Ernest Hemingway, fresh off his marriage to Hadley Richardson, his first wife, arrived in Paris in 1921. Paris was a playground for writers and artists, offering respite from the radical politics spreading across Europe. Sherwood Anderson supplied Hemingway with a letter of introduction to Ezra Pound. The two litterateurs met at Sylvia Beach’s bookshop and struck up a friendship that would shape the world of letters.
They frolicked the streets of Paris as bohemians, joined by rambunctious and disillusioned painters, aesthetes, druggies, and drinkers. They smoked opium, inhabited salons, and delighted in casual soirées, fine champagnes, expensive caviars, and robust conversations about art, literature, and the avant-garde. Pound was, through 1923, exuberant, having fallen for Olga Rudge, his soon-to-be mistress, a young concert violinist with firm breasts, shapely curves, midnight hair, and long eyebrows and eyelashes. She exuded a kind of mystical sensuality unique among eccentric highbrow musicians; Pound found her irresistible.
Pound was known for his loyalty to friends. Although he had many companions besides Hemingway—among them William Butler Yeats, James Joyce, T.S. Eliot, Marianne Moore, Robert McAlmon, Gertrude Stein, e.e. cummings, Pablo Picasso, Wyndham Lewis, T.E. Hulme, William Carlos Williams, Walter Morse Rummel, Ford Madox Ford, Jean Cocteau, and Malcolm Cowley—Hemingway arguably did more than the others to reciprocate Pound’s favors, at least during the Paris years when he promoted Pound as Pound promoted others.
Pound was aware of Hemingway’s talent for publicity: he and Hemingway had combined their genius to promote Eliot’s The Waste Land. Hemingway introduced Pound to William Bird, an American reporter who arranged to publish an autobiographical piece about Pound’s childhood. Bird was instrumental to the eventual publication of Pound’s A Draft of XVI Cantos. Pound, for his part, secured for Hemingway a position as assistant editor of The Transatlantic Review. Their relationship matured into something symbiotic and mutually beneficial.
Pound edited Hemingway’s work, stripping his prose of excessive adjectives. Hemingway remarked that Pound had taught him “to distrust adjectives as I would later learn to distrust certain people in certain situations.” Unlike, say, Conrad Aiken or Robert Frost, who resisted Pound’s editing, Hemingway acquiesced to Pound’s revisions. In exchange, Hemingway taught Pound how to box. He acknowledged that the scraggly Pound had “developed a terrific wallop” and had “come along to beat the hell wit the gloves.” Hemingway worried that “I will get careless and [Pound] will knock me for a row of latrines.” He even treated Pound to a night at the prizefights to brighten Pound’s spirits as Pound battled various illnesses.
Pound, however, grew disillusioned with Paris, where his friends were gravitating toward socialism and communism. Paris, he decided, was not good for his waning health. Hemingway himself had been in and out of Paris, settling for a short time in Toronto. In 1923, accompanied by their wives, Pound and Hemingway undertook a walking tour of Italy. The fond memories of this rejuvenating getaway inspired Pound to return to Italy with his wife Dorothy Shakespear in 1924. They relocated, in 1925, to a picturesque hotel in Rapallo, a beautiful sea town in the province of Genoa, on the bright blue Tigullio Gulf.
Pound found the weather in Rapallo to be soothing and agreeable. It was Hemingway who had first recommended this scenic spot, having visited Sir Max Beerbohm there years before. Hemingway’s tales of the sunshine, swimming, tennis, and other outdoor activity in Rapallo appealed to Pound, who fancied himself an athlete. The fact that his mistress Olga frequented Italy—where her father owned a house—made Rapallo all the more desirable, as did Dorothy’s seeming willingness to share her husband with his lover.
Olga Rudge
The friendship remained intact as Pound settled into Rapallo. About to vacate Europe for Key West, Hemingway dashed off a missive to Pound that began “Dear Duce” and then boasted about how Papa, as people had begun to call Hemingway, was “going to know everything about fucking and fighting and eating and drinking and begging and stealing and living and dying.” Gradually, though, the Pound-Papa gulf widened.
