandala, the lowest substratum of the untouchable class, a race of humiliated persons who are denied permanent abodes, must wear only clothes taken from corpses, and may not wash since they are only allowed water to drink. He realizes that Jensen was a Tschandala and that the hatred that Jensen displayed toward him—who had only shown the gypsy good will—was inevitable, a hatred born of genetics, “the fruit of adultery, incest, and crime.”

Not surprisingly, Tschandala is not easily obtainable in English. The translation I have is by Peter Graves and was published in 2007 by Norvik Press in Norwich, UK. Copies can be found, however, on Amazon and a Swedish version is available on Gutenberg.com

mardi, 19 septembre 2017

Elections parlementaires en Norvège: victoire à la Pyrrhus de la coalition sortante


Elections parlementaires en Norvège: victoire à la Pyrrhus de la coalition sortante

par Thomas Ferrier

Ex: http://thomasferrier.hautetfort.com

Alors que l’Europe entière attend avec impatience le résultat des élections parlementaires en Allemagne, les Norvégiens votaient ce 11 septembre 2017. Il s’agissait pour eux de reconduire ou de renforcer la coalition sortante minoritaire composée des conservateurs du Høyre et des populistes du Parti du Progrès (Fremskrittspartiet ou FP) de Siv Jensen. En face d’eux, les Travaillistes (Arbeiderpartiet) cherchaient à proposer une alternative.

Les électeurs ont finalement choisi la continuité politique, même si certains mécontentements se sont exprimés en faveur de partis minoritaires, centristes ou d’extrême-gauche. Les mouvements d’extrême-droite quant à eux sont marginalisés par le FP et ne présentaient aucune liste.


Avec 27,4% des voix, les Travaillistes (AP) restent le premier parti du pays, comme il l’était aux élections précédentes, avec 27,4% des voix. Néanmoins ils reculent de 3,4 points alors qu’ils sont pourtant dans l’opposition depuis plusieurs années. Avec 49 sièges, ils en perdent 6.

Høyre subit l’usure du pouvoir, n’obtenant que 25% des voix (-1,8 points), de même que le FP qui passe de 16,4% à 15,2%. Le désaveu de la coalition sortante est donc très limité et surtout il ne profite pas à la principale force d’opposition. Høyre disposera de 45 députés (-3) et le FP de 27 députés (-2).

Les centristes du Senterpartiet (« Parti du centre ») sont les principaux bénéficiaires de ce recul des grands partis en obtenant 10,3% des voix et (+4,8 points) et 19 sièges (+9). La Gauche Socialiste (Socialistisk Venstreparti) avec 6% des voix (+1,9) et 11 sièges (+4) progresse également au détriment des Travaillistes. Même chose pour la gauche radicale du Parti Rouge (Rødt) qui obtient 2,4% des voix (+1,3) et son premier siège au parlement. Enfin les Verts conservent leur seul siège, et renforcent leur poids électoral avec 3,2% des voix (+0,4).

Libéraux (Venstre) et chrétiens-démocrates (Kristelig Folkeparti) qui avaient soutenu la coalition sortante sans y participer reculent en revanche, avec 4,4% (-0,8) et 8 sièges (-1) pour les premiers et 4,2% (-1,4) et 8 sièges (-2) pour les seconds. Ce recul n’a manifestement pas profité aux partis de la coalition ou aura simplement diminué leur recul.

Avec 72 voix en tout, la coalition sortante est loin des 85 sièges nécessaires pour disposer d’une majorité. Si les deux partis minoritaires précédemment évoqués apportaient leur soutien, cela ferait en revanche 88 sièges. C’est le cas le plus probable.

Thomas FERRIER (Le Parti des Européens)

jeudi, 06 juillet 2017

Island in der Hochkonjunktur – in Griechenland ein Trauerspiel


Island in der Hochkonjunktur – in Griechenland ein Trauerspiel

Zwei Länder – die die Finanzkrise ganz unterschiedlich angepackt haben

von Dr. rer. publ. Werner Wüthrich

Ex: http://www.zeit-fragen.ch

Island, das noch vor wenigen Jahren in einer schlimmen Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise gefangen war, geht es gut. («Neue Zürcher Zeitung» vom 19.5.2017) Beflügelt vom Wirtschaftswachstum hat die isländische Währung, die Krone, im vergangenen Jahr gegenüber dem Euro um 24 Prozent zugelegt. In diesem Jahr geht die Aufwertung weiter. Allein im April hat die Krone um 7 Prozent an Wert gewonnen. Es wird in diesem Jahr ein Wirtschaftswachstum von über sechs Prozent erwartet, und es zeigen sich die Probleme der Hochkonjunktur. Die Löhne und die Preise steigen. Vor allem die touristischen Einrichtungen sind voll ausgelastet. Touristen müssen auf Privatwohnungen ausweichen, weil die Hotels ausgebucht sind. Fischerei und Hotels machen sich Sorgen, dass das Land teuer wird. Die Isländer überlegen sich, wieder vermehrt zu importieren, um den Wechselkurs zu schwächen.

Vor knapp zehn Jahren war die Situation noch ganz anders. Dazu ein Vergleich mit Griechenland. Im Jahr 2008 – auf dem Höhepunkt der Finanzkrise – hatte Griechenland Schulden in der Höhe von etwa 180 Prozent des BIP. Die Verschuldung ist seither kaum gesunken. Aktuell stagniert die Wirtschaft nach massiven Einbrüchen in den letzten Jahren. Der aktuelle Aufschwung im Tourismus hilft etwas (auch weil der Hauptkonkurrent Türkei zum Kriegsland geworden ist und Probleme hat). Ob das eine nachhaltige Wende einleiten kann, ist offen. Die Arbeitslosigkeit liegt nach wie vor deutlich über 20 Prozent, und die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit noch weit höher. Vier von zehn Beschäftigten verdienen weniger als 1000 Euro brutto. Die öffentlichen Kassen sind leer. Im Juli ist wieder Zahltag. Der griechische Finanzminister muss 8,5 Milliarden Euro für Zinsen und Tilgung der Schulden auftreiben. Der IWF und die Euro-Gruppe haben in diesen Tagen bekanntgegeben, dass sie dieses Geld zur Verfügung stellen werden. («Neue Zürcher Zeitung» vom 16.6.2017) Der grösste Teil ist bestimmt, alte Schulden meist von ausländischen Banken mit Zinsen zurückzuzahlen. Schulden von privaten Gläubigern werden – wie schon oft – ersetzt durch öffentliche Schulden, für die die Steuerzahler direkt oder indirekt geradestehen müssen. Mit einem kleinen Teil sollen offene Rechnungen der Regierung bezahlt werden.


In den Verhandlungen mit den Geldgebern muss Premier Alexis Tsipras – mittlerweile so unbeliebt wie seine Vorgänger – Zugeständnisse machen. Ab 2019 sollen die Renten weiter um jährlich 1,8 Milliarden Euro gekürzt werden. Noch einmal der gleiche Betrag soll 2020 über Steuererhöhungen in die Kasse kommen. Die Finanzminister der Euro-Gruppe sind bereit, Kredite um bis zu fünfzehn Jahre zu verlängern – eine unendliche Geschichte.

Anders dagegen in Island: Hier war die Situation 2008 nicht besser – sondern noch schlimmer. Die Schulden betrugen nicht 180 Prozent, sondern etwa das Zehnfache des BIP – also etwa 1000 Prozent – eine Katastrophe grössten Ausmasses. Zeit-Fragen hat mehrfach darüber berichtet. Seither ist jedoch viel passiert. Dazu kurz zusammengefasst einige Episoden und Massnahmen aus den Krisenjahren. (vgl. dazu auch Zeit-Fragen vom 31.3.2015)

Das Volk weist in der Frage der Auslandschulden den Weg

Das Hauptproblem waren die Auslandschulden der drei grossen Banken, für die der Staat gemäss EU-Doktrin die Haftung übernehmen sollte. Die Regierung des Nicht-EU-Landes Island verhandelte – vor allem mit Grossbritannien und den Niederlanden, von wo die meisten ausländischen Gelder (die sogenannten Ice­save-Gelder) kamen. Icesave war die Internetbank der isländischen Landsbanki, die ausländische Sparer über viele Jahre mit hohen Zinsen angelockt hatte. Die beiden Regierungen verlangten die Rückzahlung der Gelder und kamen Island mit niedrigen Zinsen und langen Rückzahlungsfristen entgegen. Das isländische Parlament verabschiedete am 30.12.2009 ein Gesetz, das die Rückzahlungsmodalitäten regelte. Nun aber ging das Volk mit Kochtöpfen auf die Strasse und brachte seinen Unwillen zum Ausdruck, für ein Debakel bezahlen zu müssen, das es nicht zu verantworten habe. Ausländische Spekulanten müssten die Folgen für ihr Tun selber tragen. Sie hätten schliesslich für ihr Geld viele Jahre 10 Prozent Zins und mehr erhalten. «Ist es moralisch und rechtlich gerechtfertigt, das Risiko einfach dem Staat und dem Steuerzahler zu übertragen?» stand auf den Transparenten und Flugblättern. Die Bürgerinitiative DeFence (Widerstand) organisierte Protestaktionen verschiedenster Art. Sie sammelte über 60 000 Unterschriften (bei 350 000 Einwohnern) und verlangte eine Volksabstimmung. Die Bürger belagerten den Wohnsitz des Präsidenten mit roten bengalischen Kerzen, die weit sichtbar ein «Stopp» für diese Politik signalisierten. Staatspräsident Olaf Ragnar Grimsson hörte die Stimme des Volkes und veranlasste eine Volksabstimmung: «Den Kern unseres isländischen Staatswesens macht aus, dass das Volk der oberste Richter über die Gültigkeit der Gesetze ist. In diesem Licht habe ich beschlossen, in Übereinstimmung mit der Verfassung, die Entscheidung über das fragliche Gesetz an das Volk zu überweisen.» – 93 Prozent der Stimmbürger sagten im März 2010 nein zur Bezahlung der Bankschulden durch den Staat.

Grossbritannien und die Niederlande waren daraufhin wohl oder übel bereit, die Rückzahlung der Bankschulden neu zu verhandeln. Island erhielt in einem neuen Abkommen weitere Zugeständnisse und Zahlungserleichterungen. Die Rückzahlung wurde bis 2046 verlängert, womit die nächste Generation belastet würde. Die Volksvertreter im Parlament akzeptierten das Ergebnis mehrheitlich. Der Staatspräsident setzte erneut eine Volksabstimmung an. Das Volk sagte im April 2011 wiederum massiv nein. «Was nun?» wird sich mancher Beobachter damals gedacht haben.

Die Isländer lösten ihr Bankenproblem: Alle drei grossen Banken mussten Konkurs anmelden. Einige der für den Schlamassel Hauptverantwortlichen kamen ins Gefängnis. Die Landsbanki mit ihrer Internetbank Icesave wurde verstaatlicht, die beiden anderen wurden in eine «New Bank» und eine «Old Bank» aufgeteilt. Zur New Bank (die mit neuem Kapital ausgestattet wurde) gehörten alle Geschäftsbereiche, die im Inland benötigt werden, wie der Zahlungsverkehr, die Bankomaten, eine Kreditabteilung usw. Der Old Bank wurde der riesige Schuldenberg und das gesamte Auslandgeschäft mit vielen zweifelhaften Vermögenswerten übertragen, die im Konkursverfahren liquidiert wurden. Auf diese Weise blieben die Schalterhallen offen, und die Bankomaten waren immer in Betrieb. Die Banken erhielten neue Namen. Die frühere Kaupthing-Bank heisst heute Arion, die frühere Glitinir heisst heute Islandsbanki. Alle drei Banken (die heute zum Teil in ausländischer Hand sind) beschränken sich auf traditionelle einheimische Bankgeschäfte. Die isländische Währung war angesichts des «Erdbebens» im Finanzbereich und der Wirtschaftskrise massiv eingebrochen, und Kapitalverkehrskontrollen wurden notwendig.

Resultate zeigten sich bald: Der Tourismus und die Fischereiindustrie profitierten von der schwachen Währung. Island wurde billig und warb vor allem in europäischen Ländern, die sympathische Insel mit ihren Naturschönheiten zu besuchen. Es wurden weniger teure Gebrauchsgüter importiert, dafür mehr im Inland selber produziert. Der «Sozialabbau» hielt sich in Grenzen. Auf den Einbruch der Wirtschaftsleistung von sieben Prozent im Jahr 2009 folgte bereits drei Jahre später ein Plus von drei Prozent – ein Wert, der über dem EU-Durchschnitt lag. Die Arbeitslosenquote sank wieder. Die Rating-Agentur Fitch erhöhte die Kreditwürdigkeit des Landes wieder und begründete dies explizit mit dem «Erfolg unorthodoxer Antworten auf die Krise». («Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung» vom 21.2.2015) Geholfen hat weiter der Entscheid des EFTA-Gerichtshofes im Jahr 2013, der in diesem Fall volksnah urteilte und die Staatshaftung für die ausländischen Bankschulden ablehnte. Das Beitrittsgesuch zur EU hat das Land zurückgezogen. Kapitalverkehrskontrollen sind bereits Geschichte und Kredite des IWF wieder zurückbezahlt.

Erfolg auf dem Boden der Souveränität und der direkten Demokratie

Warum hat sich das Land so schnell wieder erholt? Entscheidend für die Rettung war zum einen die Stimme des Volkes. Die Isländer haben nicht nur in zwei Volksabstimmungen entscheidende Weichen gestellt. Die Bevölkerung hat in einer Vielzahl von Aktionen das Geschehen aktiv – aber immer gewaltfrei – mitbestimmt. So wehrte sie sich mit originellen Internetauftritten gegen Versuche von Grossbritannien, die Isländer in die Terrorecke zu drängen und sämtliche isländischen Bankguthaben in Grossbritannien einzufrieren. Zum anderen haben die Isländer die Ärmel hochgekrempelt, ihr marodes Bankwesen und ihre angeschlagene Volkswirtschaft wieder auf Vordermann gebracht.


Weiter war für die Rettung entscheidend, dass Island eine eigene Währung hat: Der massive Einbruch der isländischen Krone führte nicht in den Untergang (wie manche Finanzpropheten geunkt hatten), sondern er war eine entscheidende Voraussetzung für die schnelle Erholung. Der isländische Weg aus der Bankenkrise unterscheidet sich markant vom europäischen Weg der Bankenrettung, der Schuldenbewirtschaftung und der Staatsfinanzierung, die die EZB über die elektronische «Notenpresse» heute betreibt (indem sie Staatspapiere in grossen Mengen aufkauft).

Selbstverständlich ist die Situation in jedem Land anders, und der isländische Weg kann nicht 1 : 1 auf andere Länder übertragen werden. Er zeigt jedoch, wie eine Regierung, verbunden mit dem Volk, mutig neue Wege sucht und in der ärgsten Krise einen Ausweg findet. Er zeigt auch, wie ein kleines Land mit eigener Währung beweglich ist und sich in der globalen Finanz- und Wirtschaftswelt behaupten kann. Es spricht für sich, dass der IWF vor drei Jahren den isländischen Finanzminister Steingrimur Sigfusson angefragt hat (der jedoch ablehnte), bei der Bewältigung der Schuldenkrise in Griechenland mitzuhelfen. («Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung» vom 21.2.2015)

Es beindruckt, wie Island in wenigen Jahren seine katastrophale Finanzsituation bereinigen konnte, was dem kleinen Land wohl niemand zugetraut hat. Dabei hat das Volk über die direkte Demokratie eine wichtige Rolle gespielt. Finanzprobleme dürfen nicht von einer kleinen Elite hinter geschlossenen Türen gelöst werden. Sonst kommt heraus, was wir heute in Griechenland beobachten können – ein Debakel. Die Frage stellt sich unweigerlich, weshalb ein solcher oder ein ähnlicher Weg nicht auch in andern Ländern möglich ist, und wie man das lähmende und einengende Korsett des Euro-Systems sprengen könnte.

Unweigerlich kommt einem die griechische Mythologie in den Sinn: die Parabel über den Gordischen Knoten. Als Gordischer Knoten werden die kunstvoll verknoteten Seile bezeichnet, die am Streitwagen des phrygischen Königs Gordios befestigt waren und die Deichsel des Wagens mit dem Zug­joch der Pferde verbanden. Der Sage nach prophezeite ein Orakel, dass derjenige die Herrschaft Asiens erringen werde, der den Gordischen Knoten lösen könne. Viele kluge und starke Männer versuchten es, und keinem gelang es, bis Alexander der Grosse auf seinem Zug Richtung Persien diesen Knoten einfach mit seinem Schwert durchschlug und damit den Siegeszug durch Asien eingeläutet hat. – Ähnlich bräuchte es heute die mutige Tat eines Volkes, um sich aus der Verstrickung zu lösen.     •

Apocalypse touristique en Islande


Apocalypse touristique en Islande

par Nicolas Bonnal

Ex: http://www.dedefensa.org

L’Islande c’était l’île sauvage, magique et sous-peuplée. Un rêve pour Jules Verne et tous nos rayons verts.

L’Islande c’était aussi le pays du ragnarok, du grand crépuscule des dieux. Or on a ici le tsunami de l’invasion touristique. Deux millions de touristes, en attendant dix ou cent pour exciter les enthousiastes des réseaux sociaux, pour 340 000 habitants. Au boom spéculatif qui ruina cette pauvre île, succède le boom touristique qui la dévaste. Mais c’est comme ça. J’ai vu d’autres coins comme ça disparaître à la surface de la terre, et j’ai bien lu la thérapie de choc de Naomi Klein qui explique comme le tsunami précipita la vraie dévastation, celle touristique, de l’océan indien. Mais qui va interdire aux milliards de Tartarin de voyager ?

On a parlé ici de la catastrophe touristique. Elle n’est pas seulement grave pour le paysage, elle est grave pour l’humain qui pratique ce tourisme.

On a connu le romantique qui écrivait et qui gravait, le petit éduqué qui lisait le Guide bleu, maintenant on a le massifié abruti qui se fait un selfie et se fout de tout le reste. Il veut se prendre en photo devant une chute d’eau, descend du bus pour ça et puis c’est tout. On est tous cons, mais pas au point de voyager, disait Sam Beckett.

Lisons le Monde pour une fois :

« Ce sont eux qui font la renommée du bourg, dont la plage est souvent classée parmi les plus belles du monde. En se retournant, la vue porte sur le glacier Myrdalsjökull, qu’on pourrait presque toucher par temps clair. Bienvenue en Islande, à Vik, 572 âmes, 1,2 million de touristes attendus en 2017.


A la sortie du village, le long de la route circulaire qui fait le tour de l’Etat insulaire sur 1 339 kilomètres, trois autocars déversent leurs passagers à doudounes, tout sourire, à la porte du magasin de souvenirs. Devant la station-service, c’est un ballet incessant de voitures : en mars, il en est passé près de 3 000 par jour en moyenne. Il y a encore cinq ans, le touriste était pourtant une espèce essentiellement estivale, comme la sterne.

A seulement 186 kilomètres de Reykjavik, Vik était l’étape idéale sur la route du Sud et ses merveilles naturelles : plages, ­ cascades, glaciers, icebergs. Mais d’octobre à juin, sous un ciel souvent maussade, le village hibernait.

C’est un temps révolu. A l’office du tourisme, Beata Rutkowska travaille à un nouveau plan du bourg. De nombreuses adresses sont à modifier : « Ici vont s’ouvrir deux chambres d’hôte. Là, nous allons mettre en service une tyrolienne. Le loueur de chevaux a changé de place, pour avoir des écuries plus grandes. »

On frétille en continuant, à 400 euros la nuit de base :

« La boutique, déjà vaste, va encore s’agrandir. Deux hôtels vont augmenter leur capacité. Un autre ouvrira en 2018. Vik et ses environs proches disposent à ce jour de 1 800 lits. Mais inutile de chercher une chambre pour le pic de l’été. Rien n’est disponible à moins de 50 kilomètres. A 400 euros la nuit minimum, pour une famille de quatre.

Le village fait face au cyclone touristique qui s’est emparé de toute l’Islande. L’île accueillait 400 000 visiteurs en 2006. Elle en a reçu 1,7 million en 2016. Les prévisions pour cette année font état de 2,3 millions. La moitié de ces voyageurs, au moins, transitent par la commune, qui compte plusieurs spots touristiques… »


Chose importante : « Il est impossible de trouver une maison à louer à Vik. Dès qu’une se ­libère, les hôtels se jettent dessus pour loger leurs employés », explique l’édile.

J’ai déjà expliqué que comme on ne peut plus se loger sur terre, les employés écossais d’Amazon par exemple campent. On organise des tombolas pour les distraire. 200 000 parisiens dorment sous la tente, et peut-être dix millions d’Américains, pour rester dans les légendaires pays dits développés.

Car on n’arrête pas le progrès.

Après la journaliste du Monde est toute triste : « Effets sur l’environnement. »

Mot magique ! L’environnement !

Car si la population islandaise devant les billets oublie toute pudeur, la population touristique n’oublie pas de déféquer.

« Voici une retombée du tourisme de masse dont l’Islande se serait bien passée. Les sites d’information locaux ne parlent que de ça : la fâcheuse tendance qu’ont les visiteurs de faire leurs besoins n’importe où, dans la nature et même en zone urbaine. Une photo prise par un fermier de Fljotsdalur (sud) a récemment fait le tour des réseaux ­sociaux. On y voit un touriste, pantalon sur les chevilles, ­accroupi devant la boîte aux lettres de Thorkell Daniel ­Eiriksson, pourtant venu lui dire son mécontentement. » 

On continue sur les urinoirs :

« Les Islandais attribuent ce comportement au manque de lieux d’aisance, en rapport au nombre croissant de touristes. Et au fait que plein de cafés et restaurants réservent leurs toilettes à la clientèle – ou font payer les gens de passage. Cela ne suffit pas toujours à éviter les malentendus. Ainsi, des instructions placées dans les WC publics demandent ­expressément de ne pas poser les pieds sur la lunette – une habitude asiatique, selon les gérants. Des panneaux de signalisation ronds encore plus explicites sont parfois ­accolés à ceux qui interdisent le camping sauvage. Ils sont, pour l’heure, réservés aux ­propriétés privées. »

Pourquoi parler des chiottes ?

