Connolly, Burnham, Orwell, & “Corner Table”
“In the torture scenes, he is merely melodramatic: he introduces those rather grotesque machines which used to appear in terror stories for boys.”
—V. S. Pritchett, The New Statesman [2], June 18, 1949
The torture section in Nineteen Eighty-Four[1] [3] was planned from the beginning, and intended to be the story’s core and culmination. The key influence here was James Burnham’s The Struggle for the World (discussed below), which George Orwell reviewed in March 1947, shortly before starting the first full longhand draft of the new novel. In Struggle, Burnham emphasized the likelihood of another World War within another few years, and probably even a war using the “atomic bomb.”
This found its way into Nineteen Eighty-Four, as did Burnham’s analysis of Communism (though Orwell didn’t call it that). Terror, torture, disinformation, humiliation: these are not unfortunate byproducts of Communist revolution, said Burnham, they are the system itself.
The original model for Nineteen Eighty-Four wasn’t as grim as that. It was frivolous, really, and written years and years before the Cold War was dreamt of. It was a little black comedy that used torture strictly for laughs. Titled “Year Nine,” Cyril Connolly dashed it off at the end of 1937.[2] [4] It appeared in The New Statesman in January 1938.
It’s a brief farce, less than two thousand words, yet in there are prefigured Big Brother, the Thought Police, Newspeak, and the Ministry of Love. To tell a brief story briefly: After happening upon a basement art exhibit, the narrator – an assembly-line envelope-flap-licker – is accused of thoughtcrime (approximately). He is arrested, severely tortured, and sentenced to excruciating execution.
Orwell was much impressed with it, and so were John Betjeman and others.[3] [5] Up to this point, Connolly was known mainly as an idler and failed novelist. Very soon, though, he published a memoir, Enemies of Promise, founded Horizon (“A Review of Literature & Art”), became editor of The Observer‘s book section (where he farmed out reviews to Orwell and Evelyn Waugh and Arthur Koestler), and was generally London’s number-one all-’round critic and litterateur.
From “Year Nine”:
As the hot breath of the tongs approached, many of us confessed involuntarily to grave peccadilloes. A man on my left screamed that he had stayed too long in the lavatory.
* * *
Our justice is swift: our trials are fair: hardly was the preliminary bone-breaking over than my case came up. I was tried by the secret censor’s tribunal in a pitchdark circular room. My silly old legs were no use to me now and I was allowed the privilege of wheeling myself in on a kind of invalid’s chair. In the darkness I could just see the aperture high up in the wall from whence I should be cross-examined . . .
Our narrator (not a Winston Smith type, more of a garrulous Connolly/O’Brien) is sentenced to be “cut open by a qualified surgeon in the presence of the State Augur.”
“You will be able to observe the operation, and if the Augur decides the entrails are favourable they will be put back. If not, not . . . For on this augury an important decision on foreign policy will be taken. Annexation or Annihilation? . . .
Yes, I have been treated with great kindness.[4] [6]
There is a cultural time-stamp on “Year Nine,” clearly visible. The Moscow Purge Trials were underway and widely known about, but Connolly pins the Stalinist outrages in his tale – torture, forced confessions, anonymous denunciations – upon a cartoonish pseudo-Nazi regime, complete with Stroop Traumas, Youngleaderboys, and a population in thrall to Our Leader. (Connolly hadn’t a political bone in his body, but he posed as a Fellow Traveler, that being comme il faut.)
Conversely, when Nineteen Eighty-Four came out in 1949, it too drew on the Moscow Trials, and no one questioned (least of all Pravda) that Orwell was depicting a Soviet-style police-state. This happened even though Orwell slyly denied that it was about Communism. You can see this in the novel’s own disclaimers, and in external press releases that author and publisher sent out.
A curious legacy of “Year Nine” is that its Punch-and-Judy brilliance shines through the surface narrative of Nineteen Eighty-Four, giving the torture scenes a lurid “vaudeville” feel. Orwell probably didn’t intend the scenes in the Ministry of Love (Miniluv) to be black comedy, but that’s what he got, from O’Brien’s jabberwocky speeches, all the way to the rats in the cage-mask. (“‘It was a common punishment in Imperial China,” said O’Brien as didactically as ever.’”)