The move to Italy also effectively terminated Pound’s glory years in Paris, about which Hemingway wrote affectionately:
So far we have Pound the major poet devoting, say, one fifth of his time to poetry. With the rest of his time he tries to advance the fortunes, both material and artistic, of his friends. He defends them when they are attacked, he gets them into magazines and out of jail. He loans them money. He sells their pictures. He arranges concerts for them. He writes articles about them. He introduces them to wealthy women. He gets publishers to take their books. He sits up all night with them when they claim to be dying and he witnesses their wills. He advances them hospital expenses and persuades them from suicide. And in the end a few of them refrain from knifing him at the first opportunity.
This last line is both teasing and fitting because there was, in fact, at least one assailant in Paris who didn’t refrain: a man who attempted to stab Pound at a dinner party hosted by the surrealists.
Hemingway guessed that Pound might stay in Italy “sometime” even if he took “no interest in Italian politics.” Hemingway was right about Pound’s love for Rapallo but wrong about his political affinities. More than anything else, Italian politics—and the rise of fascism—damaged Hemingway’s regard for Pound, who became a zealous supporter of Mussolini and a reckless trafficker in conspiracy theories.
Hemingway grumbled that if Pound “actually and honest to God … admire[d] and respect[ed] … [Mussolini] and his works [then] all I can say is SHIT.” Hemingway, true to character, remained manfully playful, stating, “I will take practical steps by denouncing you here in Paris as a dangerous anti-fascist and we can amuse one another by counting the hours before you get beaten up in spite of your probity—which in such a fine country as it must be would undoubtedly save you.” Such slight criticisms may have been colored with a lighthearted tone, but the disapproval was plain.
When Hemingway and Guy Hickock visited Pound in northern Italy in 1927, Pound was living in self-imposed exile. Hemingway had recently converted to Catholicism and was enjoying renewed fame after the publication of The Sun Also Rises. He divorced and remarried that year, offering Hadley a portion of the profit from The Sun Also Rises as part of their divorce. Pound, meanwhile, was immersing himself in political theories that likely baffled Hemingway as much as they angered him.
Shortly after the stock-market crash in 1929 and the onset of a worldwide economic crisis, Pound took to writing in Italian. Mussolini’s March on Rome had occurred seven years earlier, and since then he had assumed dictatorial control of Italy, suppressed opposition parties, and built a police state. Pound was enthralled. He met Mussolini in 1933, peddling strange monetary schemes to the fascist leader.
In 1933 Pound and Hemingway exchanged letters that highlighted their diverging attitudes toward Mussolini, fascism, and government. Pound, who’d embraced wild and polemical speculations about the economic theories of the American Founders—Jefferson in particular—began to decry capitalism and taxation while celebrating fiat currency and a convoluted system of state central planning. “Since when are you an economist, pal?” Hemingway mocked. “The last I knew you you were a fuckin’ bassoon player.” Hemingway offered Pound some money, sensing that money was needed, but Pound declined it.
Pound was now enamored with Il Duce; Hemingway was furious. Hemingway hated government, he told Pound, and preferred organized anarchism and masculine sport to statist ideology. Hemingway saw through Pound’s charlatanic flourishes and economic fallacies and accused Pound, quite rightly, of lacking clarity. Yet Pound’s admiration for Hemingway’s work did not diminish, and Pound, ever devoted, included Hemingway in an anthology that he was then editing.
Possibly the last time Pound and Hemingway saw each other, they were having dinner with Joyce on a warm summer night in Paris. Pound allegedly bloviated about economics and the decline of art and European civilization, and Hemingway and Joyce feared that Pound had gone mad. The date and details of the dinner are a matter of debate, as is the veracity of any account of that evening. But one thing is certain: Hemingway was frustrated with Pound’s embrace of Italian fascism. By the time Pound voiced support for Franco in the Spanish Civil War, putting him once again at odds with Hemingway, their once thriving friendship had deteriorated beyond repair.