Lisez Léon Bloy pardi :

« Par nature le Bourgeois est haïsseur et destructeur de paradis. Quand il aperçoit un beau Domaine, son rêve est de couper les grands arbres, de tarir les sources, de tracer des rues, d'instaurer des boutiques et des urinoirs. Il appelle ça monter une affaire. »

Pour le reste, rappelez-vous Apocalypse now : le baba cool cite TS Eliot (The Hollow men, les hommes creux), et son monde qui ne crèvera pas dans un boom, mais dans un pleurnichement. La vraie apocalypse, c’est le triomphe de la médiocrité et de la massification que nous vivons !

Mais rassurez-vous : on fabriquera plus de chiottes trois étoiles Michelin, on mettra les piaules à 2000 euros la nuit pour les familles, et on balisera tous les sentiers GR. 10mn maximum selfies compris !!!


Nicolas Bonnal – Le voyageur éveillé

Bloy – Exégèse des lieux communs

En savoir plus sur http://www.lemonde.fr/m-perso/article/2017/06/02/en-islande-un-village-submerge-par-les  touristes_5137763_4497916.html#qhDt2veJT1fkx6Wk.99

mardi, 17 janvier 2017

The Epic of Human Evolution: Johannes V. Jensen’s The Long Journey


The Epic of Human Evolution:
Johannes V. Jensen’s The Long Journey

Johannes V. Jensen cannot be called a forgotten writer — he won the Nobel Prize in Literature for 1944 and is still remembered in his native Denmark — yet his name will probably be unfamiliar to most of my readers. He was born in 1873, the second of eleven children of a veterinary surgeon in the village of Farsø in Northern Jutland. To help finance his medical studies at the University of Copenhagen, he began writing “cliffhanger” newspaper serials. After three years, he switched to full-time writing and journalism. 

Johannes-Vilhelm-Jensen_6378.jpegJensen’s first success in the realm of serious literature was a series of sketches set in his native region, the Himmerland Stories. While still in his twenties, he produced The Fall of the King, a historical novel about Christian II of Denmark (reigned 1513–1523); the novel remains a classic of Danish literature, and in 1999 was named Denmark’s greatest twentieth-century novel by two separate newspapers. Jensen also wrote poetry and introduced the prose poem to Denmark. His travels in America inspired one of the most famous poems in Danish literature: “At Memphis Station.”

Both his rural background and his scientific training gave Jensen a strong interest in the natural world, and he turned to the study of evolution. Never a religious man, he was interested in the question of whether and how science and evolution might provide a worldview and hierarchy of values such as religions have traditionally provided. As a novelist, he undertook to recreate the evolutionary history of mankind in imaginative form. Between 1908 and 1923 he published a series of short works devoted to significant steps in mankind’s rise to civilization, with an emphasis on explorers and discoverers. These were then collected into a single epic work called The Long Journey, which was the work cited by the Swedish Academy in awarding Jensen the Nobel Prize.

The Long Journey is divided into three principal parts: “Fire and Ice,” “The Cimbrians,” and “Christopher Columbus.” The first part is set in prehistory and concerns anthropogenesis, the process by which apes of the genus Homo became recognizable human beings. The story also involves the differentiation of humans into distinct races and the issue of relations between races.

At the start of The Long Journey, the climate is warm and primeval hominids wander the forests in bands, competing with the other animals for food. To other species, the proto-humans are distinguished mainly by their restlessness and continual vocal noises. Hominid bands do not get along well, and try to stay out of each other’s way, although there are occasional exchanges of females.

Anything small enough to be held in the hand is food: not everyone can tell the difference between a berry and a spider, so they are eaten indifferently. When a band exhausts the foodstuffs in one place, they simply move on to another. An outside observer could have observed that they were following an annual course synchronized with the seasons, but the still apelike creatures themselves are unaware of this. Indeed, they have little memory at all. Dusk is a new crisis every twenty-four hours, for the previous night has already been forgotten. Band members huddle together on the forest floor, keeping as still as possible. Higher ranking males occupy the protected center along with the more fertile females; wild animals are left free to pick off the children or the aged from the margins until daylight returns.

Fear is the most common state of mind. Hominids fear the water, the night-time, other bands, larger animals such as elephants and big cats—but most of all they fear the occasional outbreaks of fire. When fire appears, there is nothing to do but run until one drops. Looming high above the forest is a mysterious mountain that is seen to spit fire from its top from time to time; it is the presumed source of the fires which periodically spread panic through the forest. No one dares approach it.

Each band is led by a dominant male known simply as “the Man.” He is larger and usually somewhat older than most of the rest, with a more powerful voice and a woollier and more fearsome head of hair. Most importantly, he has a rudimentary memory, which tells him the proper course of action when dangerous situations recur.

The narrative begins with fire breaking out in the forest. The Man has seen fire stopped in its tracks by water, so he leads the band to a swampy area. Only the greater fear of fire could induce primeval men to enter the water; even so, the Man must encourage a few recalcitrants with well-aimed rocks. Crouching in terror with their nostrils barely above water, the band waits out the fire. One female is so frightened that she goes into labor during the blaze; she names the boy Fyr (fire).

The band survives to marvel at the destruction wrought by the fire. Fyr grows up to be more restless and more courageous than most of his fellows, early on learning to wander far from the band, exploring the world around him. Eventually, as an adolescent, he finds his way up the lower slopes of the fire mountain. Although the nights are cold there, the ground is always warm, and predatory animals keep their distance. He takes to spending whole nights on the mountain by himself. As he ventures farther up, he sees veins of reddish fire half-hidden inside the ground. Poking around in one of these spots one day, the end of his stick catches fire. Frightened, he runs away. But eventually he comes back to find the fire gone out and the stick blackened. He learns that the behavior of fire is not random; it obeys certain rules, such as that when there is nothing left to burn, it goes out. Soon, he is going about with lit branches: primitive torches. He learns that fire cannot spread as long as he does not let it come into contact with anything flammable.

Eventually, Fyr brings his new discovery back to the band. At first, they flee as usual. But they notice that the wayward explorer is not afraid. He sets up the first hearth, where the fire can be tended and kept from spreading. Gradually, his fellows return and he finds himself recognized as the big man of the band: the tamer of fire.

The band has less to fear at night now, for the fire keeps dangerous animals away and allows them to see one another. It is a great day when they make the accidental discovery that animal flesh tastes better after it has been in the fire for a time. Soon they are bringing regular “offerings” to the Fire God of the tribal hearth, and a primitive religion is born.

In Jensen’s view, however, fire is not the decisive step which separates man from the other animals; the decisive step is the contest with ice.

After the passing of many ages, the fire mountain goes into a long sleep and the forest turns cool and rainy. Floods wash away the remains of once-lush vegetation, and the ground becomes a morass of decaying wood and naked stones. Blackened trunks are all that remain of the palms. As edible plants become scarce, the weaker animals die and the stronger start heading south where warmth and food are still to be found. (There are a few exceptions: pachyderms who remain in the north to become woolly mammoths, bears who prefer to sleep until the warmth comes back.)

The hominids go south as well. With their short memories, most are hardly aware that they are doing so. Each winter finds them one more valley farther south, and most assume it has always been so. One obstinate fellow, however, remembers each retreat and resents having to constantly give way to the encroaching ice. A descendant of Fyr, he belongs to the priestly class which tends the sacred fire. But like his ancestor, he is a rebel and a curious man who likes to wander far from his tribe. His name is Carl, and he will become the first human being.

He followed his tribe, gave ground with it from one valley to another, but it was against his humor. There was coercion in it, and that hardened his heart. How long was the retreat to be kept up, was it to go on forever? Must they not one day turn and face the cold, set their teeth against this silent power that had begun to make everything whither and stiffen?

It was not a matter of rational decision:

fallking.jpgHe was a primitive man, with mighty impulses but no reflective mind. He simply did not turn aside for anyone or anything, and this savage strength that blindly revolted against any kind of compulsion was the cause which sundered his fate from that of his tribe.

The tribe occasionally sends out search parties: to the south, of course, but also back to the north to scavenge any foodstuffs that may remain. On one such northward journey, Carl is tending the fire for his sleeping companions. Feeling pity for them, he rebels against his sedentary duties and determines to go out to do battle with the common enemy, Cold. He prepares the fire as best he can to go on burning until his return, and quietly steals away. He heads up the slope of a nearby mountain until the trees disappear and the rocky ground is covered by nothing but moss. There are outlandish sights to behold here: the rain has become white, and the surfaces of puddles are hard and unyielding. Yet he finds the atmosphere oddly congenial:

Carl sniffed with wide nostrils and drank in the pungent frosty air which sharpened his sense of smell to the utmost, but brought him no message either of plants or beasts. Instead he had a keener feeling of himself, of his blood and his breath, the singing purity and sweetness of the air made him more alive, he snorted like a horse and shook himself violently.

From the top, the valley below is a confused mass of uprooted trees lying like sticks and the bloated carcasses of drowned animals. The devastation of the rains shows like channels which a finger has drawn through the carpet of the forest. But Cold is nowhere to be found. Looking out toward the north, he finds that climbing the mountain has only gained him a view of yet higher mountains trailing off into the distance: “Ah, then the pursuit might be long, then it would be hard indeed to reach the Mighty One who sent down cold into the valleys.”

When he returns to camp, the fire has gone out and his companions have left. When he catches up with them, they are hostile. They do not understand that he had set out on his mad chase for their sake; they believe he has betrayed them, and are determined to kill him if he approaches them again.

Carl survives from day to day by hunting, gorging himself on the blood and raw flesh of the animals he catches and pressing himself against their carcasses to enjoy the last warmth ebbing out of their bodies. He learns to cover himself with bearskins. As his search for the Great Spirit of Cold continues to prove fruitless, “the foundation was laid in his mind of the first heathenism, the consciousness of the impersonal forces of nature.” He begins to feel that “merely to be alive was a victory.”

Turning to the north, Carl decides to seek out the fire mountain he barely remembers from his earliest youth, from before his tribe began their annual southward trek. After many days he finds it, still with plenty of traces of the old fire upon it. But it is cold all the way to the top. Carl will not be able to recover fire in this way, and he weeps with despair.

Soon after, however, an unexpected development occurs. He chances upon an isolated member of his own kind and determines to hunt it down. The chase goes on for hours, but Carl perseveres until his quarry drops from exhaustion. When he comes close to examine the catch, he is strangely charmed by it and decides to keep it alive. “Thus arose monogamy,” observes Jensen deadpan.

Carl’s new mate follows him farther north, where he gradually improves as a hunter and maker of clothes. All he has to remind him of fire is the flint he uses to make axes. He realizes that fire is somehow contained in the flint, for each time he flakes off a bit of it, he detects the scent of fire. Soon he is flaking flint just to recover the sense of the warm element he has lost. For hours on end he pounds the flint with various stones, but no fire appears.

One day he accidentally comes upon a yellow (i.e., sulfurous) rock. When he pounds the flint with it, generous sparks fly out. Trembling with excitement, Carl gathers dry wood into a pile and contrives to let the sparks fall upon it. Within minutes, a huge bonfire is blazing. Carl and his mate are beside themselves with joy; their lives have been changed forever.

Children start arriving and Carl becomes the patriarch of a growing clan. Soon his children are plentiful enough to hunt even mammoths. After Carl’s death, the sacred fire stone is passed down through his eldest line. His grave becomes the shrine where it is kept.

Life is still not easy for the men of the north, and the land of eternal warmth becomes a beckoning racial memory to them, “the imperishable legend of the Garden of Paradise”:

Legends more and more romantic were told of the lovely dusky daughters of the jungle, but the few specimens it was still possible to procure in the flesh smelt of civet and were not to the taste of the Icemen. A dream that makes your mouth water is one thing, the unappetizing reality another. And when at last distance and time had entirely sundered the two races, any propensity for the savage women came to be regarded as indecent.

jvj.gifThus the gulf between the two races parted by the ice became a profound eternal chasm. They were no longer each other’s like. The division between them was fateful in its effect. The primitive people who continually gave ground remained the same, whereas Carl, who could not yield, had become another and had passed on his changed nature to his descendants.

Carl’s race remained settled in the North and adjusted itself to ever more difficult conditions, which necessitated progress at home. They no longer resembled the naked and forgetful savages from whom they were originally descended, they were other men.

One should bear in mind that Jensen wrote this tale between 1908 and 1923, whereas the theory of cold selection did not enter the scientific literature until 1931.

[Carl’s tribe] had lost the forest man’s way of going slap-dash at a thing and then stopping to scratch himself; their life had taught them to take good thought and strike home when the time came. They did not live exclusively in the moment, the eternal summer of the jungle; they had to remember and think ahead if they were to survive the seasons. In place of the passion, harmless enough, of primitive man, they had assumed a self-command which might have an air of coldness; the wider range of their activities compelled them to think twice and hesitate. This made them introspective and apparently joyless; there was no sound of chirruping about their dwellings as in the leafy booths of the forest.

The sobriety of Carl’s descendants could be misleading, however:

Impulsiveness and joy of life lay deep in their nature, and had acquired added strength. In this they took after Carl, whose lifelong calm was legendary, but of whom it was also related that on two or three occasions he had used his primitive strength with all the violence of rage. It was said that none had seen Carl laugh, and yet there was proof that he had enjoyed existence more hugely than anyone alive.

Many generations pass and the sons of Carl multiply greatly. Parallel to the story of human evolution runs that of human inventions and discoveries: the snow sledge, the boiling of food, the consumption of milk, the domestication of the dog, baked clay pottery, and so on. Carl’s eldest line evolves into a corrupt priesthood whose power is based on possession of the yellow fire stone and superstitious fear in the minds of others. They do no hunting, getting fat on the quarry brought home by others. One little boy named White Bear marvels to see his tall, strong father cringe before a puny priest who arrogantly orders him around.

When White Bear comes of age, he kills a priest in a fight over a girl and is banished from the tribe. He and his mate May journey many days to the south until they reach the coast and can go no further. He learns to build rafts to travel across the rivers and lakes of his new homeland, and dreams of one day crossing the open ocean in such a craft.

May makes an offering of corn to the gods of the earth, and is surprised when the earth returns her gift many times over. Each spring thereafter she makes a more generous offering. Thus agriculture is born, and White Bear’s family enjoys an improved diet.

But the climate is getting warmer again, and the melting glaciers to the north begin to flood their lowland home. Nature forces White Bear’s hand; he builds the largest raft he can and sets sail with his family across the waters to the south. After several days of terror and near despair, the family reaches a new land which they name Lifeland. The climate is mild and food plentiful; horses roam the grassy plains, and the family begins to tame them. Fatefully, the land is already inhabited:

In Lifeland White Bear met with the primitive folk. It never occurred to him that the scurvy little savages who infested the thickets like vermin were the beautiful naked people he had dreamt of finding in the southern forests; and yet it was they. They were directly descended from the same people who long ago had thrust out Carl and left him at the mercy of the winter.

White Bear names them “Badgers.” They are frightened of the newcomers, and it takes a long time for him to get a good look at them. He makes many signs of friendship and goes about with green boughs in his hand in place of weapons—the first racial liberal, as it were. Eventually the Badgers understand that he does not intend to eat them, and a mutually beneficial trading relationship grows up between the two peoples.

The Badgers do not build themselves houses, sleeping on the bare ground or in the bushes. The lot of their women is miserable. Monogamy is unknown, and thievery their only way of obtaining property. They have fire, but have made no progress in its use since the days of Fyr. They have never noticed that there is such a thing as corn, though they are wading to their necks in it. The Badgers consider themselves elevated in a positively transcendental degree above all that bore the name of beast.

They were altogether unfeeling towards animals, in a way that struck White Bear as both foreign and revolting; not content with killing them in the chase, they tortured them in cold blood for their amusement. They only knew of killing horses; they had no notion of taming them.

The only new thing to which they introduce White Bear is music, developed from plucking the bowstrings they use to hunt. White Bear is astonished at the capacity of the Badgers’ music to awaken previously unsuspected emotions within him.

The easy availability of food leaves White Bear much leisure for building. Soon he is traveling around in rafts and canoes of his own construction, and the Badgers begin to take an interest in his projects:


They showed a certain constancy as far as watching White Bear’s work and copying him went. They developed a peculiar sidelong look through always stealing with their eyes without a word of thanks to the owner. They showed a surprising capacity for imitation, learning in a twinkling how to clothe themselves and boil and drive a sledge and sail on the water and everything White Bear could do. In fact, they assimilated all this so well that it was not long before they began to hint among themselves that they had really been well acquainted with all these things beforehand. They were not far from jeering at the Firebeard who gave himself out to be the originator of the most obvious things. All the same they never got any further with the new things they had learned until they had gone and pried on White Bear’s fingers while he was at work.

Seeing that sledges are of little use in his new environment, White Bear ponders other means of transportation. The use of log rollers soon leads him to the discovery of the wheel. White Bear eventually builds a cart with wooden wheels and axles, but his first horse-drawn test drive ends in a smoky crash as the axles catch fire. The Badgers erupt in laughter at the sight, perceiving nothing but a man taking a tumble and getting singed. For White Bear the experience provides a new method of obtaining fire and reveals the need for lubricants.

White Bear’s greatest project is a large ship, now for the first time with a keel and held together with nails. The Badgers look on, and their attitude to White Bear imperceptibly begins to change:

The Badgers knew very well that the white men were no more supernatural than themselves. And truly it was no longer with abject wonder that they looked at the great masterpiece of a ship that White Bear had under construction on the beach; it rather weighed on them like a burning sickness from which they were suffering.

Who did this man think he was? His experiments were a challenge to the very gods!

One day, White Bear lets slip an unfortunate jest, telling the Badgers it was after all a lucky thing that had occurred to him at the start to propel a ship end-on, otherwise they might have sailed broadside to the end of time. White Bear quickly forgets the remark, but the Badgers remember, and the shame of it seems to burn more strongly as time goes on. White Bear sees that something is bothering the Badgers and tries to cheer them, but nothing seems to work.

Soon White Bear is ready to load his family on his new ship and sail for the distant horizon. A few supplies are still wanting, so he drives his cart inland after game.

When White Bear had been gone some hours, the Badgers come creeping up to the settlement from different sides, surrounding it and hiding themselves, while three or four of them openly go towards White Bear’s house.

May is at home with her three daughters, the youngest of whom is still a little child, and a half-grown boy called Worm. To him the Badgers address themselves, and they talk for a while of this and that. Worm knows them well, as they were in the habit of coming to the settlement and asking favors of White Bear. This time they only want to borrow a clay pot, and as Worm turns his back to fetch one, they throw straps around his arms and legs and pull him down. Worm defends himself desperately, but more Badgers come to help and Worm is overpowered.

The confusion brings May out with the little girl. The two grown-up daughters stay below, in the stone house. Not a word is spoken between May and the Badgers, but when she looks around at them and sees Worm lying bound, she takes up a heavy piece of wood, lifts the little girl up on her arm, and begins to fight for her life and the children’s. She fights for as long as she can still see, raging like a she-bear, till she can feel no more.

The settlement is thick with Badgers, as whole armies of them have swarmed up from the grass and undergrowth; they are so many that they press each other backwards and forwards like a tideway, swaying in and out, almost too numerous to get anything done. But that only happens after a while. Some of them make for the ship, while others split White Bear’s sledges to pieces and kill the domestic animals. The daughters are brought up, shrieking, from the house, but soon their cries are stifled by skins thrown over their heads and die away as they are carried off.

One group takes Worm and leads him to a tree to be tortured.

Deep inland on his hunting excursion, White Bear sees smoke rising from the horizon and hurries back. It is his ship burning.

Outside his house, White Bear sees things even worse. Here, the Badgers had spent at least an hour amusing themselves at their ease, and the whole settlement is bespattered with blood. May is dead; in her arms, she holds the unrecognizable body of the little girl. Dying and bound to a tree, White Bear finds his son Worm. They have cut his back open and torn the lungs from his living body.

The chapter that describes these events is entitled “The Call of the Blood.”

s-l300.jpgWhite Bear takes plenty of revenge upon the Badgers, of course, but he gradually realizes both that their numbers are inexhaustible and that they no longer have any idea why he is killing them. They have already forgotten the attack on the settlement and sincerely believe that White Bear is the aggressor. So the killing comes to seem pointless to White Bear, and he leaves off.

It is not always easy to identify the exact races or geographical areas depicted in Fire and Ice. The land of ice is probably the Scandinavian mountain ridge; Lifeland is at one point said to be Russia, and is obviously a steppe area. But who are the Badgers? They seem to combine the traits of Black Africans and American Indians, and their attack on White Bear’s settlement may well have been based on accounts of North American Indian raids. Jensen had both artistic and scientific reasons for leaving some of the details of his account vague; he wished to produce a narrative that would not lose its value after another generation of paleo-anthropological discoveries.

The second volume of The Long Journey follows a skald, or traveling poet and storyteller, as he wanders north into Jutland toward the author’s own native region of Himmerland. In this Iron Age society, there are two kinds of person: free men and thralls. The thralls are darker-haired, shorter, and sturdier; the free population are tall, blond, and lithe. Repeated flooding forces them to pull up stakes and wander southward, repeating collectively the earlier journey of White Bear. Here, prehistory melds into history as the Jutlanders run into not Badgers, but Romans. The narrative becomes the story of the Cimbric Wars (113–101 BC), which gave the Republic its greatest fright since Hannibal. The narrative ends with the luckless Cimbric survivors living as slaves in Rome and contributing their blood to the servile class. Of course, five hundred years later, their cousins who remain in the north will attack Rome once again with a very different result.

The third volume of The Long Journey focuses on the first journey of Columbus, whose story is presented as another reprise of the northerner’s return, under the influence of unconscious racial memories, toward the south from which he had first emerged.