Lord of Chaos
Connolly/O’Brien is your emcee and Lord of Chaos in the Miniluv torture clinic. This is far from the standar
d crib-note interpretation of O’Brien (“zealous Party leader . . . brutally ugly”), but pray consider: a) Connolly was Orwell’s only acquaintance of note who came close to the novel’s description of O’Brien, physically and socially; b) if you bother to read O’Brien’s monologues in the torture clinic, you see he’s doing a kind of Doc Rockwell routine: lots of fast-talking nonsense about power and punishment, signifying nothing.
This is one reason why O’Brien fails as a villain. Villains must be monolithic. Here we have an Inner Party exemplar-cum-old Etonian who still boasts of his “antinomian tendencies” – a humorist and parodist, author of The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism as well as “Where Engels Fears to Tread”;[5] [8] in short, a louche Fellow-Traveler-of-convenience, renowned for self-indulgence and amorality. And thus he fits right in with what O’Brien tells us about the Inner Party ethos (do read the monologues): someone who’s amoral, capricious, and power-hungry (and a potential sociopath, if O’Brien’s description of the Party’s lust for power is anything to go by).
* * *
If Orwell wanted to put Connolly out of his mind while working on Nineteen Eighty-Four, he couldn’t, because he was forever revising an essay-memoir about the school they went to together between 8 and 14. It was the most miserable time of life for young Eric Blair (for such he was). He had probably started this memoir in the early 1940s, and still had the unpublished typescript with him in London when he was playing with notes and abortive chapters for his projected novel in 1945 and 1946. And then he brought it with him to the Isle of Jura, Inner Hebrides, in the spring of 1947, where he finally began to handwrite the first draft of The Last Man in Europe (as he was then calling the Winston Smith novel). He also revised the memoir, sending a carbon to his publisher in late May. Then, in 1948, when he was laid up with TB in a hospital near Glasgow and struggling to rewrite the novel with his writing arm in a cast, he revised the memoir yet again. It wouldn’t be published in Great Britain until 1967.
The memoir was Cyril Connolly’s idea. Connolly had put his fond-but-unnerving school memories into Enemies of Promise (which made him famous), and suggested his old schoolmate Blair might do the same: a companion piece or “pendant” to Connolly’s sardonic memoir. So Blair/Orwell decided to do a Dickens about his time as an upper-middle-class poor boy at St. Cyprian’s, enduring six years of oppression, humiliation, and petty tortures. He attended the school on reduced fees (as the Headmaster’s wife reminded him loudly and often) because he was expected to win a scholarship to Eton, and so bring glory and honor to St. Cyprian’s. From age 11 onward, Young Blair was “crammed with learning as cynically as a goose is crammed for Christmas” (as he wrote), mainly Latin and Greek.
This is the nearest thing to an autobiography we ever got out of Orwell, and the disgusted, sulky, sharp-eyed loner we see in his essays and Winston Smith is thoroughly recognizable as the boy at St. Cyprian’s. To make himself seem even lonelier and more miserable – or perhaps for some other motive – he cut Cyril Connolly entirely out of story.
At one point in the memoir, Orwell pulls back and says he doesn’t mean to suggest his school was a kind of Dotheboys Hall. Then he marches off again and tells us about the filthy lavatories and disgusting food, and how he once saw a human turd floating on the surface of the local baths in Eastbourne. On finally leaving St. Cyprian’s – off to Eton, but first a term at Wellington – he looked to the future with despair. “[T]he future was dark. Failure, failure, failure – failure behind me, failure ahead of me . . .”