The falling out was no secret, and other writers took sides. William Carlos Williams wrote to Pound in 1938, saying, “It is you, not Hemingway, in this case who is playing directly into the hands of the International Bankers.” Hemingway conveyed his concerns about Pound to their friend Archibald MacLeish:
Thanks for sending the stats of Ezra’s rantings. He is obviously crazy. I think you might prove he was crazy as far back as the latter Cantos. He deserves punishment and disgrace but what he really deserves most is ridicule. He should not be hanged and he should not be made a martyr of. He has a long history of generosity and unselfish aid to other artists and he is one of the greatest living poets. It is impossible to believe that anyone in his right mind could utter the vile, absolutely idiotic drivel he has broadcast. His friends who knew him and who watched the warpeing [sic] and twisting and decay of his mind and his judgement [sic] should defend him and explain him on that basis. It will be a completely unpopular but an absolutely necessary thing to do. I have had no correspondence with him for ten years and the last time I saw him was in 1933 when Joyce asked me to come to make it easier haveing [sic] Ezra at his house. Ezra was moderately whacky then. The broadcasts are absolutely balmy. I wish we could talk the whole damned thing over. But you can count on me for anything an honest man should do.
Hemingway was referring to Pound’s notoriety as a propagandist for radio and newspaper during the Second World War. When he received transcripts of Pound’s radio broadcasts, he surmised that Pound was “obviously crazy” for espousing such “vile, absolutely idiotic drivel.” Pound was a “crazy … and harmless traitor,” Hemingway concluded, and an “idiot” with a “distracted mind” who “ought to go to the loony bin.” And that’s precisely where Pound ended up: He was admitted to St. Elizabeth’s Hospital in Washington, DC, in 1945.
Pound’s friends put their reputations at stake to help him. MacLeish, expressing both love and admonition, dashed off these words in a missive to Pound:
… your information is all second-hand and distorted. You saw nothing with your own eyes. And what you did see—Fascism and Nazism—you didn’t understand: you thought Musso belonged in Jefferson’s tradition and God knows where you thought Hitler belonged. I think your views of the history of our time are just about as wrong as views can be. But I won’t sit by and see you held in confinement because of your views. Which is what is really happening now. I am doing what I am doing partly because I revere you as a poet and partly because I love this Republic and can’t be quiet when it violates its own convictions.
MacLeish helped to orchestrate Pound’s release from St. Elizabeth’s, drafting a letter to the government on Pound’s behalf that included Hemingway’s signature, along with those of Robert Frost and T.S. Eliot. A year later Hemingway provided a statement of support for Pound to be used in a court hearing regarding the dismissal of an indictment against Pound.
Hemingway, who was now living in Cuba, did little else to help Pound. More for practical reasons than personal conviction, Hemingway, who was himself targeted by the American government, refused to sign a petition of amnesty for Pound. The petition had been Olga’s idea, and Hemingway didn’t believe the American people would rally behind the desperate pleas of an adulterous lover. Hemingway never visited Pound at St. Elizabeth’s, but he did tell Pound, via Dorothy, that he had read and enjoyed The Pisan Cantos. And when he won the Nobel Prize in 1954, Hemingway announced that the year was good for releasing poets, a not-so-slight reference to his old friend.
Hemingway awoke on the morning of July 2, 1961, put a 12-gauge, double-barreled shotgun to his head, and, alone in the foyer of his home, blew his brains out. He was 61. Pound’s friends and family didn’t tell him about Hemingway’s death, but a careless nurse did, and Pound reacted hysterically. The older of the two, Pound, at 72, was free from St. Elizabeth’s, where he’d spent 12 solemn years. He had returned to his beloved Italy to finish out his long and full life. In the autumn of 1972, he died peacefully in his sleep in Venice, the day after his birthday, which he’d spent in the company of friends.
Allen Mendenhall is an associate dean at Faulkner University Thomas Goode Jones School of Law and executive director of the Blackstone & Burke Center for Law & Liberty.
Es gibt kaum eine Tradition, die heute stärker kritisiert, verachtet und bekämpft wird, als der Stierkampf. Die blutige Tötung eines Stieres mutet als archaisches Überbleibsel einer vergangenen Zeit an – gerade aus mitteleuropäischer Sicht. Der typische Stierkampf existiert so nur noch in Spanien, einigen ehemaligen Kolonien und im Süden Frankreichs. Doch auch in Spanien tobt ein moralischer Kampf um den „corrida de toros“. Vor einigen Jahren wurde in der Provinz Katalonien der Stierkampf gesetzlich verboten. Im Oktober 2016 kassierte diesen Beschluss das spanische Verfassungsgericht jedoch wieder. Nach mehrjähriger Abstinenz dürfen wieder Stierkämpfe veranstaltet werden.