Christopher Columbus came from Genoa, a Ligurian by birth, but we shall understand the roots of his nature if we regard him as a descendant of the Longobards, of people who had moved from Lombardy to the coast. As by virtue of his nature and his surroundings he was compelled to develop, [Columbus] may be taken as the type of that flaring up of the faculties and that profound bewilderment which mark the Northerner when he is transferred to the South.

Once again, northern man is brought face to face with his remote cousins, and the meeting is fateful for all of his future development. The last chapter of this story, of course, has yet to be written.

Jensen closes his epic with a brief vignette of Charles Darwin on his journey past Tierra del Fuego through the Beagle Channel. Darwin’s significance, of course, is that he revealed to men their primitive kinship—and, by implication, the different histories which separated them as well; in Jensen’s words, “he drew the despised ‘savage’ up to the breast of civilization as the distant kinsman who stands between the white man and the beast.” In Darwin, man became conscious of the long journey which had made him what he is.

Jensen lived until 1950, continuing to write prolifically, but never again producing a work of prose fiction. His epic of human evolution was his ultimate message for mankind.

The Long Journey has not been reprinted in the English-speaking world since 1961. As Jensen’s Wikipedia entry sagely observes, “his often dubious racial theories have damaged his reputation.”

Source: The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 15, no. 1, Spring 2015

Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2017/01/the-epic-of-human-evolution/

URLs in this post:

[1] Image: http://www.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/6475_Jensen.jpg

samedi, 05 novembre 2016

L'idée choc étudiée en Islande: et si on retirait aux banques la capacité de créer de la monnaie?


L'idée choc étudiée en Islande: et si on retirait aux banques la capacité de créer de la monnaie?

Auteur : Romaric Godin

Ex: http://zejournal.mobi

Un rapport parlementaire islandais suggère de donner à la seule banque centrale le monopole de la création monétaire. Une vraie révolution, si l'idée était appliquée...

Décidément, l'Islande est le pays de la créativité financière. Après avoir montré, en 2009, qu'il existait bien une alternative au transfert de la dette bancaire vers la dette publique, l'île nordique pourrait s'apprêter à réaliser une grande expérience monétaire.

Le 31 mars dernier, en effet, le président du comité des affaires économiques de l'Althingi, le parlement islandais, Frosti Sigurdjonsson, a remis un rapport au premier ministre, Sigmundur Gunnlaugsson, sur la réforme du système monétaire islandais. Et c'est une véritable révolution qu'il propose.

L'absence de maîtrise de la banque centrale sur le système monétaire

Le rapport cherche en effet à réduire le risque de bulles et de crises dans le pays. En 2009, l'Islande a connu une crise très aiguë qui a fait suite à une explosion du crédit alimenté par un système bancaire devenu beaucoup trop généreux dans ses prêts et beaucoup trop inconscient dans sa gestion des risques.

Ni l'Etat, ni la Banque centrale islandaise (Sedlabanki) n'ont pu stopper cette frénésie. « Entre 2003 et 2006, rappelle Frosti Sigurdjonsson, la Sedlabanki a relevé son taux d'intérêt et mis en garde contre une surchauffe, ce qui n'a pas empêché les banques d'accroître encore la masse monétaire ».

Comment fonctionne le système actuel

Dans le système actuel, ce sont en effet les banques commerciales qui créent l'essentiel de la masse monétaire, en accordant des prêts à discrétion. La banque centrale ne peut que tenter de décourager ou d'encourager, par le mouvement des taux ou par des mesures non conventionnelles, cette création. Mais la transmission de la politique monétaire aux banques n'est jamais une garantie.

Malgré la hausse des taux de la Sedlabanki, la confiance et l'euphorie qui régnait en Islande au début des années 2000 a soutenu le processus de création monétaire. Lorsque la demande existe, rien ne peut empêcher les banques de prêter. Lorsqu'elle disparaît, rien ne peut les contraindre à le faire. Et souvent, ces mouvements sont excessifs, ce qui créé des déséquilibres, puis des corrections par des crises où l'Etat doit souvent venir au secours des banques. Et lorsqu'il faut faire repartir l'activité, les banques centrales ont souvent des difficultés à être entendue.

Le cas de la zone euro en est une preuve. Il a fallu que la BCE use de moyens immenses, l'annonce d'un QE de 1.140 milliards d'euros, pour que le crédit commence à se redresser dans la zone euro et encore, de façon fort limitée pour l'instant.

Une idée ancienne

D'où cette idée centrale du rapport de Frosti Sigurdjonsson : ôter aux banques le pouvoir de création monétaire. Comme le souligne l'ancien président de l'autorité financière britannique, Aldair Turner, qui préface le rapport, « la création monétaire est une matière trop importante pour être laissée aux banquiers ».

Cette idée n'est, en réalité, pas neuve. Après la crise de 1929, des économistes étatsuniens avaient proposé en 1933 le « plan de Chicago » qui proposait d'abolir la capacité des banques à créer par elle-même de la monnaie. Il avait eu un grand succès, mais pas de traduction concrète véritable.

En 1939, l'économiste Irving Fischer, un de ceux qui avaient examiné de plus près la crise de 1929, avait proposé de transférer le monopole de la création monétaire à la banque centrale. James Tobin, Milton Friedman et d'autres ont également réfléchi sur ce sujet. Mais la proposition islandaise, que Frosti Sigurdjonsson présente comme « une base de discussion » pour le pays, est la première proposition de passage à un autre système qu'il appelle le « système monétaire souverain ».


Décider de la création monétaire dans l'intérêt de l'économie

Quel est-il ? Le rapport indique que l'Islande « étant un Etat souverain avec une monnaie indépendante est libre de réformer son système monétaire actuel, qui est instable et de mettre en place un système monétaire de meilleure qualité ». Dans ce système, seule la Banque centrale aura le monopole de la création monétaire, aucune couronne ne pourra circuler si elle n'a pas été émise par la Sedlabanki à l'origine.

Cette dernière pourra donc faire évoluer la masse monétaire en fonction de ses objectifs « dans l'intérêt de l'économie et de toute la société ». Frosti Sigurdjonsson propose qu'un « comité indépendant du gouvernement prenne des décisions sur la politique monétaire de façon transparente ».

La Banque centrale créera de la monnaie en accordant des prêts aux banques commerciales pour qu'elles prêtent ensuite des sommes équivalentes aux entreprises et aux particuliers, mais aussi en finançant des augmentations de dépenses publiques ou des exemptions d'impôts, ou encore par le rachat de dettes publiques. Pour empêcher la création monétaire par le système bancaire, deux types de comptes auprès de la banque centrale seront créés.

Comptes de transactions et d'investissements

Les premiers seront les « comptes de transactions ». Ces comptes représenteront les dépôts des particuliers et des entreprises. Les banques commerciales administreront ces comptes, mais ne pourront pas en modifier les montants. L'argent déposé sur ses comptes ne rapportera pas d'intérêt, mais sera garantie en totalité par la banque centrale.

Un deuxième type de comptes, les « comptes d'investissements », sera créé en parallèle. Les agents économiques pourront transférer des fonds des comptes de transaction vers les comptes d'investissements. L'argent placé sur ses comptes seront investis par les banques et seront bloqués durant une période déterminée.

Les banques pourront alors proposer à ceux qui placent leur argent dans ces fonds différents types de produits, notamment des produits risqués à haut rendement. Il s'agit concrètement de séparer autant qu'il est possible l'argent du crédit. Le risque lié au crédit ne disparaît pas, mais il est limité par l'obligation de ne prêter que l'argent déposé sur ces comptes d'investissements.

Plus de Bank Runs

Pour Frosti Sigurdjonsson, ce système permettra une gestion plus réaliste de la masse monétaire non plus dans l'intérêt des agents privés, mais dans celui de la collectivité. La garantie sur les dépôts permettra d'éviter une course aux guichets (Bank Run), sans réduire, du reste, la responsabilité de ceux qui auraient investi dans des produits à risque.

Avec ce système, une séparation bancaire entre banque d'investissement et banque de dépôts n'est pas nécessaire, puisque l'activité de banque de dépôts sera garantie par la banque centrale. Du reste, la garantie implicite de l'Etat dont bénéficient les grandes banques disparaîtra d'elle-même.

armoiries_ISLANDE (2).gifGérer la transition

Pour la transition, Frosti Sigurdjonsson propose de transférer les dépôts détenus dans les banques commerciales vers les comptes de transaction. Ce transfert se fera par l'émission d'une créance sur les banques qui sera détenue par la Sedlabanki et qui sera payée sur plusieurs années par les banques.

Ce « passif de conversion » s'élèverait à 450 milliards de couronnes islandaises, soit 3,05 milliards d'euros. Cet argent issu des banques commerciales sera donc progressivement remplacé par de l'argent issue de la banque centrale. Dans cette phase de transition, les sommes versées par les banques pourraient servir soit à réduire la dette publique, soit à réduire, si besoin, la masse monétaire, par l'annulation d'une partie des fonds versés.

Les problèmes posés

Cette proposition ne règlera certes pas tous les problèmes. Certes, les prêts seront sans doute moins importants et la croissance de l'économie sans doute moins forte. Mais le projet est d'avoir une économie plus stable et, sur le long terme, tout aussi performante. Plutôt que de voir l'économie croître de 5 % par an, puis de corriger de 3 % ; on pourrait avoir une croissance stable de 2 % par an sans à-coup...

L'indépendance du comité de la Banque centrale sera très hypothétique, car l'Etat sera une courroie naturelle de la création monétaire et un risque d'excès n'est pas, ici, à exclure, même si l'Etat peut aussi bien prétendre représenter l'intérêt général que ce comité indépendant.

Mais une ambiguïté peut ici être problématique. Les liens avec les autres systèmes monétaires classiques pour une petite économie comme l'Islande sont encore à explorer. Matthew Klein, dans le Financial Times, a souligné également que ce nouveau système ne réduit pas le risque de financement d'investissements à long terme par des investissements à court terme qui avait été à l'origine de la crise de 2007-2008.

Enfin, il ne s'agit là que d'une proposition. Le premier ministre a bien accueilli le rapport. Mais ira-t-il jusqu'à lancer un tel chambardement de grand ampleur ? Les Islandais seront-ils prêts à franchir le pas ? La discussion est, du moins, lancée.

Lire (en anglais) le rapport du parlement islandais ici.

- Source : La Tribune

mardi, 01 novembre 2016

Elections législatives islandaises : rien de nouveau sur la glace


Elections législatives islandaises: rien de nouveau sur la glace

par Thomas Ferrier

Ex: http://thomasferrier.hautetfort.com

Article écrit sur la base de 80% des votes dépouillés.

Tous les analystes s’attendaient à un succès des Pirates (Piratar) partisans d’une démocratie directe et d’un référendum sur l’adhésion à l’Union Européenne. Avec 14,5% des voix (+9%) et 10 députés (+7), il réalise certes un résultat correct, mais apparaît malgré tout comme un feu de paille, comme cela a été le cas en Allemagne. Certains électeurs au dernier moment ont hésité à voter pour ce mouvement nouveau.

Le Parti de l’Indépendance, principal mouvement islandais depuis 1945, continue de dominer les débats. Avec 29% des voix (+2,2) et 21 députés (+2), il augmente son résultat de 2013. Le succès du Parti de l'Indépendance et celui des Pirates se font sur le dos des autres partis, de gauche comme populistes. Toutefois, les deux partis ne sont pas en mesure de construire une coalition autour d’eux, à moins que les Pirates ne s’associent aux différentes formations de gauche.

icelandelections.pngLe parti « rouge-vert » des écologistes de gauche avec 15,9% des voix (+5.1) et 10 sièges (+3) est également un des grands vainqueurs de ce scrutin. Cela explique aussi sans doute la contre-performance des Pirates par rapport aux promesses des sondages.  De même les écologistes pro-européens de Vidreisn, nouvelle formation politique, avec 10,5% des voix et 7 sièges, rentrent au parlement où ils y renforcent la gauche. Avec les sociaux-démocrates islandais, en perte de vitesse, n’obtenant que 5,7% des voix (-7,1) et 3 sièges (-6), la gauche et les Pirates réunis n'auraient 30 sièges (sur 63). Mais il s’agirait d’une coalition certes légèrement majoritaire mais très hétéroclite.

Le Parti Progressiste, libéral mais eurosceptique, avec 11,5% des voix (-13.4) et 8 sièges (-11), s’effondre littéralement, aspiré par les Pirates et aussi par un vote utile en faveur du Parti de l’Indépendance. Il est si fragilisé que sa participation à une coalition paraît compromise. Le mouvement libéral-démocrate et pro-européen « Futur Clair » (Björt framtið), libéral et démocrate, ne réussit pas davantage, avec 7,2% des voix (-1) et 4 sièges (-2), réalise lui aussi une contre-performance et recule pour les mêmes raisons. C’est enfin le cas du mouvement Aurore (« Dögur ») qui n’obtient que 1,7% des voix (-1.8) et aucun siège. La droite pourrait gouverner, avec 33 sièges, mais à la tête d'une coalition fragile. La victoire du Parti de l’Indépendance s’apparente donc à celle de Pyrrhus, puisqu’il est le premier parti du pays mais au détriment de ses alliés potentiels.

Les mouvements de droite nationale, car pour la première fois depuis 1943 un parti nationaliste, le Front National Islandais (Islenska Þjoðfylkingin), était candidat. Il n’obtient certes que 0.2% des voix, présent dans seulement deux régions sur six. L’extrême-gauche, représentée par le Front du Peuple Islandais (Alþyðufylkingin), ne réussit guère mieux avec 0,3% des voix. Ces formations restent marginales mais leur existence est déjà le signe d’une certaine tension.

La société islandaise, un pays de 300.000 habitants dont 246.000 ont voté à cette élection, est très spécifique, puisqu’elle correspond à une conurbation de taille moyenne en France (le Grand Nancy fait 300 000 habitants). Elle se rapproche d’un modèle démocratique à échelle plus humaine. Elle est néanmoins bouleversée par des enjeux qui la dépassent, et notamment son rapport compliqué vis-à-vis de l’Europe. Cela ne sera pas tranché par ce résultat.

Thomas FERRIER (Le Parti des Européens)

dimanche, 18 septembre 2016

Finnlands »Sonderkrieg« im Weltkrieg


Finnlands »Sonderkrieg« im Weltkrieg

Vor 75 Jahren versuchten die Skandinavier, im Schatten der Deutschen die Ergebnisse des Winterkrieges zu revidieren

Wolf Oschlies
Ex: http://www.preussische-allgemeine.de

Drei Tage, nachdem der deutsche Angriff auf die Sowjetunion begonnen hatte, erklärte Finnland der UdSSR den Krieg. Das Ziel war die Rückgewinnung der im Winterkrieg von 1939/40 verlorenen Gebiete. Obwohl Finnland mit Deutschland ein gemeinsamer Feind verband, verzichtete es auf ein offizielles Bündnis mit dem  Reich und versuchte vielmehr, einen „Sonderkrieg“ zu führen mit der Hoffnung auf einen „Sonderfrieden“.

Gemäß dem deutsch-sowjetischen Nichtangriffsabkommen vom 23. August 1939 gehörte Finnland zur sowjetischen Interessensphäre. Drei Monate später überfiel Josef Stalin mit 800000 Soldaten Finnland ohne formelle Kriegserklärung und unter Bruch des Nichtangriffspakts von 1932, weswegen die Sowjetunion Ende 1939 als „Aggressor“ vom Völkerbund geächtet wurde. Ihre Rote Armee war an Soldaten dreifach, an Waffen zehnfach überlegen, erlitt aber enorme Verluste: 150000 Gefallene und 325000 Verwundete gegenüber 21000 beziehungsweise 44000 bei Finnland. Nur 30 Panzer besaßen die Finnen, vernichteten aber knapp 2000 sowjetische, vorwiegend mit 550000 todbringenden Brandflaschen, die sie in boshafter Anspielung auf Stalins Regierungschef und Außenminister „Molotovin cocktail“ nannten: Molotowcocktail.


Vor allem dieser „Cocktail“ befähigte die Finnen zu 105 Tagen heroischem Widerstand, wogegen die Sowjets am 12. März 1940 nur einen glanzlosen „Frieden“ erreichten. Finnland büßte zwölf Prozent seines Territoriums ein.

Die Möglichkeit, die Ergebnisse des sowjetischen Überfalls zu revidieren, schien der deutsche Angriff auf die Sowjetunion zu bieten. Diesem Versuch einer militärischen Grenzrevision gaben die Finnen die Bezeichnung „Fortsetzungskrieg“.

Trotz des gemeinsamen Kriegsgegners versuchte Finnland, in den Augen der Westalliierten, auf Distanz zu Deutschland zu bleiben. Das Land schloss kein offizielles Bündnis mit dem Deutschen Reich. Auch behandelte es seine rund 2000 Juden, Nachfahren sogenannter Kantonisten, russischer Soldaten, die sich nach Dienstende in Finnland niedergelassen hatten, beispielhaft. Im Sommer 1942 war SS-Führer Heinrich Himmler in Finnland, um die Auslieferung von Juden zu fordern. Diese Forderung wies Finnlands Ministerpräsident Jukka Rangell zurück: „Finnlands Juden sind Staatsbürger wie alle anderen. In Finnland gibt es keine Judenfrage.“ Das bestätigte Leutnant Max Jakobson, nach dem Krieg Vizeaußenminister und UN-Vertreter Finnlands: „In der jüdischen Gemeinde Finnlands wurde kein offizieller Beschluss zur Kriegsbeteiligung gefasst. Die Juden reagierten auf die Ereignisse exakt so wie die Finnen.“ Alle seien Patrioten gewesen, schrieb der Historiker Seppo Hentilä: „Vielleicht dachten die Sowjets, die Finnen würden sie mit Blumen begrüßen. Der gemeinsame Hass schweißte die Finnen zusammen.“ Deren Erfahrungen mit Sowjets hätten sie, so Juho Paasikivi, 1940/41 Finnlands Botschafter in Moskau und ab 1946 dessen Staatspräsident, gelehrt, dass das Sowjetsystem „tausend Mal schlimmer“ als Adolf Hitlers Regime gewesen sei.

Bis Ende September hatten die Finnen fast alle 1940 verlorenen Gebiete zurückerobert, wozu der US-Außenminister Cordell Hull Finnland augenblicklich gratulierte. Hingegen argwöhnte England hier eine Tarnung deutscher Angriffspläne auf nordrussische Häfen und Verkehrslinien und erklärte Finnland am 5. Dezember den Krieg. Kurz darauf riet Premier Winston Churchill vertraulich dem finnischen Oberbefehlshaber Gustaf Mannerheim, aus dem Krieg mit den Deutschen auszuscheren. Das hätte Finnland gern getan, aber nicht unter Preisgabe rückeroberter Gebiete, was man noch im Sommer 1943 als „politischen Selbstmord“ ansah. Die Deutschen behielten, ungeachtet herber Rückschläge in der „Schlacht um Moskau“, die Initiative an der Ostfront. Wozu sie fähig waren, sah man am benachbarten Norwegen, das seit April 1940 deutsches Besatzungsgebiet war. Finnland nahm an der Blockade Leningrads teil. Sich selber sah man gut gerüstet, hatte Ende Sommer 1941 etwa 650000 Soldaten aufgestellt, knapp 18 Prozent der 3,7 Millionen Einwohner, ein Rekord in der internationalen Kriegsgeschichte. Darunter litten allerdings Wirtschaft und Beschäftigung, sodass bereits ab Herbst 1941 Soldaten demobilisiert wurden. 1943 hatte Finnland nur noch 320000.


Das Land glaubte sich, so Ende 1941 sein Militärattaché in Wa­shington, mit seinem „Sonderkrieg“ auf gutem Wege zu einem „Sonderfrieden“. Mannerheim hatte Hitler die Niederlage prophezeit, als dieser im Juni 1942 zu seinem 75. Geburtstag angereist war. Ein offizielles deutsches Bündnisabkommen wurde zu­rück­gewiesen, worauf Deutschland seine Hilfslieferungen stoppte. Ein US-Angebot, bei der Kriegsbeendigung zu helfen, wurde allerdings ebenso am 20. März 1943 als „verfrüht“ abgelehnt. Man glaubte, warten zu können. Die Lage an der Front hatte sich stabilisiert, 1942/43 gab es kaum Kampfhandlungen. Erst im Sommer 1944 griff die Rote Armee in Karelien wieder an, im August übergab der zum Staatspräsident gewählte Mannerheim über die Sowjetbotschaft in Stockholm ein Friedensangebot ab. Schäbiger Bittsteller war man nicht, hatte vielmehr der Roten Armee in der Schlacht von Tali-Ihantala (25. Juni bis 9. Juli 1944) die schwerste Niederlage des Fortsetzungskriegs zugefügt, rund 18000 Rotarmisten waren gefallen, 300 Panzer und 280 Flugzeuge abgeschossen.

Die sowjetischen Bedingungen für die Feuereinstellung waren mit dem Vereinigten Königreich und den Vereinigten Staaten abgestimmt: sofortiger Bruch mit Deutschland, Rückzug der deutschen Truppen bis zum 15. September. Am 4. September stellten die Finnen die Kampfhandlungen ein, die Sowjets erst am Tag danach wegen „bürokratischer Hemmnisse“. Am 19. September signierten in Moskau Finnland, die Sowjetunion und Großbritannien ein Waffenstillstandsabkommen, das für Sowjet-Usancen relativ milde ausfiel: Rückgabe der im Fortsetzungskrieg zurückgewonnenen Ge­biete, Abtretung weiterer Gebiete, ungehinderter Transit der Roten Armee durch Finnland, 300 Millionen US-Dollar Reparationen. Schwierigkeiten ergaben sich beim Rückzug der 200000 Deutschen, wofür die vorgesehene Zeit nicht ausreichte. Um den Sowjets keinen Vorwand zu liefern, den Waffenstillstand nicht einzuhalten, starteten die Finnen ihren „Lapplandkrieg“ gegen Deutsche, der sich dann noch bis Ende April 1945 hinzog.