Orwell’s publisher and friends thought the memoir was just too embarrassing and self-pitying to publish. It would be bad for Orwell’s reputation, they said, and probably libelous. So the perennial work-in-progress didn’t see the light of day until Orwell was safely dead and Partisan Review in New York ran a slightly altered version in their September-October 1952 issue. It ran for 41 pages, called St. Cyprian’s “Crossgates,” and used Orwell’s title: “Such, Such Were the Joys.”[6] [9]
* * *
You sometimes hear that Orwell plagiarized from another dystopian story, usually one set many centuries in the future, with little or no resemblance to Orwell’s. In 2009, on Nineteen Eighty-Four‘s sixtieth anniversary of publication, Paul Owen in The Guardian tried to make the case that Orwell “pinched the plot” from Yevgeny (or Eugene) Zamyatin’s early-1920s novel, We.[7] [10] As evidence, Owen says that Orwell read Zamyatin’s book three years before Nineteen Eighty-Four was published (1949). This is a lie by misdirection. Orwell had been making notes and outlines since at least 1944, and finished his first draft in 1947. He first heard of Zamyatin’s book in 1943, failed to find a copy of the 1920s English translation published in New York,[8] [11] and finally settled for a French one, his review appearing in early 1946.[9] [12] Owen’s biggest claim is completely wrong: “that Orwell lifted that powerful ending – Winston’s complete, willing capitulation to the forces and ideals of the state – from Zamyatin.” The ending of Nineteen Eighty-Four is in fact a retread of a novel ending that Orwell wrote in 1935.
A good deal of Nineteen Eighty-Four, in fact, is a twisted retelling of Keep the Aspidistra Flying.[10] [13] Orwell wrote Aspidistra in 1935 during his Hampstead bookshop-assistant days, and was ever after ashamed of it. Never mind, it’s a beautiful piece of pathetic self-mockery, giving us a 1930s-model Winston Smith. Instead of surrendering to Big Brother at the end, the Winston-figure, Gordon, finally sells out to the “Money God” – and goes back to his job as an advertising copywriter. A happy ending, strangely enough.
In place of glowering Big Brother posters, Gordon is surrounded by vast images of “Corner Table,” a “spectacled rat-faced clerk with patent-leather hair,” grinning over a mug of Bovex. (Presumably Bovril + Oxo.) “Corner Table enjoys his meal with Bovex,” shouts the poster all over town. Everywhere Gordon is stared down by the Money God, in the guise of advertisements on all the hoardings. “Silkyseam – the smooth gliding bathroom tissue.” “Kiddies clamour for their Breakfast Crisps.”
Like Winston, Gordon is under constant surveillance at home (from his landlady) and takes his girlfriend out to the countryside, where they have sex on the wet ground. When he gets in trouble with the law, he wakes up in a jail with walls of “white porcelain bricks,” like the lockup at Miniluv. His O’Brien-analogue, an upper-class literary friend and little-magazine publisher named Ravelston, shows up and rescues him from the clink. Instead of taking him to a torture chamber, he puts Gordon up in his flat and gently badgers him to straighten out his life, which Gordon does eventually, but not just yet. Torture was different in the Thirties.
* * *
Connolly’s “Year Nine” provided an amusing, pocket-sized framework for building a terror-regime satire, while Keep the Aspidistra Flying gave the naturalistic “human” elements to be restyled for Nineteen Eighty-Four. The new novel also needed serious geopolitical underpinnings, and here Orwell leaned heavily on James Burnham. It’s long been known that Orwell took the “three super-states” idea from Burnham’s The Managerial Revolution (1941).[11] [14] Orwell and his publisher cited Burnham and that book when they wrote a press release in June 1949, explaining what Nineteen Eighty-Four was “about.” (Press interest was intense, and the hat-tip to Burnham looks suspiciously like a red herring.)
Burnham’s “three super-states” schema was the inspiration not only for Oceania-Eurasia-Eastasia, but most probably the entire novel; it was like a piece of grit in the oyster, waiting for the pearl to form around it. It became Orwell’s pet geopolitical concept, and from 1944 onward we find him continually dropping mentions of “three super-states” in his reviews, articles, and columns.
[15]Nevertheless, it was a later book by Burnham, The Struggle for the World (1947)[12] [16] that really gave Nineteen Eighty-Four its horror and worldview. Here, Burnham argued that another World War was likely soon (say, 1950), and something nuclear would probably be in play. This provided the backstory to Oceania’s murky history of war and revolution, along with some early memories for Winston Smith. An “atomic bomb” – as we called them then – was dropped near London in Colchester. Burnham argued that a preventive war might well be necessary before the Soviets get the A-bomb. The rush of events soon outran that warning, needless to say.