Emotionale Tradition gegen rationale Postmoderne
Doch auch in anderen Gefilden kämpft die Tradition gegen die rationale Postmoderne .Kirchen, Glaube, Nation, Gefühl, Schönheit, Eros. Das sind alles Kategorien, die nicht gemessen und nicht gekauft werden können und rücken deshalb ins Hintertreffen. Die wenigsten Leute verstehen die Anhänger solcher Paradigmen, belächeln und hassen sie. Und wenn dabei noch Blut fließt, ein Tier, das größer als eine Mücke ist, sein Leben lässt, ist es mit der Toleranz schnell vorbei. Der Tierschutz wird auf den Plan gerufen und verstärkt das Unverständnis gegenüber einer Tradition mit ideologischer Aufladung.
Henry de Montherlant (1895-1972) verfasste 1926 den Roman Tiermenschen mit autobiographischen Zügen über die Erlebnisse des jungen adligen Albans, der aus dem wohlbehüteten, aber langweiligen Frankreich in die andalusische Welt der Stierkämpfe aufbricht, um … Ja, warum eigentlich? Die Motivation des jungen Helden ist so vielschichtig und unerklärlich, und doch zieht sie ihn mit stählernem Zwang in den Staub der Arena zu seinen geliebten Stieren. Nur wenige Autoren schaffen es, eine andere Zeit und eine fremde Welt so unglaublich nah und vollkommen plausibel erscheinen zu lassen, dass der Kampf gegen den „Bösen Engel“, einen tückischen und unberechenbaren Kampfstier, die logische Konsequenz für den unerfahrenen, aber ehrenhaften Alban bedeutet.
Nach der Anti-Stierkampf-Demo geht’s zu Burger King
Das gesamte Buch arbeitet auf diese mystische und religiöse Katharsis hin, die dem Leser die Bedeutung des Stierkampfes immer klarer hervortreten lässt, bis man sich wünscht auch an diesen Spektakeln teilzunehmen. Die greifbare Spannung des Finales des Buches ist von unvorstellbarer Brillanz. Man vermutet, dass der Autor Montherlant an den Corridas selbst teilgenommen haben muss, um diese Fülle von Emotionen und Gedanken zu schreiben und dem Leser plausibel erscheinen zu lassen. Auch auf die Vorbehalte vieler Stierkampfgegner geht Montherlant in seinem Buch ein und lässt seinen Helden vieles erklären. Zwar kann er einem Außenstehenden nicht den „Sinn“ der Corridas erklären, da man diesen fühlen müsse, doch ist die Kritik vieler Gegner heuchlerisch, wie Alban ausführt:
„Welche Partei findet heute bei uns das Gemetzel der Stierkämpfe skandalös? Die gleiche, die mit allen Mitteln die eine Hälfte der Nation zum Gemetzel der anderen aufstachelt. […] Sie erhebt Protest gegen den Pferdemord in der Arena, aber sie würden nicht protestieren, wenn man in der Arena Andersdenkende vor die Hörner schicken würde.“
Auch das Leben eines Kampfstieres ist alles anders als schrecklich. Früher, wie auch heute, sind die meisten Kampfstiere schon einige Jahre alt, bevor sie in die Arena gebracht werden. In ihrem Leben vor dem Stierkampf bewegen sie sich frei über das spanische Land, da Zäune oder Ställe sie ihrer Fähigkeiten als gute Kampfstiere berauben würden. Ein derartiges Leben, mit einem anschließenden Kampf, sollte jeder Massentierhaltung vorzuziehen sein. Doch betrachten Kritiker und Aktivisten nur das blutige Finale und lassen nicht weiter mit sich reden. Meist sind es diejenigen, die nach der Stierkampf-Demo noch schnell bei Burger King vorbeischauen.