Der endgültige Friedensvertrag Finnlands mit den „Alliierten und Assoziierten Mächten“ wurde am 10. Februar 1947 in Paris unterzeichnet. Offenkundig waren die Sowjets unzufrieden, nutzten den 1948 geschlossenen Vertrag über Freundschaft, Zusammenarbeit und gegenseitigen Beistand zu einer Knebelung des Landes, für die 1966 der Politologe Richard Löwenthal den Begriff „Finnlandisierung“ prägte.

Wolf Oschlies

vendredi, 04 mars 2016

The Adventure of Saving Europe

Prior to his talk in Antwerp, Belgium to be held on Friday, ReAct interviews Daniel Friberg about his activities and about the future of pro-European activism more generally.

This Friday, NSV! Antwerp is organising a lecture with author Daniel Friberg, who just published the Dutch translation of his book, The Real Right Returns. As an appetizer, ReAct had a short interview with Mr. Friberg. Daniel Friberg, MBA, was a founding member of the Swedish metapolitical think tank, Motpol. He has a long history in the Swedish opposition, and was one of the founders of Arktos.

Can you tell us more about Arktos/Motpol (what are their missions) and why you began your activities with them?

The New Right think-tank Motpol (which means ‘the opposite pole’ in Swedish) began in 2006 – and is now celebrating its ten-year anniversary – to fill a void in the Swedish intellectual debate, where no genuine Rightist or traditionalist views were previously represented. Over the years, we have infused public discourse with the ideas and concepts of the French ‘New Right’, the traditionalist ideas of Evola, Schuon, and Guénon, as well as many others from across the entire political and intellectual spectrum – primarily the ‘alternative Right’, and even in some cases the ‘alternative Left’.

The publishing house Arktos Media was launched in 2010 for largely the same reasons, but with a more international focus. Our mission is simply to make the most important thinkers and artists of our time as widely available as possible through the labors of an efficient and profitable publishing operation which consists of a vast network of translators, proofreaders, editors, designers, and distributors, making their works available as widely and in as many languages as possible, and in as many types of media as possible – not just paperbacks and hardcovers, but also e-books and, perhaps one day soon, audio books. We have also made some forays into the world of music production with the band Winglord, and who knows, perhaps one day we will even become involved in video or film production. To date we have become the home of the European ‘New Right’ in English, issuing many works by Alain de Benoist, Guillaume Faye, Dominique Venner, Alexander Dugin, and Julius Evola, although we have published books from many other schools of thought as well.

I should also mention our new site, Right On, which we launched in September, and which is a corollary to our Motpol project, although it consists of different personnel. With it, we are attempting to present the perspective of the Real Right on culture and politics to an English-speaking audience, but hopefully with a somewhat more European perspective than what is already being offered by most of the other English-language Right-wing sites. We update Right On every day with new articles and we have just launched a weekly podcast.

What is your book, The Real Right Returns, about?

My book is trying to accomplish three things: first, to provide an overview of the radical political changes that have taken place in the West over the last 50-60 years, and how these changes were made possible by the Left’s skillful use of metapolitics; second, to provide a common set of principles and concepts for the modern New Right of Europe and the West more generally; and lastly, to provide a thorough introduction to our world of ideas, by inspiring and educating the growing number of supporters which, as we are currently seeing, is quickly rising all over Europe.

In your book you settle accounts with the false Right. What do you mean by the ‘false’ Right, and what does the ‘true’ Right mean to you?

The false Right is simply the liberal Right, that ‘Right’ which is Right-oriented in name only, having capitulated entirely to the Leftist worldview and the plague of Cultural Marxism. This is not a real Right, and it is definitely not the kind of political movement Europe deserves and direly needs in these dark times. It is time we toss it into the scrapheap of history.

You come from Sweden, a country that is being suffocated and destroyed by political correctness. How did things come so far in Sweden, and in Europe more generally, and what can we do against it?

Sweden is largely suffering from the same disease as the rest of the Western world – Cultural Marxism and its components, which includes feminism, multiculturalism, ‘anti-racism’ (which is really just a different form of racism, in this case against Whites), and oikophobia (a fear and loathing of our own culture and heritage). What makes Sweden stand out is that the disease has progressed further in my country than in most others. There are several reasons for this. First, we have not been to war in more than 200 years, which has made us weak in the sense of our national identity and impacted the masculine ideals of our society. Second, we have had a much more successful cabal of Leftist intellectuals, many of whom came to Sweden from Poland during the wave of anti-Semitism which flared up there during the 1960s, and who have been impressively successful at pushing the agenda of Cultural Marxism and making their ideology practically into our state religion.

The solution to this is the same as in any other European country. We have to become more successful at the metapolitical level and engage in metapolitical war with the Left. For that purpose, it is particularly important to gain a stronger foothold in the media and cultural institutions, where we can influence people’s opinions more efficiently and also guide the growing dissent and dissatisfaction with immigration policy and Leftist ideology in a constructive direction. We also need to realise that this is a war fought on many levels, and that we – apart from the metapolitical struggle – naturally need political parties that will push for and legitimise our ideas, and that we also need to focus strongly on building financial power, and so forth. I don’t believe in monolithic organisations, but rather in an integrated, multi-layered network of various organisations, companies, parties, media platforms, student unions, and so on, that will help to pull political developments in the same direction through a joint effort – a direction which will make it possible for our civilisation to survive.

Europe is living through some of its darkest hours. Some people even claim that the fall of Europe is at hand. Do you also believe this to be the case, and what is your message to the people who believe this?

We are indeed living in dark times when our entire civilisation and its biological foundations are being threatened in a way we have never experienced before. But we are also, for that very reason, living in exciting times, and times for heroic deeds. So don’t despair, but instead view this as an opportunity to rise to the occasion and do something truly important with your life. Few people have had the privilege to live in such a defining moment in history. View this as an opportunity for a great adventure, where your contributions can affect the direction of history itself.

Do you have a final message for those people who will be coming to your lecture in Antwerp or who want to buy your book?

I am honored to have been given the opportunity for this interview and for the invitation to speak. I hope to see all of you there, and if you are curious about my book or my previous writings, you can read some of it at Right On, which is a site I’m sure you’ll find interesting in many ways.

dimanche, 28 février 2016

Noorse premier waarschuwt EU: Zodra Zweden instort sluiten wij onze grenzen


Noorse premier waarschuwt EU: Zodra Zweden instort sluiten wij onze grenzen

Premier Erna Solberg: ‘Wij zijn op het ergste voorbereid’

Dankzij de massa immigratie staat Zweden op de rand van instorten. Zodra dat gebeurt trekt Noorwegen zich terug uit Schengen en sluit zijn grenzen.

De totaal falende bewaking van de EU-buitengrenzen, waardoor lidstaten gedwongen werden weer controles aan hun eigen grenzen in te stellen en het Schengen Verdrag daarmee feitelijk buitenspel zetten, noopt Erna Solberg, premier van Noorwegen (foto), tot de waarschuwing dat als Zweden binnenkort instort onder het gewicht van de migrantencrisis –en dat lijkt nauwelijks meer te voorkomen-, Noorwegen zijn grenzen sluiten en zich daarnaast terugtrekt uit het vluchtelingenverdrag van de Geneefse Conventie.

Premier Solberg verklaarde gisteren dat Noorwegen ook het Schengen Verdrag opzegt en zijn grenzen sluit ‘zodra alles instort en de stroom (vluchtelingen) blijft komen en ze allemaal in Noorwegen terechtkomen –omdat wij het eindpunt van Europa zijn... Wij zijn op het ergste voorbereid.’

De Noorse Orde van Advocaten wijst er echter op dat Noorwegen gebonden is aan ‘internationale verplichtingen’ om (onbeperkt) migranten te accepteren, zonder naar hun asielkansen te kijken.

Sociale systeem wankelt door massa immigratie moslims

In oktober 2015 erkende Margot Wallstrom, minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van buurland Zweden, dat de overheid door de aanhoudende migrantentoestroom onstabiel is geworden, en de sociale zekerheid dreigt in te storten omdat bijna alle 190.000 moslims die jaarlijks naar Zweden komen permanent afhankelijk zullen zijn van een uitkering. ‘Op de lange duur zal ons systeem daardoor instorten,’ waarschuwde de minister.

De Zweedse regering is nu al in grote financiële problemen gekomen, en overweegt om extra geld in het buitenland te lenen en de belastingen, die toch al tot de hoogste van Europa behoren, verder te verhogen om de massa immigratie nog enkele jaren te kunnen blijven betalen.

Op 9 oktober bevestigde de Zweedse premier Stefan Löfven dat de migranten een crisis in Zweden hebben veroorzaakt. Na een spoedzitting van zijn linkse kabinet verklaarde hij dat Zweden zich ‘voor één van de grootste humanitaire opgaven’ ooit gesteld ziet.

Deense historicus: Zweedse economie zal instorten

De Deense historicus en auteur Lars Hedegaard schreef dat het links-liberale open-grenzenbeleid van Zweden, wat te vergelijken is met dat van Duitsland en Nederland, het voortbestaan van het land in gevaar heeft gebracht. ‘Het uiteindelijk gevolg van het Zweedse immigratiebeleid is dat de economie zal instorten. Want wie moet dat alles gaan betalen? En economische instortingen, als ze eenmaal komen, vinden altijd heel erg snel plaats.’

Daniel Vesterhav, interim hoofd van het Zweedse bureau van criminaliteitsstatistieken, had al in juni de noodklok geluid over de snelle groei van criminele Marokkaanse bendes die almaar meer geweld gebruiken, vooral tegen rivaliserende groepen. Net als de rest van Europa worstelt Zweden met de razendsnelle islamisering en daaraan verbonden radicalisering van de reeds lang in het land wonende moslims.

Zwedens enige integratie politie-inspecteur Ulf Boström zei vandaag dat in grote steden zoals Göteborg ‘zeer sterke Wahhabistische leiders en centra bestaan, die als religieuze motoren’ van het internationale jihadisme werken. Officieel zijn 299 Zweedse moslims naar het Midden Oosten afgereisd om zich aan te sluiten bij ISIS, maar hun werkelijke aantal is vermoedelijk een veelvoud hiervan.


(1) Infowars

mercredi, 09 décembre 2015

Daniel Friberg: Sweden & the Real Right


Daniel Friberg:
Sweden & the Real Right


Daniel Friberg
The Real Right Returns: A Handbook for the True Opposition [2]
London: Arktos, 2015

As with any revealed religion, you have to be skeptical when a political text promises to show you the Way. Ah, so you know a secret about power relations in society that isn’t apparent to the naked eye? Where have we heard that before, Comrade?

Daniel Friberg’s recent mini-hit The Real Right Returns [3]billed as “A Handbook for the True Opposition”—sounds, at first glance, a bit too historically inevitable.

But (disclosure) I’ve been working with Friberg at his new website Right On [4] for a couple of months, and he seems down-to-Earth. He told me The Real Right focuses on European cultural preservation from a Swedish viewpoint, a subject about which I know far too little, so I figured at least I would learn something if I gave it a chance. (Also, I will dip into anything if you send it to me free of charge.)

As it turns out—though the Swedish mainstream will tell you that every native Swede who questions the Left is a kerosene-breathing Nazi sideshow freak—this is one of the most well-moderated, least ideologically shrill books I’ve read about politics. Though it is charming, with a clear and wry wit, there’s precious little of the messianic; in fact, it works hard to debunk the more mystical facets of contemporary politics—including White exceptionalism—in favor of common sense and paying attention to the facts on the ground.

For instance: even as millions of people who do not speak European languages pour into their continent, why is it still unthinkable to suggest that European peoples defend themselves, as we concede everyone else the moral right to do? As humorous podcaster The Bechtloff [5] likes to say: I know people hate it when you say that Liberals are “the real racists,” but . . . they kind of are.

What besides racism would lead you to assert that White people are especially powerful and evil? Why would you assume that White countries, in their infinite might, are immune to hostile invasion and colonization—and that all other groups are packs of lambs to be led dopily off to slaughter? Sub specie aeternitatis, these ideas will seem as goofy a few decades hence as thinking Black people have magic voodoo powers—especially if native Europeans are thoroughly overrun, as per the most dire predictions, and reduced to living on reservations and dancing polkas in Lederhosen for Chinese tourists between downing bottles of rubbing alcohol. Won’t we feel silly then?

As a White American, perhaps I failed to grow up on the magical dirt of the homeland and absorb its juju, but my experience is this: I don’t have any evil wizard powers, or any other supernatural attributes; I seem to be as vulnerable as anyone to death, domination, and especially taxes. Only a strange and noxious combination of white supremacy and white guilt would make me try to claim otherwise (as much as I enjoy those dreams where you can fly and shoot fire out of your eyes).

As Bill Burr said at Thanksgiving about the Native Americans: they really screwed up when they didn’t let the Pilgrims starve. And European White Leftists, in their smug belief in their own all-powerfulness, seem to have failed to learn anything from the Indians’ mistake. “You can’t be racist against White people, because we are as gods!”

Friberg, on the other hand, despite being an irrational bigot himself in the eyes of the Left, tends to think of White Europeans as just another ethnic group. This group faces, has faced, and will continue to face the same dangers and pressures as any other in history, with the same right to defend itself, but with no guarantee that it will go on existing; Friberg happens to love it because it is his. Which is pretty ordinary for a primate, like it or not.

In fact, in the educational glossary of metapolitics included in the book, Friberg shares Alain de Benoist’s term for the New Right’s version of anti-racism: differential anti-racism, as opposed to the Left’s universalist version.

Differential anti-racism is the answer of the New Right . . . to what is viewed as a lack of respect for differences which is characteristic of universal anti-racism. . . . Benoist proposes a differential anti-racism that opposes racial hierarchies and respects the differences between different peoples. He rejects all attempts to assign value judgments such as ‘better’ or ‘worse’ to races.

Such a wild idea: that peoples should respect each other’s differences without having to crawl up inside each other’s infidel fundaments. Friberg argues for the preservation of European culture, but not at the expense of everyone else; his prescription for avoiding external entanglements, for example, should fit any sane person’s politics, both pragmatically and morally:

The fanatical group of warmongers who, while mouthing platitudes about human rights and democracy, kill millions throughout the world . . . must be deprived of any influence on the foreign policy of the West. Opinions on the way other peoples handle their affairs should be expressed solely through diplomacy and example, not through the wars of aggression and attempts at subversion which time and again in recent decades have come back to haunt us.

On the other hand:

Mass immigration to Europe must cease. The Americanisation and the importation of stupid political ideas and an infantilizing popular culture must be limited.

My fellow Americans: we’re right up there with the jihad.

(I’m not entirely joking; for more in this vein, check out the chapters on Americanization in Éric Zemmour’s Le Suicide français [6].)

The main strategic thrust of the book is metapolitics, which Friberg defines as “a war of social transformation, at the level of worldview, thought, and culture”; metapolitics must be dealt with before anyone can tinker with political power.

Friberg cites Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks as a crucial source for the Left’s success on this turf—and also as a source from which the Right can learn. Till now the Left has painted anything outside its accepted range of thought as nefastus: hateful, filthy, and most important, unholy. The concepts of fastus (holy) and nefastus [7] have been primal to human social behavior for a very long time; without them we would have died from rolling in our own feces. But when they’re attached to political ideas, then even where there is nominal free speech, they choke the debate. Thus the Right must work to remove the stigma of nefastus from any and all political ideas within the culture—preferably in order to transfer the stigma to those who would gag their enemies with it.

Though the volume is a lean 117 pages, Friberg crams in a primer on the history and prehistory of the contemporary European Alt-Right, and the slow rise of oppositional metapolitics in Sweden. But he also offers two separate and refreshing guides to reclaiming your power as a man or as a woman. In the name of freeing us from gender roles, postmodernity has crammed us into a unisex mold that fits nobody, and an invitation to escape it is a relief.


There’s a gem of observation on nearly every page; I don’t stick my neck out and say such things lightly (or out of cronyism). Friberg is even moderate when it comes to everyone’s favorite false dichotomy: Laissez-faire or socialism? Instead of harping on the glories of untrammeled market jungle-craft or the evils of unequal outcomes, he echoes de Benoist’s affection for economic pragmatism:

Economics is not the absolute fundament of society, and a dogmatic approach to its functions is never prudent. Alain de Benoist’s words are ours as well: we’ll gladly welcome a society with a market, but not a market society. Conversely, demands for economic equality for the people of Europe for its own sake must not be allowed to limit the positive, wealth-generating effects of market forces.

He points out the failure of Marxist income redistribution in no uncertain terms, however. Instead of taking from the rich and giving to the poor, modern socialism has taken from the middle, working classes to dole out booty to the poor and the rich alike. Despite the Left’s stranglehold on discourse, it “achieves little more than to fill the role of global capitalism’s court jester.”

He goes on to note that the Right here has a tactical advantage in that its ideas are more in tune with regular people’s experience, by contrast with the airy-fairy, top-down Utopias of the Left. (The fact that the Left has parted ways with free speech in Europe doesn’t help their cause either.) 

What he hints at but doesn’t spell out is the fact that, in vital ways, the Left has swung further right than the Right, if by right you mean Libertarian—for example, in its merciless cheerleading for globalized economic liberalism and the devastation of the Western working livestock.

In a healthy social order, genuine and sincere Left and Right partisans work to balance each other’s more extreme tendencies. In a hellscape such as ours, opportunists wave the “Left” and “Right” team flags, shouting platitudes. They cobble together whatever bits of each ideology will score them the most points with the super-wealthy while drawing enough voters to the booths to make the eerie puppet of democracy jerk its legs about.

The Left appears to be so detached from reality that they’re beyond hope. But Friberg offers a prescription for a healthy and vital Right. I’m no optimist, but there’s a slim chance this may succeed.

Article printed from Counter-Currents Publishing: http://www.counter-currents.com

URL to article: http://www.counter-currents.com/2015/12/daniel-friberg-sweden-the-real-right/

URLs in this post:

[1] Image: https://secure.counter-currents.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/RealRightReturns.jpg

[2] The Real Right Returns: A Handbook for the True Opposition: http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1910524492/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=1910524492&linkCode=as2&tag=thesavdevarc-20&linkId=2JCEDOWXTKS4KM75

[3] The Real Right Returns: http://www.amazon.com/The-Real-Right-Returns-Opposition-ebook/dp/B016J12NR6

[4] Right On: https://www.righton.net/

[5] The Bechtloff: https://www.youtube.com/user/TheBechtloff

[6] Le Suicide français: http://takimag.com/article/a_kinder_gentler_colonialism_ann_sterzinger/print#axzz3tJHy8O3n

[7] fastus (holy) and nefastus: https://books.google.com/books?id=RYwAAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA324&dq=fastus+vs+nefastus+unholy&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiKzK747MDJAhUERyYKHbjxCPMQ6AEIJDAB#v=onepage&q=fastus%20vs%20nefastus%20unholy&f=false

mercredi, 02 décembre 2015

Interview de Jimmie Akesson (Démocrates suédois)


Jimmie Åkesson, président des Sweden Democrats: interview exclusive


 Jimmie Åkesson est jeune et paraît très jeune dans son costume impeccable. Le président du parti des Démocrates suédois (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) fait peur à toute la classe politique suédoise. Jimmie est à la tête du parti depuis 2005 et a réussi à le propulser à la troisième position sur l’échiquier politique aux dernières élections. Avec la crise des migrants illégaux que nous vivons aujourd’hui, les sondages créditent le parti de la première place en cas d’élections : 26%, nettement devant les Sociaux démocrates (socialistes) et les « Modérés » (centristes)…

Jimmie Åkesson est jeune et paraît très jeune dans son costume impeccable. Le président du parti des Démocrates suédois (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) fait peur à toute la classe politique suédoise. Jimmie est à la tête du parti depuis 2005 et a réussi à le propulser à la troisième position sur l’échiquier politique aux dernières élections. Avec la crise des migrants illégaux que nous vivons aujourd’hui, les sondages créditent le parti de la première place en cas d’élections : 26%, nettement devant les Sociaux démocrates (socialistes) et les « Modérés » (centristes)…

Comme pour le UKIP en Grande-Bretagne ou le Parti populaire en Belgique, les Démocrates suédois sont qualifiés de « populistes », de « conservateurs » ou de nationalistes, voire d’extrême droite par la classe politique traditionnelle qui a formé un gouvernement regroupant TOUS les autres partis pour « contenir » le SD. C’et la version suédoise du cordon sanitaire. Les Démocrates suédois sont donc le seul parti d’opposition au Riksdag, avec 49 élus sur 349. Ils ont 2 élus sur 20 pour la Suède au parlement européen.

Depuis 2006, leur logo est une fleur suédoise bleue et jaune, aux couleurs du pays, une variété d’anémone, et Jimmie a accentué l’évolution de son parti, commencée par le président précédent dans les années 1990 : plus de liaison au Front National français de Jean-Marie Le Pen, mais une affiliation à l’Alliance pour la Démocratie Directe en Europe (ADDE), qui regroupe le UKIP, Debout la France ! et le Parti Populaire en Belgique, ainsi d’autres partis en Pologne, Lituanie, Italie notamment. Les Sweden Democrats comptent 21.000 membres et tiennent 161 municipalités dans le pays sur 1.597.Le parti est très puissant dans le sud du pays (Scania, Blekinge) et dans des villes du sud comme Malmö (13%) ou Helsingborg (15% du vote).

Le Peuple a rencontré Jimmie lors d’un passage à Bruxelles, au Parlement européen. Nous lui avons posé quelques questions, auxquelles il a répondu avec le sourire.

Voyez-vous la situation comme favorable au Sweden Democrats en Suède ?

J.H. : Clairement oui. Nous faisons toujours l’objet d’un « cordon sanitaire » des 7 partis traditionnels qui ont préféré s’allier tous ensemble plutôt par exemple que de considérer la possibilité d’une alliance de droite sur l’échiquier politique. Le public n’apprécie pas l’exclusion du parti. C’est le refus du jeu démocratique, comme si on prenait les électeurs pour des enfants incapables de réfléchir. Leur objectif est de nous isoler et de limiter au maximum notre influence au parlement. Dans les conseils municipaux cependant, nous commençons à avoir un dialogue plus constructif et certaines de nos propositions sont acceptées. Elles sont d’ailleurs tout à fait raisonnable, faut-il le dire ? (Sourire)

Et comment cela se traduit-il au parlement ? On ne vous parle pas?