But the really vital input from Struggle came from Burnham’s analysis of Communism. International Communism really, truly, does seek mastery of the globe, he maintained. He had made the argument a couple of years earlier, when he was with the OSS, but in 1947 it became the freshest insight in US foreign policy. Furthermore, he focused on a matter that most pundits feared to address, lest they look like unhinged extremists: the integrality of terror to the Communist apparatus. This was obvious to many people in those post-war years, but it was Burnham who took the logical leap and articulated the idea in a book: If your main activity is terror, then terror is your business.
To repeat the obvious, Burnham was describing Communism, not some theoretical “totalitarianism,” as in some press blurbs for Nineteen Eighty-Four. As noted, Orwell explicitly disavowed any connection between his fictional “Party” and the Communist one. Nevertheless, the political program that O’Brien boasts about to Winston Smith is the Communist program à la James Burnham. It’s exaggerated and comically histrionic, but strikes the proper febrile tone.
First, some O’Brien:
Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation. Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing. Do you begin to see, then, what kind of world we are creating? It is the exact opposite of the stupid hedonistic Utopias that the old reformers imagined. A world of fear and treachery is torment, a world of trampling and being trampled upon, a world which will grow not less but more merciless as it refines itself. Progress in our world will be progress towards more pain. . . .
The espionage, the betrayals, the arrests, the tortures, the executions, the disappearances will never cease. It will be a world of terror as much as a world of triumph. The more the Party is powerful, the less it will be tolerant: the weaker the opposition, the tighter the despotism.[13] [17]
Now bits of Burnham:
The terror is everywhere, never ceasing, the all-encompassing atmosphere of communism. Every act of life, and of the lives of parents, relatives and friends, from the trivial incidents of childhood to major political decisions, finds its way into the secret and complete files. . . . The forms of the terror cover the full range: from the slightest psychological temptings, to economic pressure . . . to the most extreme physical torture . . .
* * *
It should not be supposed that the terror . . . is a transient phenomenon . . . Terror has always been an essential part of communism, from the pre-revolutionary days . . . into every stage of the development of the communist regime in power. Terror is proved by historical experience to be integral to communism, to be, in fact, the main instrument by which its power is increased and sustained.[14] [18]
Burnham and Orwell were of very different mentalities, the first always gushing theories with the fecundity of a copywriter dashing off taglines; while the second was constitutionally averse to abstractions and hypotheticals, much preferring near-at-hand things, such as the common toad. It’s striking that Orwell could not only find something useful and intriguing in Burnham, he honored him with a few of the most insightful and appreciative critiques.
In March 1947, while getting ready to go to Jura and ride the Winston Smith book to the finish even if it killed him (which it did), Orwell wrote his long, penetrating review of The Struggle for the World. He paid some compliments, but also noted some subtle flaws in Burnham’s reasoning. Here he’s talking about Burnham’s willingness to contemplate a preventive war against the USSR:
[Burnham sees that] appeasement is an unreal policy . . . It is not fashionable to say such things nowadays, and Burnham deserves credit for saying them.
But suppose he is wrong. Suppose the ship is not sinking, only leaking. Suppose that Communism is not yet strong enough to swallow the world and that the danger of war can be staved off for twenty years or more: then we don’t have to accept Burnham’s remedy – or, at least, we don’t have to accept it immediately and without question.[15] [19]
Orwell was just using moderation and common sense here, but what he’s suggesting is what in fact began to happen that year (1947). Instead of the predicted war of destruction; policies of “containment,” “rollback,” “interventions”; defense treaties (NATO); and targeted economic aid (Marshall Plan) might work at least as effectively against the Soviets, as well as being far pleasanter and more manageable.
Ironically, Orwell did not pay much attention to what was going on in the outside world that year or next; he had bigger things to worry about. But as the world moved on, it diverged more and more from the fundamental premises of Nineteen Eighty-Four. There wouldn’t be an “atomic war” in 1950 (war, yes; not atomic) and Soviet-style terror regimes weren’t going to swallow all of Europe, however likely that looked in the spring of 1947.