Urinstinkt und große Literatur
Zurück zu Albans Erlebnissen auf dem Weg zu seinem großen Kampf. Auch die Liebe zu Soledad, der Tochter des ebenfalls adligen Stierzüchters, gerät im Hinblick auf den spirituellen Zweikampf immer weiter ins Hintertreffen und sinkt in die Bedeutungslosigkeit. Sie, die Alban an seiner Ehre packte und ihn zwang gegen den „Bösen Engel“ zu kämpfen, wird im Zeichen Albans Bestimmung nicht einmal mehr bedacht, geschweige denn in das Ende des Buches einbezogen. Der junge Held hat mehr erlebt und gelernt, als sich weiterhin von dieser verzogenen Frau abhängig zu machen.
Dieser Urinstinkt, der Alban etwas Größeres, Spiritistisches erkennen lässt, ist Balsam auf die geschundene Leserseele, die in den letzten Jahren immer mehr von belangloserer Literatur geplagt wurde. Die zeitgenössischen Bücher à la Darm mit Charme, Feuchtgebiete oder dem restlichen Gewäsch drittklassiger Schreiber, die das 21. Jahrhundert nur noch durch Tabubrüche und feminisierte Lebensgeschichten entwürdigen, verlieren im Wettkampf mit Montherlants staubigen Stierabenteuer gänzlich an Wert.
Männlichkeitsideale und Gesellschaftskritik
Spannend ist ebenfalls das Gesellschaftsbild während der Auflösungserscheinungen des alten, snobistischen Adels, den Alban verachtet, da dieser nur aufgrund der gesellschaftlichen Bedeutung den Stierkämpfen beiwohnt. Generell kommen Adlige und die spanische „High-Society“ schlecht weg. Selbst sein ihn protegierender adliger Ziehvater, der ihm den Kampf vermittelt, wird gelegentlich von Alban verachtet. Montherlant sucht längst einen neuen Adel mit anderen Attributen, dessen Eigenschaften er teilweise im andalusischen Volk, aber generell im noch nicht verdorbenen Charakter der südländischen Menschen erkennt. Nur im Stierkampf können diese vergessenen Ideale noch hervortreten. Selbst der kleine Jesús, ein verarmter spanischer Junge, der als Helfer am entscheidenden Kampf teilnimmt, hat mehr „Rasse“ und Ehrgefühl, als die Loge der Blaublüter und die „Schattenseite“ der Arena zusammen. (Die schattigen Plätze in der Arena konnten sich nur die reicheren Bürger leisten.)
Man ist keineswegs befriedigt nach dem Ende dieses großartigen Buches. Stattdessen will man mehr erfahren über den Brauch des Stierkampfes, uralte Ideale und die Jahre vor dem ersten großen Krieg. So schafft es Henry de Montherlant mit seiner stimmungsvollen Erzählung, dass man sich wünscht Spanier zu sein, um den Stierkampf zu verstehen, und Franzose zu sein, um den Roman in seiner Originalsprache lesen zu können. Wo wir gerade beim Wünschen sind. Man wünscht sich ebenfalls auf ein derartiges Buch zu stoßen, das unserer Zeit entspringt. Bis es soweit ist, kann man ja in der Vergangenheit kramen.
Für die Jünger-Fans eine abschließende Anekdote: Beide Autoren, aufgrund ähnlichen Alters und geistiger Nähe, waren gute Bekannte. Montherlant, vom Leid gezeichnet und schwer an Krebs erkrankt, beendete sein Leben im Zeichen seiner eigenen, konsequenten Ideale. Er verhinderte den fortschreitenden körperlichen und geistigen Verfall, indem er sich am 21. September 1972 in seiner Wohnung in Paris in den Kopf schoss und gleichzeitig mit Zyankali vergiftete. Das Blut seines zerschossenen Gehirnes tropfte auf ein zuvor niedergeschriebenes Zitat Ernst Jüngers: „Le suicide fait partie du capitalde l‚humanite“ (Der Selbstmord ist Teil des Kapitals der Menschheit.)
Henry de Montherlant: Tiermenschen. Zuletzt erschienen 1998 im Steidl-Verlag. Erstmals auf Deutsch 1929 im Insel-Verlag. Auf Amazon ab 0,01 Euro erhältlich!