J.H. : Si si, maintenant on nous parle, comme nous parlons en ce moment. Mais impossible d’engager une discussion politique sur un sujet quelconque. Il y a une amélioration, probablement due au fait que nous sommes le premier parti dans les intentions de vote. Mais on essaie désespérément de nous mettre à l’écart en nous présentant comme des racistes et des xénophobes pour effrayer les électeurs. Mais ils en arrivent à créer l’ « effet ketchup » pour notre parti. Vous savez, vous tapez sur la bouteille, rien ne sort et brusquement toute la sauce est dans l’assiette.

Les partis au pouvoir disent leur attitude « responsable », mais certains commencent discrètement à adopter nos positions (les libéraux, les socialistes).


L’immigration massive est un sujet d’inquiétude pour les Suédois ?

J.H. : Certainement. Vous savez, la Suède est un petit pays par son nombre d’habitants. Cela peut paraître curieux vu l’étendue du pays, mais nous ne sommes que 10 millions. Et nous sommes le pays d’Europe qui a déjà accueilli plus de migrants par tête d’habitant que tous les autres pays de l’Union européenne. Il faut que cette politique d’accueil s’arrête. La Suède est à la limite du décrochage. Nous ne parvenons plus à organiser l’accueil correctement. La politique des gouvernements socialistes mais aussi conservateurs qui se sont succédé a été une erreur.

Nous avons fait des propositions constructives, comme d’accorder des permis de séjour temporaire ; nous avons saisi le parlement… et ils ont tous voté contre. Mais il y a un subtil changement dans le débat. On peut maintenant parler de ces questions…

La politique migratoire doit être gérée… Le « melting pot », l’intégration qui était prônée il y a 30 ans n’a marché nulle part. Nous voulons une politique plus responsable, mais nous ne voulons pas que les décisions soient prises à Bruxelles, comme c’est le cas aujourd’hui. Tous les pouvoirs doivent émaner du peuple suédois. Les politiques européennes vont au-delà des intérêts nationaux. C’est inadmissible. Et bien sûr nous voulons continuer à commercer et à exporter. Il n’est pas nécessaire d’avoir une Union supranationale pour ça !

Qu’est-ce qui vous semble le plus dommageable dans cette politique ?

Vous savez, la culture suédoise, le caractère propre de la Suède sont fragiles. La population est peu nombreuse et notre langue n’est parlée qu’en Suède. Nous avons déjà la pression de l’anglais, langue internationale. Et les petites communautés où l’on impose un grand nombre de familles de migrants ne parviennent pas à les absorber, à les intégrer. Le différentiel est trop immense. La méfiance s’installe. Notre culture, nos traditions sont menacées. Dans de grands centres comme Malmö, de grandes parties des banlieues n’ont plus rien de suédois. On n’y parle même plus le suédois.

Comment définissez-vous votre parti ?

Nous considérons que l’Europe est constituée d’états-nations. Nous souhaitons que la Suède continue à être un état-nation indépendant. Disons que c’est du conservatisme nationaliste. Nous sommes au milieu de la palette politique ; parfois à droite sur les questions de société et la famille, parfois à gauche, nous votons la réduction des impôts pour les plus démunis et l’augmentation de la fiscalité sur les gros revenus.

Nous avons eu un gouvernement de droite pendant 8 ans et les citoyens s’attendaient à une amélioration de la sécurité, mais rien n’a été fait. Notre défense nationale a été bonne jusqu’à la chute du mur de Berlin. Depuis elle a été abandonnée. Aujourd’hui nous avons la menace terroriste, les questions posées par l’Europe orientale, etc… Il faut renforcer notre défense.

La pression fiscale est très forte en Suède et la population suédoise l’accepte de manière variée, mais elle a permis un état-providence qui fonctionne. Aujourd’hui malheureusement, nos villes sont remplies de migrants, ce sont de grands trous noirs. La Sécu. craque de toutes parts. Les abus de la prévoyance sociale sont énormes. Nous sommes à gauche et au centre-gauche sur ces questions de prévoyance sociale.


Aviez-vous un problème de comportement de certains membres de votre parti ?

Dans les années 90 nous avons nettoyé le parti de tous les éléments racistes et xénophobes. Tolérance zéro pour l’extrémisme. Nous avons canalisé les énergies et notre popularité n’a cessé de grandir depuis lors. Nous avons aussi renforcé l’ancrage local en développant un maximum de sections locales. Et nous nous retrouvons aujourd’hui en tête dans les sondages. Il est vrai que la crise des migrants et sa non-gestion par l’équipe au pouvoir amène les électeurs vers nous.

Est-ce qu’il faut encore une Union européenne ?

Nous devons bien sûr garder une forme de structure légère, pour assurer la coopération entre états souverains. Certains traités sont bons, d’autre mauvais. Ce sera difficile, mais il va falloir revoir complètement le fonctionnement de l’Europe. Et en tout cas maintenant, il faut fermer les frontières et les garder fermées pour quelque temps…

Vous vouliez faire de la politique un métier, quand vous avez commencé, Jimmie ?

J’ai étudié l’Economie à l’université et mes professeurs étaient déjà sceptiques sur le projet européen, notamment sur l’Union monétaire. On voit ce qu’elle a donné ! J’aurais pu avoir un autre emploi, C’eût été plus simple. Mon but n’a jamais été d’être Premier ministre par exemple, mais quand la situation s’aggrave visiblement depuis des années et que l’électeur n’est pas entendu, vous vous devez de vous lever et d’agir…


Cet article Jimmie Åkesson, président des Sweden Democrats: interview exclusive est apparu en premier sur LE PEUPLE.

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samedi, 26 septembre 2015

The Powerful Bear In The Northern Tradition


The Powerful Bear In The Northern Tradition

by Arith Härger

Ex: http://artihharger.wordpress.com

As the other day i wrote about the Boar as a very powerful symbol in the old European Traditions, i wouldn’t want to left another powerful animal behind, which is the Bear, strongly worshiped by both Europeans and the indigenous inhabitants of northern America and Alaska.
For many cultures, Bears were the kings and queens of beasts, the rulers of the wild, the animal on the top of the food chain, for animals such as lions or other fearsome large felines didn’t exist in these areas, well in truth they did but it was so long ago and for a short period of time in the early human lives, that people gave more importance to the Bear, for that animal accompanied the lives of human beingsfor much longer The Bear was also considered to be the old, wise and wild brother of us humans, as Bears can stand upright like we do and walk if only for short periods. For this reason, the Bear was thought to be the mediator between us humans with the spirits, and there was much respect for this animal, caves were found, containing arranged Bear skulls, in honor to these creatures, as altars from the Paleolithic era, a cult to the Bear that dates from at least twenty thousand years ago (20.000).
Bears used to be all over Europe, from the far shores of the Mediterranean Iberian Peninsula, all the way up to the North of Scotland, to Scandinavia and the Eastern regions of Siberia, unfortunately nowadays we can only find these creatures in the cold north regions, and the tales about bears from the people living in those regions are many especially from the Finns, Saami and the Siberian tribes.

The bear wasn’t just a sacred animal to these people, it was also the source of food, even to the Saami before they had learnt to have reindeer herds, but the respect for this animal wasn’t less just because of that, as a matter of fact most animals that were sacred were also eaten and there was always respect for these creatures and there was always special rituals to hunt an animal, to honor the spirit, the life and to thank them for their purpose. In the case of hunting a bear, it was always done during the hibernation of the animal but it was always awakened first, because killing a bear during their sleep, was considered to be dishonorable for both the hunters and the bear, and cowardice for the hunters, after the successful killing of the animal, the hunter or the hunters had to pass through many rituals in order to be safe for the hunters to get in the village, so people could be saved from the spirit of whom the hunters had killed, to keep the spirit from having its revenge upon the tribe, or to keep the spirit of the Bear King or Queen from having its revenge for killing one of its children. During the time of the rituals, no one could look the hunters in the eyes nor talk to them, only the hunters could butcher and cook the body and no one else could come near it before it was ready to be eaten. Before the feast began, a speech of apology and thankfulness was given to the bear, and afterwards the bonés of the animal were buried in a sacred place. These king of acts are still very common amoung shamanic tribes that still exist today, the so called taboos among the shamans and their families, and everyone must respect that and the spirit of the animals in order to safeguard the families and have prosperity and happiness.

ours_25.jpgTo the Norse people the Bear was also a very powerful symbol very much attached to their beliefs and their warrior cults. People believed in many gods but there was always a group of people, a cult, dedicated to just one specific god, and in the Norse culture the warriors dedicated to Odin were called Berserkers, whose name comes from the word Bersark which means literally bearskin, which they wore for magical purposes and to honor the strength of the bear and become like him, fierce, strong, ferocious, violent in battle. These warriors would enter in an altered state of mind and call upon the spirit of the bear, becoming a bear themselves so they would not feel any pain during the battle, in order to keep the fight longer, roaring, putting fear upon their enemies. There are many accounts of this, of these warriors taking the amanita muscaria mushrooms, to enter in trance, and go completely crazy, becoming beasts ( this is from where and why the English word Berserker, or to go Berserker, came from ) wearing bear skins and nothing else, and sometimes even totally naked while going to battle and use their own hands and teeths to kill the enemies and tear off their armour and break their shields.

Note: If you have any questions for me or if you want to see my artistic works, check out my Facebook page and make a Like if you can by following this link –> http://www.facebook.com/ArithHarger

samedi, 22 août 2015

The Eurasian Idea from a Swedish Perspective


The Eurasian Idea from a Swedish Perspective

By Tommy Rydén

Sweden is at the outskirts of the Eurasian geographical area, as it has been presented to us. For historical and practical reasons, Russia is in any case what comes to our minds when we talk about Eurasia from a Swedish viewpoint, since we are almost next door neighbours. It has been said that ”In the broader sense, Eurasianism can be considered as a form of continentalism for the project of the creation of a European-Russian common space — the Greater Europe stretching from Lisbon to Vladivostok”. Sweden could play an important part in this, if she chooses to.

Known historically for its neutrality, or at least some form of independence from other nations war agendas, and with an enthusiasm for international diplomacy, Sweden was initially oriented towards German culture during the first half of the 20th century. With the outcome of the second World War this changed to USA and the United Kingdom. The German language was replaced by the English language as the primary second language in the school system, and with that followed that people tends to orientate more towards that culture than anything else, especially in popular culture. Yet, Sweden is in no way a carbon copy of the Anglo-Saxon mindset.

There is nevertheless a cultural and political obstacle in our way. Advancing the idea of an expanded friendship with the Russian federation and Eurasia must, in order to fully develop and survive in the long run, be done through presenting the idea relentlessly, by trade and cultural exchange: step by step.

For this long-term change to take place we must first and foremost plant the idea that it even could take place, among key decision makers, and above all in the minds of the younger generation who share an interest in business and politics and will be our future leaders and decision makers. We need think-tanks, we need young bold politicians who dare to question the status quo, various educational associations, the use of social media and anything else that will put this idea into the mainstream in a responsible manner. There is no need for any great popular movement, only that influential individuals and groups connect and gets the word out. Quality is more important than numbers in getting the work done.

The Swedish tradition, even if not without faults and lately quite sabotaged, of diplomacy and until recently also in its avoidance of any open military alliances, could play an important role in the coming new world, as a liaison between Eurasia and the ”lands of the sea”.
There are some problems that must be dealt with in connections with this, one is about the NATO-partnership and another one is the incorrect image of Russia.

Sweden has unfortunately since the end of the Cold War in the 90ś, increasingly abandoned its honorable tradition of neutrality and true diplomacy, and the governments of late have oriented even further towards the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Even European Union mutual agreements is seen by Sweden to include possible military assistance, if a member state who perhaps because of membership in NATO is subjected to an act of war.. The Swedish Minister of Defense concluded in a speech five years ago that Sweden no longer, practically speaking, could be regarded as military nonaligned.

During the end of 2014 there was a sudden comeback in Sweden of the submarine hysteria from the 1980ś, when the defense department once again, this time in coalition with NATO-friendly politicians, made claims about hostile submarines in the coastal area. They failed in actually finding a submarine of any kind, and did not produce any other proof that would stand up in court.
Yet, a survey in 2014 showed that 75% of the Swedes questioned believed the submarine stories as told by the media, certain politicians and the defense ministry. Only 11% percent said flatly no to the presentation . Consequently, the public support for NATO membership increased from 28% to 37% in 2014. Although never proven, the underlying message was that these submarines were Russian. Fredrik Bynander, Associate Professor of Political Science at the National Defence University, commented it somewhat critical by saying “media coverage has been very positive for how the defense presented it. It was a lineup of politicians who supported the Armed Forces version of what had happened.”

For myself, who served as a conscript in the Swedish Army at Revingehed in the 1980ś this sounds all so familiar. I remember how our commanding officer, a former Swedish volunteer in the American Rangers during the Vietnam war, spoke to us about sightings of “divers running across a small island” and “jumping into the sea at the other end”(!), indications of “submarines” or “suspicious sounds” in the coastal area, and we watched informational films where “enemy soldiers” we all understood were the Russians although this was not said openly, in a fictional scenario cut the throats of Swedish key people, like fighter jet pilots at their doorstep. In preparation for an invasion of Sweden. But back then we thought we had valid reasons to oppose the Communist ideology as a real threat, and this made it difficult not to believe any and all bad news coming from that part of the world.

The cost for the hysteria in 2014, with hundreds of Swedish navy personnel and several battleships involved in a futile search, was at least 20 million SEK and no submarine whatsoever was found. But facts have become irrelevant, the stories told now have their own lives, like folk tales, and with bits and pieces not related to the actual submarine search, are added as “proof” of the evil intentions of the Russian Federation and especially its supposed mastermind Vladimir Putin.

The most recent agreement between Sweden and NATO, which was forced upon the population without any public debate (many are even unaware about its existence), will allow NATO to deploy troops on the ground in case of an ”emergency”, although we are promised this is to be finally determined by the Swedish government in a case-to-case scenario. This whole deal would have to be rejected since this kind of agreement do not serve any Swedish national interests but only the geopolitical agenda of Washington and makes us a pawn in their man-made conflicts with others. In fact, it makes the peaceful country of Sweden a possible target for a military attack if there is an international conflict. The opponent would have to target their missiles on the non-Swedish NATO forces on Swedish soil in order to prevent these from taking off for their final destination.

Prior to this dilemma Sweden moved from regarding itself ”neutral” to officially labeling itself ”military nonaligned”, so this shift has been gradual, but by purpose. Nonaligned meant that we were supposed to not enter into any mutual defense guarantees and that Sweden was responsible for its own defense.

The European Union leadership, not to mention Washington, will most likely resist our plan for a greater openness towards Russia. The very idea of the European Union since start was to simplify trade within the European Union, to form a bloc. But over time it has also unofficially come to serve as a proxy for the interests of Washington in this geographical area, due to some major member states close relationship with that country. There were also early warnings about EU changing from a free market economy into the creation of a super state that could end up serving other masters. Yet, ”Binding together the EU as a whole is not only the self-interest of its national components but also the reality that no feasible alternative exists in the absence of a willingness to relinquish European identity as a distinct civilization.”

Nevertheless the marketing of business ventures in Eastern Europe, Russia and after that its neighboring countries will attract a growing interest among the many entrepreneurs who always want to explore new areas and escape the status quo of their own world. Not to mention tourism. We must not let the current political landscape lure us into believing this current situation will be for forever. There are signs that EU could implode in due time if changes are not made. ”It’s nothing at all to do with Europe, it’s to do with the political construct that is the Union. An unnecessary, inefficient and disposable layer of government. So, let us dispose of it. There’s absolutely nothing at all wrong with Europe or any aspect of it. It’s the political system of the European Union that is the problem” as one European writer formulates it. In any case Sweden needs to see to its own best interests.

We have to expect many citizens in Sweden to react with distrust at first to this idea. Even for some considerable time. This is because of how they have been conditioned by the media and ruling political class. In Sweden there is an old distrust of the ”Russian bear” which is of a much older date than the Cold War era, although the stated reasons for this stance has varied over time.

The Russophobia in Sweden, which clearly exist, is not easily explained. It is used from time to time by politicians who wants Sweden to move closer to NATO, or used by other interest groups who for an example dislike the Russian rejection of postmodernism and wants the latter to adopt so-called modern European values. Old tales and even prejudice have been inherited and passed on to new generations. Presumed conflicts of interest are over time then added to the mixture as to prove that the original distrust of Russians is indeed called for. Very often one really don’t know why we have to distrust Russians, only that we should.

Replace Russian with ”Jews” or for that matter ”witches” and there would be a public outcry or laughter. But to demonize Russians, who for some reason are expected to be millions of exact replicas of the current political leadership in the Russian Federation and with no individual ability to think and arrive at their own conclusions, is regarded as more or less accepted behavior. Among minor curiosities this has also generated appeals in numerous charismatic Christian groups, who for years have traveled to the border areas but even into Russia, with copies of the Bible, in order to make those of Russian ancestry, and others, into “Christians”. Which proves their lack of historical and cultural knowledge as far as the old church and Eastern Orthodoxy is concerned.

To begin with, this approach towards Russia began even before the Russian defeat of the Swedish forces at Poltava 1709 although Sweden was humiliated for a considerable time with the defeat at Poltava. The German aristocrat Sigmund von Herberstein published a book named ”Rerum moscoviticarum commentarii” already in 1549, after visiting Russia twice, This book was translated into several languages and was read by the political elite in Sweden. In the book ”Mosvovites” were described as more or less puppets in the hands of their ruler, with no mental ability to question anything. Human robots who could be a threat to all of Europe, or just anyone, in case they were ordered by their ruler to act. This image of the Russian man and woman is broadcasted very much the same today.

To Swedish minds an expansive Russia was viewed as possible geopolitical threat or at least a problem when the following tzars made Russia a greater and more unified country. Although there were from time to time intermarriages and good relations. But too be a friend of the Russian Federation or a friend of a country like Serbia, who acts as a bridge already between these two worlds, is in this authors opinion not to be anti-European, or subversive to our cultural heritage, but to reconnect with the God of the old church, core values and even various cultural expressions Europe lost due to its divisive Protestantism and today’s post-modernism. Gems that were preserved in Eastern Europe and Russia in spite of atheist rule.

Oddly enough, Sweden has been trading with Russia since the time of the Vikings and was by year 2013 one of ten largest direct investors in Russia. Participating in the Eurasian vision would be to take part in a project with a future, with all its resources and vast areas, where growth is to take place. Instead of merely as a pawn or outside player used by the western powers in their own scheme of divide and conquer.

An official partnership, similar to the one existing right now between Sweden and NATO, with the Russian Federation is too big a leap for the average man, and would not be workable at this time and age, perhaps not even beneficial to us or the Eurasian project at all if it was a mirror image of the kind of agreements we have made with USA and need to get out of. Sweden’s traditional role of neutrality and diplomacy should be emphasized in my opinion. We can however take small but important baby steps in a direction that will build trust and friendship and make Sweden a neutral ground were the business world and politicians can meet up.

Do we, the Swedes and peoples of Eastern Europe and Russia, share any common cultural values of today or have we lost it all to post-modernism? Are we too different?

I dare say we do have a lot in common, and it was recently manifested in the political life of this nation. In the election of 2014 the self-described socially conservative political party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), became the country’s third largest party with 13% of the vote. In a strength of power they voted down the new Socialist government's budget, forcing the prime minister to declare a snap election. Surveys showed SD could gain 16-20% in the upcoming snap election. However, this made the center parties, who lost the general election to the minority coalition of Social Democrats and the Environmental Party, cut an eight year deal with the government, promising to support the ruling Social Democrat/partner government in order to sidestep the elections results and prevent the possibility of SD getting even more support in a new election.

Swedes, at heart and generally speaking, don’t like to be bullied or manipulated by outside powers, we prefer to chose our own path. So do the Russians.

The party SD is described by the establishment media and various opponents as harboring people with negative feelings about immigrants, due to their opposition to liberal immigration policies, while the SD party leadership itself has promised to take action against anyone who promote a racist agenda. They view themselves as nationalists or lately preferably as socially conservative, and have gained considerable support among disappointed Conservative Party members and voters, since the latter party has moved to the center and can hardly be viewed as even traditionally conservative anymore. In this authors opinion it would benefit us all if they moved even more from a tendency of ethnic nationalism to a focus on values and aspirations shared not only by Swedes.

Despite decades of Swedish presumably Social Democratic or liberal governments trying to impose ”equality” and dictating how parents should live their family lives, with women forced to work outside of the home as much as possible, they have not succeeded and have nowadays resorted to making threats to enact laws that will force women to leave home early and dad to stay home in the name of total gender equality. No matter if this is the best solution or not for the specific family. These ideas are shared by the leaderships of the center parties, with the exception of the Christian Democrats who still try to attract the more culturally conservative voters. Once again, these centrist politics can be seen as an expression for the Swedish habit of trying to achieve consensus, which now has ended up with the almost all the parties looking very much the same.

A survey in 2013 showed that 4 in 5 Swedes reject this forced gender equality idea when it comes to the family structure and thinks it should be up to the family not the government to decide. This despite the fact that the equality agenda is promoted all the time in media and politics.

Unfortunately the leadership of that party is also somewhat caught up in the ”distrust Russia” hysteria, but there are other more understanding voices in the youth league. Overall it's in any case a positive indicator that something is happening in an otherwise sleepy Sweden. It would be healthy for the sake of cultural preservation, aside of pure economical reasons, to move closer to Russia and Eurasia.

Nevertheless, the electoral success since 2010 for this party is an indicator that a growing percentage of the Swedish population, in spite of a massive almost day and night assault by the media and the older political establishment telling them to vote against SD, likes the idea of preserving the traditional family and promoting other socially conservative ideals in a country where dissident conservative voices are suppressed, ridiculed or labeled in a negative manner. This indicator is important, although a political party should not be seen as a replacement for any long-term work at depth. In order for real changes to take place in a population, and not just end up as a temporary vote, one need to work from the bottom and up, not from the top and down to not dissolve with any temporary political winds in the future. We can do this by involving key people, quality people, who get the message out to their respective groups, churches, associations, newspaper people or other places where they have some influence on their peers. Numbers are less important. Connecting with the right people who can influence others, and get the message out there through them, is far more important than hoping for the masses to wake up by themselves.

If we can convince a large enough percentage of the population, through the work of influential individuals and groups, that the countries who supports cultural preservation and core family values the most, not only in words but in action, are to be found in the East and not in the West, then it will help our cause.

This could be done with or without involvement of the European Union. It should be noted that many Swedes express doubts about the nations membership in EU. ”Swedes in favors of being part of the union came in at 45 percent” in 2013, since the membership has given Sweden no visible benefits aside of making it easier to travel between the member states.

However, in order to make improvements between Sweden and Russia and avoid unnecessary conflicts we need to get rid of a bunker mentality which only our common cultural enemies can benefit from. A recent Russian poll showed that 36% of the Russians wish for Russian to distance itself further from the West. It is understandable and would perhaps even be applauded by those who think there can be nothing good in the West whatsoever. But the problem is this; in for an example Sweden people are made to believe the worst about Russians, and in Russia – due to the ongoing onslaught on that country from Western geopolitical interests – people tend to think the worst about the West, sometimes on valid grounds but also because of cultural and linguistic differences. A more hostile population on any side of this fence will in the long run only benefit those who wish to dismantle Europe as well as Eurasia.

Viewed from the outside, Sweden is an open democracy where everyone can express their opinion. But those who have lived here even a short time has quickly become aware that even if that is the case then there is an expectation that everyone should be in agreement. Anyone who deviates in any matter which the media and establishment determined the limits of, as for an example the message that the Russians want to harm us, will promptly be regarded as strange and deviant. It is not unlikely that in time they will consider those individuals and organizations who question the rapprochement with NATO and oppose the idea that the West is the savior of the East as subversive elements and a threat to national security.

When writing this in the month of February, Swedish TV viewers are bombarded every day with slanted news reports where the Russian Federation is presented in a negative light and repeatedly said to have caused all the problems in Ukraine, adding that the rest of us can ”become the next target” for ”Russian expansion”. They have completely forgotten the West's major responsibility in how this conflict occurred. In the same breath we are told that the United States and Sweden will conduct joint air exercises because of the "growing threat" (from Russia). It is like preparation for a war, where the propaganda has taken over completely and people have lost their ability to think critically. They try to apply simple explanations to complex problems. ”We” and ”them”.

But we cannot let these sometimes dark clouds fence us in.

The core idea with the European Union was to encourage and simplify trade and travel between European countries. This was a noble idea. It's an ever more grandiose idea, and truly more international, to open up for trade and cultural exchange with the Eurasia. Now it's up to Sweden to decide which role to play in this new world, either as a bystander or important participator.

mardi, 11 août 2015

Asatru: A Native European Spirituality


Stephen A. McNallen’s Asatru: A Native European Spirituality

Mcnallen-200x300.jpgStephen A. McNallen
Asatru: A Native European Spirituality
Runestone Press, 2015

The Good Preacher

Steve McNallen is a serious character. A former U.S. Army Ranger, he has hitchhiked across the Sahara Desert and traveled to such exotic locales as Tibet and Burma, usually to report on military conflicts. His articles have appeared in Soldier of Fortune magazine (a periodical that fascinated me when I was a teenager, especially the classified ads in the back). McNallen has also worked as a jailer, a juvenile corrections officer, and has served in the National Guard (he was witness to the Rodney King riots back in 1992). Oh, and he taught math and science for six years in an American high school, using his summer vacations like Indiana Jones, setting off on foreign adventures.

Steve McNallen is also the man principally responsible for the revival of Asatru in North America. He gives us a brief overview of his life, written with typical modesty and understatement, in this wonderful new book, several years in the making. McNallen tells us that he decided to follow the gods of his ancestors while he was in college “in either 1968 or 1969” (p. 61).

I like the honesty of this. A lot of men, if they were uncertain which year it was, would have just picked one, perhaps even giving a specific date: e.g., “Walpurgisnacht 1969!” But McNallen is not concerned to make an impression, or create an image for himself. His sincerity, earnestness, and lack of pretension have a great deal to do with why he has become a genuine religious leader.

Steve_McNallenWhen I first met McNallen I thought “this man is a born preacher.” I come from a long line of Methodists, and some of my ancestors were clergy. One was a “circuit rider,” a preacher assigned to travel around the countryside (usually on horseback) ministering to settlers and establishing congregations. My use of the term “preacher” is not pejorative. I share the faith of my very distant ancestors, not the more recent ones — but I honor them all. And being a preacher is an honorable profession.

A good preacher has the ability to form people into a genuine community through appealing to their better nature. No easy task. And a good preacher establishes his authority not through his book learning or some seal of approval from a Council of Elders, but rather through the force of his personality. Just what that consists in is a complex issue. Partly, it’s a simple matter of “good character.” Aristotle said that one of the necessary conditions of being an effective speaker is that the audience must perceive the speaker as having good character. Otherwise they will not be convinced by what he says, no matter how cogent his arguments are.

However, “force of personality” also involves strength of conviction. A good preacher is someone whose faith is so strong that others believe because he believes. Privately, they may suffer doubts. But just being in the presence of a good preacher, a man with real strength of conviction, is often enough to bolster them. And I do not necessarily mean listening to him preach. A good preacher communicates his faith and sincerity in his every act, even in the way he moves across a room or eats a meal.

I experienced McNallen’s force of personality for the first time one evening several years ago on a beach in California. I was one of about 25 people who gathered together around a bonfire to participate in a blot led by McNallen. It was truly a mixed crowd, running the gamut from university professors to skinheads. I had driven there with McNallen and his wife Sheila, on the way picking up a cake at a local supermarket. My job was to ride shotgun and serve as navigator, directing McNallen to the beach. He was in an extraordinarily good mood and as I gave him each direction (“turn left here . . .” etc.) he responded in crisp military fashion: “Roger that!”

I wasn’t sure how this was going to play out. I am a lone wolf by nature, and Asatru for me has always been a pretty solitary affair. On those occasions when I participated in rituals with others it usually felt like we were LARPing (Live Action Role Playing). In other words, I felt a bit silly. But on the beach something strange and uncanny happened. It was a constellation of factors. One was the natural setting: fall on a northern California beach, nighttime, waves crashing, bonfire crackling and roaring. But the key factor was McNallen. As he spoke, mead horn in his hand, Asatru came alive for me (and, I think, everyone else) in a way it never had before.

I am a philosopher, and that means that my life is mostly about theory. And this is true of my relation to Asatru: theory, to the neglect of practice (though, to be clear, not the total neglect). A few hours prior to heading for the beach, McNallen had asked me what rituals I perform. I confessed to him that I performed few rituals, and very seldom. He seemed disappointed, and I felt slightly ashamed. Such is the power of a good preacher! I had encountered the same disappointment with others on revealing to them my neglect of ritual, and my standard response had been to quip “I’m a Protestant” (i.e., as opposed to a “Catholic” follower of Asatru, who needs rituals and candles and incense). But I knew I couldn’t be so glib with McNallen.

When he led that blot on the beach I felt a real sense of connection to my ancestors, and to the gods. It was a transformative experience. However, it wasn’t a “mystical experience”: I didn’t feel suddenly at one with all things, or that the Being of beings had been revealed to me. No, it was something more basic than this: it was a religious experience. And a key part of this was the presence of others. As I said, it was a constellation of factors. There was the natural setting, and McNallen’s charisma, and the truth that came through his words. But in addition there was an absolutely essential component, without which this religious experience would not have been possible: others — others like me.

A few years ago I wrote a controversial article titled “Asatru and the Political” (it’s included in my recent book What is a Rune? And Other Essays). The major point of the piece was that since Asatru is a folk religion, born of the spirit of European people, we followers of Asatru must take an interest in the survival and flourishing of the race that gave rise to it. In short, I argued that commitment to Asatru entails what is sometimes called today “white nationalism” (not the same thing, as I explain in the essay, as “white supremacism”). In Asatru: A Native European Spirituality, McNallen makes essentially the same point (without using the term “white nationalism”). I hasten to add that McNallen was making such arguments long before I was — a point to which I will return later.


In any case, in that same essay I argued that every religion is really a way in which a people confronts itself, for every religion is an expression of a people’s spirit, born of the encounter between a distinct ethnic group, with its own inherent (i.e., genetic) characteristics and a place. What I did not emphasize is a corollary point: that religion is inherently communal. It is often asserted that the word “religion” comes from a root meaning “to bind,” and on this basis it has been speculated that “religion” means “to bind together.” If this is correct (and no one really knows), two interpretations are possible. The first is that religion binds or connects individuals to the divine (sort of like the literal meaning of “yoga,” as that which yokes us to the divine). The second is that religion binds us together in a community.

Anthropologists and sociologists favor the latter interpretation, with some going so far as to suggest that the “purpose” of religion is really nothing more than making communities cohesive. This is a vulgar, flat-souled notion that I discuss elsewhere (see my essay “The Stones Cry Out,” also in What is a Rune?). The truth is that religion binds together a community, through binding it to the divine. Both of the interpretations just mentioned are correct. Through religion, I achieve connection with the gods — but that is only possible through connection with others who have the same aim, and worship the same gods.

Religion is not the only way of making some “connection” to the divine. Mysticism is another way. So are philosophy and theology. Even art and poetry are means. But these can all be solitary activities. We may want an audience for our poetry (or our philosophy), but we don’t need one in order for poetry (or philosophy) to occur.

For religion to “occur” we need others. There can be no such thing as a private religion. Elsewhere I have discussed at length my commitment to Odinism (see “What is Odinism?” in Tyr Volume 4). Odinism is the path of one who follows Odin — really of one who seeks to become him. It is not about “worshipping” Odin, and it is not a religion. It would be accurate to call Odinism (as I define it[1]) a cult within Asatru. Though by its very nature it is a cult arguably best suited for lone individuals (at least, that’s how it is for me): a cult whose “cells” consist of isolated individuals. Until that night on the beach in California, Odinism really was Asatru for me. It was when the blot had ended that I realized my error.

What happened when the blot ended? There was silence. We ate our cake and sat around the bonfire, speaking in hushed tones. There was a kind of electricity in the air, and I think I speak for everyone there when I say that I felt lifted out of myself. I felt connected. Connected to the divine but also — and this is very unusual for me — connected to the others. I felt part of a religious community. It was then that I realized that my Odinism, while entirely legitimate, was not enough.

Imagine the absurdity of a Christian theologian who said that the practice of theology was sufficient unto itself and that he had no need of belonging to a church. But this was exactly my own position: an Odinist, a Germanic neo-pagan philosopher who never practiced his neo-paganism. And by “practice” here I mean practice with others. I was an irreligious neo-pagan. A Protestant indeed.

Of course, there’s an Odinic response to this — or one that seems plausibly Odinic: “Odin is the lone wanderer, he does not need others. If you aspire to be Odin, you do not need blots and such.” But there are two problems here. First, Odin clearly needed the company of the other gods: he returned to them from his wanderings again and again. The second problem is that while there is a part of me that is Odin, and my Odinism is the cultivation of this (again, see my essay in Tyr #4), it is only a part of me. I am still a man, and man is a social animal. And the supreme, most elevated and sublime aspect of his sociability is his religiosity. My experience on the beach didn’t teach me that I ought to come together with others and practice Asatru; it taught me that I needed to, but hadn’t been aware of the need.

Of course, the blot on the beach and the important realization I had there was more than three years ago. And I am still a lone Odinist, keeping an eye on Asatru from the periphery but seldom ever joining with others. Old habits die hard. There are many people who have a much stronger desire to come together with others than I do, but simply cannot because they don’t live near anyone. In one way I am not alone: many of us have been solitary cultists, for a great many years. Then there’s that other big problem: sometimes when you meet others who claim to follow Asatru you are very, very disappointed.

The Rise and Fall and Rise of the AFA

But all of this seems to be changing. And primarily we have Steve McNallen to thank for it. McNallen is well aware that Asatru must be about community; that the solitary practice of Asatru is ultimately insufficient. In recent years, there have been more and more occasions for people who follow the ancestral gods to come together. More people — serious, sincere, and sane people — are being drawn to Asatru and forming local kindreds, or assemblies. McNallen’s organization, the Asatru Folk Assembly (AFA) has organized several events each year for a number of years now. The most successful of these have been “Winter Nights in the Poconos,” held in the fall at a camp in Pennsylvania. And, of course, the internet is helping people to find each other.

McNallen’s own experience of Asatru — which he narrates in this new book — is one that also began in isolation. As noted earlier, McNallen decided to follow the gods of his ancestors when he was in college in the late sixties, serving in the ROTC. This was the Age of Aquarius, and I was in diapers. But I was nonetheless very much aware of the “Occult Revival” when I was a small child in the early seventies. I still remember the weird shop in the strip mall, down the block from Rose’s Department Store, where (at the age of eight or so) I bought my copies of The Sorcerers Handbook and Illustrated Anthology of Sorcery, Magic and Alchemy. (However, once my mother figured out that it was also a head shop she stopped letting me go in there.) Wicca was certainly on the scene, but Asatru was nowhere to be found.

McNallen thought that he was totally alone. In desperation, he took out ads in magazines like Fate, looking for others like himself. Slowly, he formed a small group which he called the Viking Brotherhood: the first Asatru organization in the U.S. McNallen began publishing his own periodical, The Runestone, in 1971, and by the following year the Viking Brotherhood had become a tax-exempt religious organization. He told me once that at the time he and his comrades were making Thor’s hammers out of the keys from sardine cans. (Today, of course, Thor’s hammers are available with two-day Prime shipping from Amazon — largely thanks to McNallen spreading the faith.)

But almost as soon as he had launched the Viking Brotherhood, McNallen had to report for active duty as an officer in the Army. Needless to say, this severely restricted his work on behalf of Asatru. At the time, by the way, Asatru was not Asatru. McNallen did not begin using that term until 1976, after reading it in a book by Magnus Magnusson. Up until then, he had called his religion “Norse Paganism,” or sometimes “Odinism.” It is important to note that our ancestors did not have a name for their religion at all. (“Asatru” which means “true to the Aesir,” is a term coined in the 19th century.)

Names for religions have come into use as a result of the rise of universalist faiths like Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism. These religions needed to call themselves something because they imparted an ideology, and sought to convert people away from their folk religions: they needed to be able to approach people and say “we represent x.” As to the names traditionally given to folk or ethic religions, typically they do not distinguish a member of the ethnic group from an adherent to the religion. The term “Hinduism” is derived from the Persian word “Hindu,” which actually just denotes the Indian people. The etymology of “Judaism” is similar, derived from a word that simply means “Jew.”

By all rights, Asatru — which is an ethnic religion — ought to be called “Germanism,” or “Teutonism,” or something like that. Though both of these are problematic choices, for a number of reasons. But “Asatru” is problematic as well (though it looks like we are stuck with it — which is fine). Imagine if Judaism changed its name to “Yahwism,” the religion of those who worship Yahweh.[2] Inevitably, along would come a gentile who felt entitled to describe himself as a “Yahwist,” because he has decided to worship Yahweh. But if “Yahwist” had the same denotation as “Jewish,” he would have to be taken aside and politely told that the Yahwists are a people, a tribe, not just a collection of believers in a particular theology. And so he cannot be a Yahwist. (Wisely, the Jews — like most Hindus — have remained aware of the ethnic identity of their religion, and are not particularly eager to embrace converts.)

Our term “Asatru” invites a similar problem. If the religion is literally being “true to the Aesir” (“true” as in being loyal to or believing in) well then why can’t a man whose ancestors came from Niger decide that he wants to be true to Odin, Freya, and Thor? McNallen came to face this problem squarely in the seventies:

It was in about 1974 that I began to realize that there was an innate connection between Germanic paganism and the Germanic people. I had resisted the idea as being somehow racist, but I could not ignore the evidence. Within a year or two I had shifted from a “universalist” to a “folkish” position — even though neither of those terms would enter our vocabulary for many years. (pp. 62-63)

It was around the time that McNallen adopted the term “Asatru,” after his discharge from the Army, that he formed the Asatru Free Assembly as successor to the Viking Brotherhood. This is not to be confused with the Asatru Folk Assembly, his present organization. As the above quotation implies, the folkishness of the “first AFA” was largely implicit, for the simple reason that McNallen was surrounded by like-minded people. The Asatru Free Assembly went from being a small group meeting in the back of an insurance agency in Berkeley, California, to a national organization. It published booklets and audio tapes, and beginning in 1980 held an annual summit, the Althing. “Guilds” formed within the first AFA, each with its own newsletter.

There was no other Asatru organization in North America until the mid-1980s. The AFA was it. But by the mid-’80s it was dying. McNallen and his wife were both holding down full-time jobs, and trying to run the AFA on the side. The ideal situation, of course, would have been if they could have turned the AFA into their full-time work. But when they tried that, soliciting financial support from AFA members, they were accused of being “money hungry.” Some people just expect something for nothing. (A problem with which the editor of this website is all too familiar.) It was an impossible situation, and eventually McNallen had to close the AFA, the remains of which morphed (with his blessing) into Valgard Murray’s Asatru Alliance.

Then came McNallen’s years of wandering, writing for Soldier of Fortune, interviewing Tibetan resistance fighters, serving in the National Guard. With characteristic frankness, he admits that while he never wavered from being true to the Aesir during this period, the collapse of the first AFA left him quite bitter. For a long time, he simply gave up on being involved (at least in a leadership capacity) with organized Asatru. What drew him back in was precisely the realization that circumstances had forced those true to the Aesir to make explicit what had been the movement’s implicit folkishness. McNallen writes:

In 1994, I saw signs that a corrupt faction was making inroads into the Germanic religious movement in the United States. Individuals and groups had emerged which denied the innate connection of Germanic religion and Germanic people, saying in effect that ancestral heritage did not matter. This error could not be allowed to become dominant. I decided to reenter the fray and throw my influence behind Asatru as it had been practiced in America since the founding of the Viking Brotherhood back in the 1970s. I formed the Asatru Folk Assembly. (pp. 65-66)

The change from “Free” to “Folk” made things pretty explicit. (And, I will add, has the further advantage of disabusing those who thought that commitment to Asatru cost nothing.) McNallen is too much of a gentleman to name names here, but the “corrupt faction” he is referring to is typified by folks (and I use the term loosely) like the ultra-PC “Ring of Troth,” who are truer to the Frankfurt School than to the Aesir. I won’t say anything else about such people here, as their attempt to turn Asatru into a universalist creed is unworthy of serious discussion.

Article Two of the Declaration of Purpose of the Asatru Folk Assembly states:

Ours is an ancestral religion, one passed down to us from our forebears from ancient times and thus tailored to our unique makeup. Its spirit is inherent in us as a people. If the People of the North ceased to exist, Asatru would likewise no longer exist. It is our will that we not only survive, but thrive, and continue our upward evolution in the direction of the Infinite. All native religions spring from the unique collective soul of a particular people. Religions are not arbitrary or accidental; body, mind and spirit are all shaped by the evolutionary history of the group and are thus interrelated. Asatru is not just what we believe, it is what we are. Therefore, the survival and welfare of the Northern European peoples as a cultural and biological group is a religious imperative for the AFA.

As always, the cunning of reason — or the hand of the gods — has been at work: as I noted earlier, the new AFA has wings the old AFA never possessed. If the old organization had never fallen apart, and McNallen had not lived his wilderness years, we would never have seen the birth of the Asatru Folk Assembly, and the Asatru Renaissance that it has helped bring about.

There is more to the tale of the new AFA — such as the saga of its involvement in the “Kennewick Man” controversy — but for the rest you will have to read the book.

Asatru: A Native European Spirituality fills a void. It is intended to introduce readers to Asatru — readers with no prior acquaintance. As such, it is written in a highly-accessible style. And yet there is much here that will be of interest to those already well acquainted with Asatru: the fruits of almost 50 years not just of McNallen’s experience as a leader and exponent of Asatru, but of his deep reflection upon the meaning of the religion, and its integral relation to the Northern European peoples and their spirit. There is no other book I know of that is as comprehensive and illuminating an introduction to folkish Asatru.

Why Asatru?

Before I close this review there is one more issue that I need to address. There is a tendency among those in the New Right to either embrace Asatru, or simply to tolerate it (usually on the basis that it might — repeat, might — be a useful political tool). Those who tolerate it typically think it’s a bit silly — or at least not something for them. And so a lot of my readers may find this review interesting, but conclude that McNallen’s book and the AFA are for those already converted. I’d like to encourage those folks to think about things differently.

McNallen actually takes no position on whether or not the gods “really exist.” In the AFA, one can be a “hard polytheist,” who actually believes there’s an Odin riding around out there on Sleipner, or a “soft polytheist” who thinks the gods are inflections of some ultimate Brahman-like principle — or even that they are just poetic constructs that hold up a mirror to our Northern souls. There are tricky issues here, and my own position doesn’t readily fall into any of these categories. But one thing is certain: whether or not the gods “really exist,” the gods and the myths about them most certainly do poetically mirror our Northern souls. This is the first thing I’d like New Right “sceptics” about Asatru to consider. Asatru is us.

As I put it in my essay “Asatru and the Political”:

Ásatrú is an expression of the unique spirit of the Germanic peoples. And one could also plausibly claim that the spirit of the Germanic peoples just is Ásatrú, understanding its myth and lore simply as a way in which the people projects its spirit before itself, in concrete form. And this leads me back to where I began, to the “political” point of this essay: to value Ásatrú is to value the people of Ásatrú; to value their survival, their distinctness, and their flourishing. For one cannot have the one without the other.

Here I was enjoining followers of Asatru to defend the interests of people of European ancestry. But now I am enjoining those who already believe in that cause to value Asatru. Because, you see, valuing “the people of Asatru” — European (or Northern European) people — must mean, at its most basic level, coming together with them in a community.

What Asatru offers to the New Right is a community of people of European ancestry focused around the celebration of that ancestry, and common culture. I have already discussed the progress the AFA has made in building this community — in genuinely bringing people together. McNallen writes:

We console each other in times of death, and celebrate the birth of new children. We share favorite books, career tips, and recipes. We make plans to meet down at a local pub, or to attend an event the next state over. Locally, we gather for rituals and for birthday parties, or to load a truck for someone moving to a new home. (p. 69)

The Fourth Article of the AFA’s Declaration of Purpose states that it is devoted to “The restoration of community, the banishment of alienation, and the establishment of natural and just relations among our people.” The banishment of alienation — the condition so many of us on the Right suffer from. And often it is our own doing. The idea of a community of people of European ancestry celebrating that ancestry sounds really good — but there’s all that stuff about Odin . . .

Well, I mentioned earlier that I come from a long line of Methodists. And my mother attended the local Methodist church all her life. But here’s something that will surprise you: she wasn’t particularly “religious.” Yes, she believed in God and in Heaven in some sense, and she thought that the Bible was mostly a good influence on people (though I think she never read it). But my mother thought it unbecoming to carry things to extremes. In particular she looked down on people who talked about Jesus all the time: “Jesus loves you” made her flesh crawl. She thought that people who talked that way were a bit “touched” (in the bad sense), and a bit low class.

For my mother, church was about community. It was a place where you met what she called “decent people,” and often had the satisfaction of helping each other. It was a place where people were brought together by a shared desire, to one degree or another, to orient their lives to an ideal (or at least to be seen to be doing so). And it was a place where people were brought together by common ancestry — for my mother’s church was implicitly white (a fact she would have readily admitted). Yes, some of the people there were, in her eyes, a little too “Jesusy.” And others not enough. Some took the Bible just a little too seriously, and said and did peculiar things. They were cranks. But in my mother’s eyes they were “our cranks.” She derived enormous satisfaction and comfort from her participation in that community. This was something I didn’t understand until much later in life.

So, if you are skeptical about Asatru just start here — I mean just with the kind of tentative, minimalist recommendation I’ve made in the last few paragraphs. Asatru as a community of people like you. This is actually quite a lot. More may come later. Or perhaps not. Perhaps you’ll always think that people who talk about Odin are a bit “touched.” But you’ll be with your people; with people who are aware that they are your people. As Steve McNallen says in this book, “Asatru is about roots. It’s about connections. It’s about coming home.”

You can access the AFA’s splendid new website here.

Postscript: I have just learned that the AFA is raising money to buy its own hall. You can read more about it, and donate, here.


1. I derive my understanding of Odinism from Edred Thorsson. See Edred Thorsson, Runelore: A Handbook of Esoteric Runology (York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, 1987), 179.

2. This term actually is used by scholars, to denote the cult of Yahweh among the ancient Hebrews — the cult that eventually became Judaism.

dimanche, 21 juin 2015

Législatives danoises : à droite toute!


Législatives danoises : à droite toute!
Personne ne s’y attendait, pas même les instituts de sondage: le Parti populaire danois Dansk Folkeparti (DF) réalise son meilleur score aux législatives avec 21,1 % des suffrages, soit une progression de neuf points et de quinze sièges par rapport à 2011.
Ex: http://www.bvoltaire.fr 

Personne ne s’y attendait, pas même les instituts de sondage : le Parti populaire danois Dansk Folkeparti (DF) réalise son meilleur score aux législatives avec 21,1 % des suffrages, soit une progression de neuf points et de quinze sièges par rapport à 2011. « Nous sommes un parti que ce pays doit prendre au sérieux », s’est réjoui son chef de file, Kristian Thulesen Dahl. Devançant son allié libéral Venstre, qui plafonne à 19,5 %, il devient du même coup, pour la première fois, le plus important parti du bloc de droite. Réunissant aussi Alliance libérale et les conservateurs, celui-ci totalise 52 % des voix et 90 sièges. S’il se maintient en tête avec 26,3 %, le camp des sociaux-démocrates de l’actuel Premier ministre, Helle Thorning-Schmidt, ne pourra prétendre rester au pouvoir, le bloc de gauche ne comptant plus que 85 sièges.

Présenté par la plupart des médias français comme « populiste » et « xénophobe », bien que classé au centre au Danemark, le DF ne cesse de progresser depuis sa création en 1995. Son but : préserver « l’héritage culturel danois ». Lentement mais sûrement, il a réussi à imposer sa ligne, voire à peser sur celle de ses adversaires, au point que l’immigration a été, avec l’économie, le thème phare de la campagne… y compris à gauche. Car pour ne pas se retrouver à la traîne, les sociaux-démocrates n’ont eu d’autre choix que de faire miroiter une politique plus stricte. Helle Thorning-Schmidt est allée jusqu’à poser sur des affiches arborant le slogan « Si vous venez au Danemark, vous devez travailler » – un procédé également utilisé par le gouvernement hongrois de Viktor Orbán ; on imagine la levée de boucliers des associations si François Hollande s’aventurait sur ce terrain miné. « Ils jouent maintenant la carte dure, pour qu’on ne vienne pas les accuser de mollesse », s’agace Andreas Kamm, secrétaire général du Conseil danois pour les réfugiés. L’entreprise de séduction n’aura toutefois pas suffi, les électeurs préférant le discours plus crédible de ses opposants.

Entre 2013 et 2014, le nombre de demandeurs d’asile a doublé au Danemark, pour s’établir à 14.680. Parmi les propositions du bloc de droite durant la campagne : la baisse des allocations pour les nouveaux arrivants et l’attribution d’un permis de séjour permanent uniquement pour ceux ayant un emploi et parlant la langue. Le programme du DF préconise aussi un contrôle des frontières, davantage d’indépendance face à l’Union européenne (via un éventuel recours au référendum, dans le sillage de David Cameron), le refus d’une « transformation multiethnique du pays » et le renforcement de l’État-providence pour les plus précaires et les retraités (à l’inverse des sociaux-démocrates et du Venstre, qui ont privilégié une approche libérale pour stimuler la reprise).

Reste à savoir si le DF acceptera d’entrer dans un nouveau gouvernement mené par le leader de Venstre, Lars Løkke Rasmussen. Jusqu’alors, il s’était contenté de lui apporter son soutien en échange de mesures fermes pour freiner l’immigration, au grand dam du patronat qui réclame de la main-d’œuvre étrangère pour pallier le vieillissement de la population. « Nous n’avons pas peur d’entrer au gouvernement, si c’est par là que nous obtenons la plus grande influence politique », assure Kristian Thulesen Dahl. Il ne leur sera sans doute pas aisé d’accorder leurs violons, mais preuve est faite que des alliances constructives peuvent être scellées entre les courants qui, au-delà de leur petite cuisine interne, défendent une certaine idée de leur pays et de ses racines. À bon entendeur…

jeudi, 28 mai 2015

Knut Hamsun: entre modernité et tradition


Knut Hamsun: entre modernité et tradition

Knut Hamsun est un aventurier qui a parcouru les styles, les genres et les époques. Génie aujourd’hui infréquentable et oublié, le Norvégien a laissé au monde littéraire une œuvre dense comme une forêt du Nord, tour à tour obscure et enchanteresse. Conteur moderne, il s’est attaché à fuir les carcans de la littérature de son époque, et ceci en travaillant à la fois la psychologie de ses personnages et la langue à la manière d’un orfèvre.

Si l’écrivain scandinave Martin Nag qualifie Knut Hamsun de « Dostoïevski norvégien », c’est sans doute parce qu’il a été très influencé par le réalisme de l’auteur des Possédés (précisons que le réalisme russe n’est pas celui de la tradition française) et ce, même si son parcours littéraire l’a entraîné bien plus loin. C’est au travers d’un article paru en 1890 dans la revue Samtiden, intitulé De la vie inconsciente de l’âme, que Knut Hamsun révèle son projet littéraire. Dans ce pendant théorique de La Faim (1890), roman majeur, l’auteur montre la liaison qu’il entend opérer, tout du moins de façon inconsciente, entre l’individualisme de Nietzsche (quoiqu’il ne l’ait ni lu, ni rencontré) et la modernité de Franz Kafka. Hamsun s’est imprégné de philosophie nietzschéenne grâce à l’influence de Georg Brandes, qui donne à partir de 1888 une série de conférences sur l’auteur du Gai Savoir en Scandinavie. Une mentalité qui se retrouve dans Ciel sombre, ultime chapitre du dernier ouvrage que consacre Hamsun à son voyage en Amérique. Moquant allègrement ses prédécesseurs, et notamment Guy de Maupassant, il s’attache à explorer les tréfonds de l’âme humaine, à commencer par la sienne. C’est ainsi que la Faim prend la forme d’un roman quasi autobiographique. Knut Hamsun fait du personnage principal, un anonyme, un urbain moderne, sans visage, sans racines, preuve de sa volonté de rompre avec les anciens codes du réalisme et du naturalisme du XIXe siècle déclinant. Naturalisme qui s’attachait davantage à décrire avec minutie les lieux, les personnages et les objets, dans l’objectif de retranscrire fidèlement la « nature ».

Knut Hamsun et la modernité de la langue

kh32585.jpgBien plus qu’un roman social traitant de la misère et de l’errance d’un homme dans une capitale européenne qui lui est totalement inconnue, La Faim est un roman psychologique qui met son narrateur en face d’un alter-ego, compagne ambiguë, qu’il entretient pour cultiver l’inspiration nécessaire à son travail littéraire : « J’avais remarqué très nettement que si je jeûnais pendant une période assez longue, c’était comme si mon cerveau coulait tout doucement de ma tête et la laissait vide. » Ce personnage parcourt le roman en équilibre, entre moments de génie et d’éclat, entre tortures physiques et mentales. Il écrit ainsi: « Dieu avait fourré son doigt dans le réseau de mes nerfs et discrètement, en passant, il avait un peu embrouillé les fils… » Ce personnage ambivalent permet à Hamsun d’évoquer ses propres névroses et d’annoncer un autre objectif de sa vie : l’esthétique de la langue. Il n’aura de cesse de la travailler, parfois avec fièvre. Kristofer Janson, poète et prêtre qui a connu Hamsun, dit ne connaître « personne aussi maladivement obsédé par l’esthétique verbale que lui […]. Il pouvait sauter de joie et se gorger toute une journée de l’originalité d’un adjectif descriptif lu dans un livre ou qu’il avait trouvé lui-même ». Dans La Faim, le personnage entretient un rapport imprévisible et tumultueux à l’écriture : « On aurait dit qu’une veine avait éclaté en moi, les mots se suivent, s’organisent en ensembles, constituent des situations ; les scènes s’accumulent, actions et répliques s’amoncellent dans mon cerveau et je suis saisi d’un merveilleux bien-être. J’écris comme un possédé, je remplis page sur page sans un instant de répit. […] Cela continue à faire irruption en moi, je suis tout plein de mon sujet et chacun des mots que j’écris m’est comme dicté. » Son premier roman inaugure donc un travail sur l’esthétique de la langue. Auparavant, Hamsun parlait un norvégien encore « bâtard », paysan, et assez éloigné du norvégien bourgeois de la capitale. C’est probablement ce à quoi il pensait en écrivant dans un article de 1888 : « Le langage doit couvrir toutes les gammes de la musique. Le poète doit toujours, dans toutes les situations, trouver le mot qui vibre, qui me parle, qui peut blesser mon âme jusqu’au sanglot par sa précision. Le verbe peut se métamorphoser en couleur, en son, en odeur ; c’est à l’artiste de l’employer pour faire mouche […] Il faut se rouler dans les mots, s’en repaître ; il faut connaître la force directe, mais aussi secrète du Verbe […] Il existe des cordes à haute et basse résonance, et il existe des harmoniques… »

L’écriture de Hamsun est donc incontestablement psychologique et introspective. La faim qu’entretient le héros sert à exacerber les traits les plus profonds de sa personnalité. De même dans Pan, Hamsun livre le personnage du capitaine à l’exil pour mieux confronter ses pensées à la nature sauvage : « Je suis assis dans la montagne et la mer et l’air murmurent, cela bouillonne et gémit horriblement dans mes oreilles à cause du temps et du vent. […] La mer se soulève en l’air en écumant et chancelle, chancelle, elle est comme peuplée de grandes figures furieuses qui écartent leurs membres et braillent l’une contre l’autre ; non, c’est une fête parmi dix mille démons sifflants qui renfoncent leur tête dans les épaules et tournent en rond, fouettant la mer en mousse du bout de leurs ailes. Loin, loin là-bas… » On remarque aussi l’influence des Carnets du sous-sol de Dostoïevski sur le roman  Mystères et plus particulièrement sur le personnage de Nagel, un homme qui a le goût de la contradiction, et qui nourrit un irrépressible besoin d’évasion. Nagel choque par ses habitudes, par son comportement, par son accoutrement. En effet, si les récits de Hamsun fourmillent de détails concernant les vêtements des protagonistes, on ignore à peu près tout de leur portrait physique. Ainsi, le personnage de la Faim accorde une importance particulière à son gilet, qu’il laisse « au clou » pour pouvoir se procurer quelques couronnes, mais son nom n’est jamais mentionné. Nagel est lui toujours habillé d’un costume et d’un chapeau. Les personnages chez Hamsun sont donc réduits à une silhouette, des aplats de couleurs néo-impressionistes qui ne dévoilent de leurs personnalités que leur psychologie la plus intime et parfois la plus brutale, comme Thomas Glahn de Pan, qui tue son chien sans motif apparent.

kh400338596695.jpgKnut Hamsun, l’homme de tradition

Si les personnages de Knut Hamsun sont modernes par leur traitement résolument introspectif, ils évoluent en revanche dans un cadre étonnamment traditionnel. En effet, Knut Hamsun, élevé dans la tradition protestante par son oncle, et tirant de sa mère un profond attachement à son pays, nourrit ses récits d’une énergie tellurique et presque charnelle.

Hamsun se révèle ainsi de façon moins évidente l’homme de la tradition, par bien des côtés, un « païen qui adore le Christ », pour reprendre une formule de Nicolás Gómez Dávila. On pense notamment au cadre de ses romans, comme Pan, dans lequel il montre là son attachement à la nature du Nord, ou Markens grode (ordinairement traduit par L’éveil de la glèbe ; une traduction plus appropriée étant Les fruits de la terre), une réécriture de la Genèse. Très critique vis à vis de la matérialité bourgeoise, Hamsun conserva toute sa vie un rapport étroit à la spiritualité qui occupe une place importante dans ses livres. Ainsi, dans Victoria (1898) il écrit un éloge des Évangiles : « L’amour fut la première parole de Dieu et la première pensée qui traversa son esprit. Lorsqu’il commanda « Que la lumière soit ! », l’amour fut. Toute sa création fut réussie et il ne voulut rien y changer. Et l’amour, qui avait été à l’origine du monde, en fut aussi le maître. Mais ses chemins sont parsemés de fleurs et de sang. De fleurs et de sang… ». Sa détestation du monde bourgeois transparaît également dans un texte de 1917 intitulé Ville voisine.  Hamsun y évoque une ville « comme ressuscitée des morts », où l’on vit dans des conditions « petites et vieillottes », qui est « comme auparavant, il y a longtemps ». Cette ville voisine est, sur le plan symbolique, en dehors de l’espace et du temps. Cependant, point de nostalgie chez Hamsun qui a conscience des changements et des ruptures de l’époque. Ennemi du monde moderne et acteur majeur du renouveau littéraire norvégien, son destin est à rapprocher de celui d’Ezra Pound aux États-Unis ou de celui de Louis-Ferdinand Céline en France.

vendredi, 08 mai 2015

L'Islande, fer de lance de l'Europe boréale?


L’Islande, fer de lance de l’Europe boréale?
Europe boréale : avec ces deux mots, Jean-Marie Le Pen ne retournait pas seulement aux « fondamentaux » du parti, mais aussi aux mythes de fondation européens.
Écrivain, journaliste
Ex: http://www.bvoltaire.fr

L’historien Nicolas Lebourg ne s’y est pas trompé en décelant que « le passage peut-être le plus important (pour le Front national] de l’article est celui où le président d’honneur du parti parle d’“Europe boréale”. » Il faisait référence au fameux entretien que Jean-Marie Le Pen a accordé à Rivarol le 9 avril dernier.

Europe boréale : avec ces deux mots, Jean-Marie Le Pen ne retournait pas seulement aux « fondamentaux » du parti, mais aussi aux mythes de fondation européens.

L’adjectif « boréal » vient du grec boreas, le vent du Nord. D’où l’Hyperborée, continent mythique « au-delà du vent du Nord », où le dieu grec Apollon partait se ressourcer, juché sur son char tiré par des cygnes blancs. L’Hyperborée représente le socle légendaire, immuable, de la Tradition primordiale dont sont issues toutes les grandes civilisations, selon les philosophes Julius Evola et René Guénon, continent immense désormais enfoui en partie sous les glaces, qui englobait la totalité de l’Europe (y compris la Russie) et de l’Arctique.

L’Islande, « Terre de glace », est un petit pays de 320.000 habitants où le peuple détient réellement le pouvoir, notamment par référendum. Du coup, après la crise bancaire de 2008, où on a vu les banques régner sur l’Europe (logique « démocratique » ?), ce petit peuple a décidé, lui, de réagir avec bon sens et de mettre en prison les responsables de la crise : les banquiers. Dans la foulée, les Islandais ont dévalué leur monnaie, décidé de ne pas adhérer à l’Union européenne et projettent de quitter l’OTAN.

Les Islandais sont-ils pour autant acculés à la misère ? Refuse-t-on de commercer avec eux ? Pas du tout, leur économie est florissante : 4,2 % de croissance et un taux de chômage de 3 % ! L’Islande est le pays le moins pollué du monde et se trouve à la quatrième place des pays les plus sûrs du monde. Enfin, et c’est ici symbolique, le peuple a décidé par référendum de construire un temple dédié à la religion native païenne, l’Ásatrú, à la place… d’une mosquée.

Plus au sud, un autre petit pays est déstabilisé par l’Ordre mondial, représenté par les États-Unis, l’Union européenne (véritable ennemie de l’Europe des peuples), l’OTAN et leurs alliés islamiques : il s’agit de l’Ukraine, berceau du plus grand pays du monde, la Russie, qui, lui aussi, fait partie de l’Europe boréale. L’Ukraine est aussi en partie le berceau des Indo-Européens avec la civilisation des Kourganes. La plus grande crainte des mondialistes serait de voir réunies l’Europe de l’Est et celle de l’Ouest. C’est pourquoi, déjà, avec la création du Kosovo, ils avaient implanté au cœur de l’Europe un État islamique et mafieux.

La philosophe Chantal Delsol voit la prochaine guerre opposer les « partisans de l’émancipation et ceux de l’enracinement dont la Russie prendrait la tête ». Verra-t-on, comme dans le film Excalibur, sortir des glaces l’épée du Grand Monarque qui viendra rétablir l’Europe des origines ?

mercredi, 29 avril 2015

Knut Hamsun, pagano europeo contro Mammona


Knut Hamsun, pagano europeo contro Mammona


Ex: http://www.centrostudilaruna.it

Quando si crede nell’individuo come persona umana e non come numero imbastardito, si è a disagio nella società dei costruttori di artifici economici. Quando si ama la propria terra natìa, fatta di boschi, paesaggi, volti conosciuti, si lenzi di natura profonda, ci si sente estranei al caos volgare della massa cosmopolita. E quando si crede alla dignità dell’uomo, al suo onore di vivere in sintonia col creato e in armonia con una vita semplice e onesta, nella comunità dei simili solidali, si avverte repulsione per il mondo sub-umano dei trafficanti di denaro, dei lucratori del lavoro altrui, della setta oscura che giorno e notte tesse la tela delle frodi finanziarie e degli inganni ideologici umanitari.

kh1.jpgKnut Hamsun fu di questo stampo: l’uomo europeo eterno. Un figlio della sua terra, la Norvegia, che portò sempre nel cuore anche quando, da giovane, visse a lungo in quell’altro mondo, quel vero e proprio mondo alla rovescia che erano già alla fine dell’Ottocento gli Stati Uniti: la terra promessa della schiuma dell’umanità, dove alcuni avventurieri senza scrupoli erano diventati magnati e grandi capitalisti, dando fondo con l’ottusità fanatica che è tipica del talmudista quacchero a tutto un prontuario di egoismi utilitaristi, in ossequio alla legge oscena del profitto. Hamsun ebbe modo di conoscere bene e da vicino il concetto di “libertà” in uso nella repubblica stellata, i suoi metodi di “umanitarismo” massonico e la sua pratica di perversione acquisitiva. Conobbe di persona l’ignoranza e la rozzezza intellettuale, la povertà spirituale e l’arroganza di un ammasso umano che con l’idea tradizionale europea di popolo non ha mai avuto nulla in comune.

Un paese che, eternamente con la Bibbia in mano, praticò e pratica lo schiavismo molto più a Nord che a Sud e sia in casa propria che in quelle altrui e fin dagli esordi, erigendo quella spaventosa società di paria alienati che è la cosmopoli industriale, nella cui fornace sin dalle origini venivano gettati bambini, donne, negri e immigrati di ogni sorta, al fine di costruire un freddo Leviatano, al cui vertice una ristretta congrega di arricchiti dominava già allora con metodi discriminatori una massa enorme di manipolati. La volgarità dei gusti americani fu ben tratteggiata dal giovane Hamsun, il quale, fin dai suoi tempi, riconobbe la sostanza inferiore di una mentalità che rifiuta l’intelligenza in favore dell’astuzia, non riconoscendo il genio creatore ma solo la scaltrezza necessaria al parvenu per far fortuna con la frode, per accumulare denaro e potere.

In La vita culturale dell’America moderna (1889) il giovane Hamsun avanzava osservazioni che ognuno di noi, a così tanti decenni di distanza, farebbe bene a rimeditare: «Dal punto di vista dello spirito, l’America è in realtà una nazione terribilmente sorpassata. Possiede uomini d’affari energici, investitori scaltri, speculatori temerari, ma ha troppo poco spirito, troppo poca intelligenza… In America si è sviluppata una vita che ha come unici scopi il procacciamento del cibo, l’acquisizione di beni materiali e l’accumulo di patrimoni. Gli Ameriani sono talmente presi dalla loro corsa al guadagno che su questa si concentra tutto il loro ingegno e ogni loro interesse orbita intorno al profitto. I cervelli si assuefanno a lavorare solo con valori e sfilze di numeri, i pensieri non hanno occupazione più gradita di quella offerta dalle diverse operazioni finanziarie».

La miseria morale di un anti-popolo suddiviso fra padroni-detentori della ricchezza e massa anonima istigata all’unica legge del consumo, veniva vista da Hamsun come la degenerazione e il rovesciamento dell’ideale europeo di civiltà. Era già qualcosa di morto nonostante fosse appena nato, qualcosa di corrotto e superato. La sindrome del produttivismo ha generato incoltura e istinti volgari, in un mare di piattezza dozzinale, dove ogni barlume di quella poca cultura ricevuta di seconda mano dall’Europa diventava, allora come oggi, “merce di strada”, giornalismo popolano, sensazionalismo plebeo, una merce priva di ogni stile, qualità, valore: «In America – scriveva Hamsun – non c’è possibilità di sviluppo per le cose che non possono essere misurate in numeri e non c’è, quindi, nessuna speranza che possa nascere una vita intellettuale… Gli Americani sono uomini d’affari, nelle loro mani tutto diventa operazione economica, ma sono gente poco spirituale e la loro cultura è pietosamente inesistente». L’America ha riclato gli sbandati di mezzo mondo, ne ha fatto dei cittadini, ma cittadini americani, e nulla di più. Essi sono un deflagrante miscuglio di iattanza anglo-calvinista e di carenza valoriale, di stampo apolide e cosmopolita. Il tutto, pericolosamente rimestato, ha prodotto il paradossale etnocentrismo statunitense, un’acida infusione di fondamentalismo biblista, insolenza xenofoba, fanatismo provinciale. Hamsun sottolineava con forza questo grossolano oltranzismo: «L’assoluta ignoranza nei riguardi dei popoli stranieri e dei loro meriti è uno dei difetti nazionali dell’America. Gli Americani non studiano il grande sapere universale nelle loro common schools. La sola geografia autorizzata in queste scuole è quella americana, la sola storia autorizzata è quella americana – il resto del mondo viene liquidato con un’appendice di un paio di pagine». Ed è infatti risaputo che le famose università americane, senza la cattura a pagamento dei migliori cervelli europei, sarebbero solo vuote cattedrali di ignoranza e di incolto provincialismo.

kh2.jpgHamsun elogiava l’autoctonia, non il provincialismo; l’autoctonia di chi, avendo come lui molto viaggiato, a ragion veduta riconosce l’importanza delle radici, della Heimat, del contatto con le sane e immutabili origini. Nato nel 1860, Knut Hamsun fin dalla giovinezza fece tutti i mestieri, da calzolaio a maestro elementare a spaccapietre, finché la sua sete un po’ vichinga per gli spazi non lo portò in America dove, anche qui, nonostante il suo animo sensibile e le sue doti di poeta e scrittore, non si peritò di fare il venditore ambulante o il cocchiere: spirito di viandante, non emigrante ignaro e disperato, ma uomo ben cosciente della sua dignità. Tanto che dopo molto aver visto e conosciuto in America, in Europa e in Asia, se ne tornò alla sua terra e di questa, sentita come Madre-patria e scrigno di identità, divenne uno dei massimi cantori che abbia avuto la narrativa europea. Amore per le proprie radici, culto della terra madre, devozione panteista verso la natura e le sue segrete energie, esaltazione della vita semplice dell’uomo dei campi, di colui che difende la propria personalità dagli assalti della violenta società progressista.

Questi i valori di Hamsun. Da uomo antico, egli disprezzava le “mezze culture” che hanno partorito l’industrialismo e la febbre mercantile; in lui il prestigio aristocratico del “signore della terra” è una celebrazione di potenza poetica, che ne fa, insieme ad altri ingegni (pensiamo a Pound, a d’Annunzio, a Heidegger), uno degli ultimi grandi testimoni della civiltà europea. Il suo soggettivismo (che non è individualistico egoismo alla liberale, ma eroismo faustiano di un figlio del popolo) e il suo lirismo naturalistico lo innalzano a figura degna di un paganesimo mistico, che si leva in una vibrante condanna della razza dei profittatori.

Rude anima nordica, la sua, ma capace di passione, di sensuale commozione e di dolci abbandoni, alla maniera della natura, che sa essere ad un tempo selvaggia e tenera. Hamsun era capace di misterici trasporti, conversava con piante e pietre, avvertiva presenze sacre nei silenzi notturni: «È la luna, dico in silenzio, con passione, è la luna! E il mio cuore batte per lei con nuovi battiti. Dura qualche minuto. Un alito di vento, un vento sconosciuto viene a me, una strana pressione dell’aria. Che cosa è? Mi guardo attorno e non vedo nessuno. Il vento mi chiama e l’anima mia assentendo si piega a quel richiamo ed io mi sento sollevato dalle realtà circostanti, stretto a un invisibile petto, i miei occhi si inumidiscono, io tremo. Dio è in qualche luogo vicino e mi guarda…», così scrisse in Pan (1894), uno dei suoi capolavori.

A un simile poeta, tuttavia, la loggia dei fabbricanti d’oro volle riservare l’infamia.Vincitore nel 1920 del premio Nobel per la letteratura, Hamsun aveva aderito fin da giovane al movimento neoromantico nazionalista norvegese, che conciliava laengtam (la volontà inflessibile) con staenming, l’armonia cosmica in cui uomo e macrocosmo si fondono. Amico della Germania ma anche della cultura russa, vide con favore l’ascesa del nazionalsocialismo tedesco, ravvisando in Hitler i tratti del vendicatore della tradizione europea contro i manipolatori economici e finanziari e il creatore di una nuova religiosità di stirpe. Resa visita al Führer nel 1943 al Berghof, collaborò col regime di Quisling, difese il progetto europeo con l’arma della sua penna. E quando Hitler morì tragicamente, lungi dal piegare la testa dinanzi ai vincitori, su un quotidiano di Oslo ne celebrò la figura di «guerriero in lotta per l’umanità, un apostolo del diritto dei popoli e un riformatore del più alto rango».

kh3.jpgCe n’era abbastanza perché, alla maniera con cui gli americani e i sovietici usavano trattare i loro oppositori intellettuali, nel 1945 venisse giudicato pazzo e rinchiuso in manicomio, ripetendo la medesima via di passione imposta a Ezra Pound. Nel suo libro Per i sentieri dove cresce l’erba, scritto negli ultimi tempi della sua vita, Hamsun così ricordava la dichiarazione che aveva reso coraggiosamente davanti ai giudici: «Mi era stato detto che la Norvegia avrebbe occupato un posto eminente nella grande società mondiale germanica in gestazione; chi più chi meno, allora tutti ci credevamo. E anch’io vi avevo creduto… Pensate: la Norvegia del tutto indipendente, rilucente di luce propria nell’estremo nord dell’Europa! E quanto al popolo tedesco, come pure al popolo russo, io li vedevo come astri rilucenti. Codeste due potenti nazioni mi possedevano e pensavo che esse non avrebbero deluso le mie speranze!».

Il sogno europeo di Hamsun parve abominio ai suoi giudici democratici asserviti ai nuovi padroni, la sua passione per la patria eterna proprio dai traditori venne spacciata per tradimento. Condannato nel 1948 a un risarcimento in denaro per i suoi “crimini”, Hamsun fu rovinato moralmente e materialmente e, ultranovantenne, venne infine rinchiuso in un ospizio e ufficialmente diffamato. Ma ciò che a noi resta di lui, e che i suoi persecutori non poterono cancellare, è l’esempio di una vita libera e nobile, di un uomo che non ha piegato la schiena neppure nella sventura. Resta la sua religione della vita, del lavoro onesto e silenzioso, la sua mistica della solitudine creatrice, del senso panico della natura primordiale e del popolo che vive in sintonia con la sua terra. Restano i valori di uomo della tradizione che attraversa la degenerazione della modernità senza farsene contagiare, ma anzi rinsaldando la volontà di opporre la qualità alla quantità, la forza di un Io integro allo sfaldamento coscienziale dell’alveare massificato: tutto questo è racchiuso nei suoi molti romanzi, da Fame (1890) a Terra favolosa (1903), da Un viandante canta in sordina (1909) fino a Il cerchio si chiude (1936). La lotta sostenuta a viso aperto e per tutta la vita da quest’uomo antico e insieme moderno appare oggi un severo e insieme trascinante insegnamento per tutti coloro che non vogliono imboccare la strada della resa di fronte ai dominatori cosmopoliti.
Oggi Hamsun rappresenta un esempio straordinario per tutti i popoli gelosi della loro identità, e per quelli europei in modo particolare. La congiura dei dissacratori e dei farisaici materialisti, dal basso di una putrescente “normalità” da insetti, non poteva non giudicare “pazzo” un uomo così diverso da loro, così orgoglioso della sua anima norrena e del suo sangue di contadino europeo.
* * *
Tratto da Italicum, novembre-dicembre 2014, anno XXIX, pp. 30-32.

samedi, 25 avril 2015

La voie de l’Islande pour sortir de la crise financière

La voie de l’Islande pour sortir de la crise financière

«Ne pas écouter les marchés financiers, mais le peuple» (Olaf Ragnar Grimsson, Président d’Etat)

par Werner Wüthrich, docteur ès sciences politiques

Ex: http://www.horizons-et-debats.ch

Iceland 03.jpgRécemment le gouvernement islandais a informé la Commission européenne et le Conseil européen du retrait de sa demande d’adhésion (cf. Horizons et débats no 8 du 23/3/15). Le gouvernement rose-vert avait sollicité en juillet 2009 son adhésion, après que la crise financière aux Etats-Unis ait influé de manière catastrophique sur les banques du pays. Lorsque le pays s’est rétablit étonnamment vite et qu’en avril 2013 un nouveau gouvernement a été choisi, les négociations ont été gelées. Le ministre des Affaires étrangères Gunnar Bragi Sveinsson a noté sur son site web: «Les intérêts de l’Islande sont mieux servi en dehors de l’UE.» La population n’approuverait pas l’adhésion, car ces dernières années, elle a réalisé, ce qu’elle a pu atteindre de ses propres forces. L’Islande est une île dans l’Atlantique avec 350?000 habitants. Le pays dispose de zones de pêche abondantes. Ses habitants pratiquent un peu d’agriculture avec beaucoup de moutons et accueillent de plus en plus de touristes parcourant le pays à cause de la beauté de la nature et de ses sources chaudes. Il fait bon vivre ainsi.
Lors de la dernière crise financière mondiale, l’Islande a pris une place importante – à plusieurs égards. La crise y a sévi encore beaucoup plus qu’ailleurs. En 2008, l’amoncellement de dettes était – au zénith de la crise – beaucoup plus élevé que dans les pays sud de l’UE. Alors que les dettes en Grèce s’élevaient à 175% du produit intérieur brut, les dettes de l’île atlantique (notamment celles des banques) étaient dix fois supérieur au du PIB, c’est à dire 1000% – donc un véritable scénario de catastrophe. Néanmoins, l’Islande se retrouve – sept ans plus tard – relativement en bonne santé. Comment cela s’est-il passé, comment cela a-t-il été possible?
Dans les années de la fin du millénaire, l’Islande se faisait remarquer par des taux de croissance très élevés. La raison n’était pas les fruits de la pêche, mais elle se trouvait ailleurs: les trois grandes banques s’étaient engagés dans un jeux risqué et avaient transformé l’île en une place financière globale. Elles attiraient par exemple des fonds d’épargnes de l’étranger avec des taux d’intérêts surélevés et investissaient cet argent dans des placements financiers risqués dans le monde entier – dans un premier temps avec succès. Les managers des banques responsables se présentèrent comme étant «modernes» et «ouverts» et rompirent avec les traditions de leur banque et de leur corps de métier – selon le proverbe: «Tant va la cruche à l’eau qu’elle finit par se casser.» La cassure ou la chute arriva il y a sept ans – de façon massive – et produisit très rapidement la faillite des trois grandes banques.

Le peuple montra la voie au sujet des dettes extérieures

Le traitement des dettes extérieures des trois banques islandaises était controversé. Selon la doctrine occidentale, l’Etat respectivement les contribuables devaient au moins en partie en assumer la responsabilité. Il s’agissait avant tout des fonds dits Icesave. Icesave avait, en tant que filiale en ligne de la Landsbanki nationalisée, attiré pendant plusieurs années avec des intérêts élevés de nombreux petits épargnants étrangers, dont l’argent n’était pas couvert par l’assurance islandaise des dépôts. Avant tout la Grande Bretagne et les Pays-Bas, d’où venait la plus grande partie de fonds étrangers, exigèrent que l’Etat islandais rembourse ces fonds. Il s’agissait d’environ 4 milliards d’euros (environ 12?000 euros par habitant de l’Islande). Le gouvernement négocia avec les deux pays, qui accordèrent des taux bas et des délais de remboursement longs. Le Parlement islandais accepta le résultat des négociations et adopta le 30 décembre 2009 une loi réglant les modalités de remboursement. – Mais alors le peuple sortit dans les rues avec leurs casseroles et exprima son mécontentement de devoir endosser une responsabilité qui ne lui incombait pas. Les spéculateurs étrangers devaient eux-mêmes porter les conséquences de leurs actes. Finalement, ils avaient obtenu 10% ou plus pour leur argent. «Est-ce moralement et juridiquement justifié, de simplement attribuer le risque à l’Etat et aux contribuables?», figurait sur les transparents et les tracts. L’initiative citoyenne Defence organisa diverses manifestations d’opposition. Elle récolta plus de 60?000 signatures (de 350?000 habitants) et exigea un référendum populaire. Les citoyens assiégèrent la résidence du Président d’Etat avec des feux de Bengale rouges, signalant de manière bien visible un «stop» à cette politique. Le Président d’Etat Olaf Ragnar Grimsson entendit la voix du peuple et ordonna le référendum: «Le noyau de notre Etat islandais est, que le peuple est le juge suprême sur la validité des lois. C’est ainsi que j’ai décidé, en conformité avec la Constitution, de transférer la décision sur la loi en question au peuple.» – En mars 2010, 93% des votants dirent non au paiement des dettes bancaires par l’Etat.
La Grande-Bretagne et les Pays-Bas étaient alors, faute de mieux, prêts à renégocier le remboursement des dettes bancaires. Dans un nouvel accord, l’Islande obtint des concessions supplémentaires et des allégements de paiement. Le remboursement fut prolongé jusqu’en 2046, suite à quoi la prochaine génération serait aussi concernée. Le Parlement islandais accepta. Le Président d’Etat fixa un nouveau référendum populaire. En avril 2011, le peuple refusa également cette nouvelle proposition. – Que faire?
Les Islandais résolurent leur problème bancaire de la manière suivante: les trois grandes banques durent annoncer faillite. La Landsbanki avec sa banque en ligne Icesave fut nationalisée, les deux autres ont été divisés en une «New Bank» et une «Old Bank». La New Bank (dotée de nouveaux capitaux) hérita des domaines d’activité nécessaires à l’intérieur du pays, tels les opérations de paiement, les bancomats, un service «crédit», etc. La Old Bank hérita des immenses amoncellements de dettes et toutes les affaires étrangères avec une quantité d’actifs douteux qu’on liquida lors d’une procédure de faillite. De cette manière, les guichets purent rester ouverts et les bancomats restèrent en fonction à tout moment. Les banques obtinrent de nouveaux noms. L’ancienne banque Kaupthing s’appelle aujourd’hui Arion, l’ancienne Glitinir s’appelle aujourd’hui Islandsbanki. Les trois banques (actuellement en partie en main étrangère) se limitent aux opérations bancaires traditionnelles à l’intérieur du pays.
Cette procédure de faillite nous rappelle à la déconfiture de la Swissair, suite à laquelle on a toute suite fondé une nouvelle petite entreprise – la Swiss – (actuellement contrôlée par la Lufthansa) et pendant laquelle les actifs restants de l’ancienne société et l’importante accumulation de dettes ont été entièrement liquidés lors de la procédure de faillite.

La maîtrise du quotidien et la récupération

La vie sur l’île était difficile depuis le début de la crise. La couronne islandaise perdit de sa valeur. Les prix augmentèrent. Les salaires réels baissèrent. La vie renchérit. Le chaumage augmenta. La performance économique avait déjà baissé de 7% en 2009. Le gouvernement eut besoin d’un crédit du FMI de 10 milliards de dollar, pour survivre à ces temps difficiles. Comme d’habitude, il posa ses conditions. Le gouvernement gauche-vert refusa cependant une politique de liquidation dans le domaine social. Elle réussit tout de même à remplir le programme du FMI. Des pays amis tels la Norvège et la Suède aidèrent avec de l’argent. On augmenta les impôts pour les habitants, la progression de l’impôt sur les revenus fut accentuée et on saisit une série de mesures peu orthodoxes pour réduire les dettes. On déclara, par exemple, tous crédits liés à des monnaies étrangères comme illégaux. Le gouvernement offrit aux entreprises des programmes spéciaux de restructuration de la dette. Pour les crédits immobiliers il y eut des réductions de la dette. Les petits propriétaires obtinrent des allégements de paiements. Pour protéger la monnaie et empêcher la fuite de capitaux, le gouvernement introduisit des contrôles de la circulation des capitaux toujours en vigueur. Les personnes privées voyageant à l’étranger ne peuvent changer qu’un nombre limité d’euros.
Le FMI respecta les démarches du gouvernement. Plus encore – il demanda au ministre islandais des Finances Steingrimur Sigfusson, s’il ne voulait pas devenir le responsable principal du FMI pour la Grèce. Celui-ci a cependant refusé cette proposition (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung du 21/2/15).
La crise en Islande n’a pas duré longtemps. La politique énergique, soutenue par le peuple, montra rapidement des résultats. Le tourisme et l’industrie de pêche profitèrent massivement de la monnaie faible. L’Islande devint bon marché. On importa moins de biens de consommation chers, en revanche, on produisit davantage à l’intérieur du pays. Trois ans après la baisse de 7% de 2009, il y eut une augmentation de 3% – un taux plus élevé que la moyenne de l’UE. L’inflation disparut et le taux de chômage se trouve aujourd’hui à 4% – comme en Suisse. Il n’existe pas de chômage des jeunes comme dans d’autres pays, où il a atteint des dimensions catastrophiques. – L’agence de notation Fitch a de nouveau augmenté la solvabilité du pays. Elle l’a explicitement justifié par «la réussite atteinte suite à des réponses peu orthodoxes à la crise».
En outre, la décision de la Cour de justice de l’AELE de l’année 2013 – ayant cette fois-ci pris une décision au profit du peuple – a été de grande utilité puisque la responsabilité de l’Etat pour les dettes bancaires étrangères a été refusée.

Succès survenu sur fond de souveraineté et de démocratie directe

Pourquoi le pays a-t-il si vite récupéré? Décisif pour le succès fut d’un côté la voix du peuple. Les Islandais n’ont pas seulement pris les bonnes décisions lors de deux référendums. La population a également, dans un grand nombre d’activités, participé activement aux événements – et cela toujours de manière non-violente. Avec des sites internet originaux, ils se sont défendus contre des tentatives de la Grande-Bretagne de placer les Islandais dans un coin terroriste afin de pouvoir geler leurs comptes en banques en Grande-Bretagne. Les Islandais ont en outre remonté les manches et ont remis leur économie nationale au pas. Les trois «nouvelles» banques, massivement réduites, y accomplissent leur tâche traditionnelle. La population a aussi empêché que les managers responsables du dérapage des banques reçoivent, comme ailleurs, d’énormes indemnités de départ en quittant leurs postes. Un bon nombre d’entre eux doivent faire face à des procédures judiciaires. Une commission d’enquête parlementaire a publié un rapport de 2000 pages, qui désigne un petit groupe d’environ 30 managers de banques, membres du gouvernement et de la banque centrale comme responsables principaux pour la débâcle financière. La Cour suprême a récemment jugé quatre d’entre eux avec des peines de prison de cinq à six ans pour des manipulations frauduleuses du marché et des abus de confiance, la punition la plus dure jamais prononcée en Islande dans le domaine de la criminalité économique.
En outre, la propre monnaie fut décisive pour le sauvetage du pays: la baisse massive de la couronne islandaise n’a pas mené au naufrage (comme certains prophètes financiers l’avaient prédit), mais c’était la condition préalable décisive pour une guérison rapide. Aujourd’hui, la couronne islandaise s’est stabilisée à environ 30% en dessous de sa valeur avant la crise. D’autres pays pourraient s’en inspirer! Pour un membre de la zone euro, la sortie de la monnaie commune serait la base pour une voie semblable.
Le succès de la voie islandaise pour sortir de la crise bancaire se distingue fortement de la voie centraliste, dirigée d’en haut, du sauvetage des banques et de la «gestion des dettes» de l’UE, où l’on maintien artificiellement en vie les banques en faillite et rend responsables les contribuables. L’Islande a clairement contredit l’idée que le sauvetage de grandes banques est «sans alternatives» (Too big to fail). Même si la voie de l’Islande ne peut pas être copiée telle quelle pour d’autres pays, elle inspire quand même à chercher courageusement de nouvelles voies. Elle montre aussi, comment un petit pays avec sa propre monnaie peut fièrement maintenir sa place dans le monde globalisé de la finance. La retrait de la demande d’adhésion en est la conséquence logique. Les problèmes financiers ne peuvent pas être résolus à huis-clos par une petite élite, mais la population et les contribuables doivent pouvoir aider de manière constructive à trouver le chemin du succès. Le fait que le FMI ait demandé au ministre islandais des Finances d’aider à maîtriser la crise de la dette en Grèce, parle pour-soi.