Notes
[1] [20] The actual title of the book on publication date was Nineteen Eighty-Four in London (Secker & Warburg) on June 8, 1949; and 1984 on June 13, 1949 in New York (Harcourt Brace). Orwell and his publisher slightly preferred the numerals, but chose to go with the words for the London edition. Orwell used both styles interchangeably – obviously one is more convenient to type. (George Orwell: A Life in Letters, Ed. Peter Davison [London: W.W. Norton], 2010.)
[2] [21] Cyril Connolly, “Year Nine,” collected in The Condemned Playground (London: Routledge, 1945), originally published in The New Statesman, January 1938. Connolly was inspired by a visit to the “Degenerate Art” exhibition in Munich, where he got the uneasy sense he was expected to leer with a disapproving expression.
[3] [22] Clive Fisher, Cyril Connolly (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995).
[4] [23] Connolly, The Condemned Playground.
[5] [24] Connolly, The Condemned Playground.
[6] [25] George Orwell, “Such, Such Were the Joys,” Partisan Review, Vol. 19, No. 5 (New York), Sept.-Oct. 1952.
[7] [26] Paul Owen, “1984 thoughtcrime? Does it matter that George Orwell pinched the plot? [27]”, The Guardian, 8 June 2009.
[8] [28] E. (or Y.) Zamyatin, We, tr. Gregory Zilboorg (New York: E. P. Dutton), 1924. This English-language edition was actually the first publication of We.
[9] [29] George Orwell, review of We, Tribune (London), January 4, 1946.
[10] [30] George Orwell, Keep the Aspidistra Flying, many editions. Originally: London: Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1936.
[11] [31] James Burnham, The Managerial Revolution (New York: John Day, 1941).
[12] [32] James Burnham, The Struggle for the World (New York: John Day, 1947).
[13] [33] Nineteen Eighty-Four, Part III, iii.
[14] [34] James Burnham, The Struggle for the World (New York: John Day, 1947).
[15] [35] George Orwell, “James Burnham’s view of the contemporary world struggle,” New Leader (New York), March 29, 1947.




del.icio.us
Digg
Mais en 89 Burke sent que cette fois la France ne se relèvera pas. Il en donne les raisons, avant Chateaubriand, Tocqueville, Balzac ou Bernanos : 
In the preface to his translation of Saint-John Perse’s Anabasis (1949), T.S. Eliot explained that some gifted writers are “able to write poetry in what is called prose.” That is what Jünger did in virtually all of his writings, especially here. Strahlungen is essentially a long prose poem, brimming with symbols, ideas, insights, and searing, unforgettable images. The Argentinian poet Jorge Luis Borges wrote in Gold of the Tigers (1977), “For a true poet, every moment of existence, every act, ought to be poetic since, in essence, it is so.” Jünger understood that. Likewise, Borges wrote in The Cipher (1981) that “the intellect (wakefulness) thinks by means of abstractions; poetry (dream) by means of images, myths, or fables. Intellectual poetry should pleasingly interweave these two processes.”
Jünger considered the National Socialists to be a shallow and savage version of the conservative nationalism that he supported in the 1920’s. In the journals, he refers to Hitler under the pseudonym “Kniebolo,” meaning roughly “kneel to the devil,” because he believed the man was under demonic influence. In late 1943 he wrote, “When I compare the legitimate claims of our Fatherland with what has occurred at his hands, I am overcome with infinite sadness.”



Prof. Engels: Sehr einfach: Die EU glaubt, sich von der historischen Identität des Abendlands abwenden zu können und den (wiederum letztlich typisch christlich verankerten) Wunsch nach Selbstüberwindung und Selbstkritik so pervertiert überziehen zu können, daß sie ganz auf eine historische Fundamentierung ihrer Identität verzichtet und gewissermaßen in Erwartung künftiger Weltverbrüderung schon jetzt auf dem europäischen Kontinent einen universalistischen, multikulturellen, rein humanistisch und somit relativistisch fundierten Weltstaat aufbaut. Das ist in etwa so klug, als schneide man einer Pflanze die Wurzeln ab, damit ihre Bodenhaftung sie nicht am Wachstum hindere – und ebenso selbstzerstörerisch, denn das europäische Projekt kann sich über kurz oder lang nur in einen materialistischen, zynischen und hedonistischen Alptraum wandeln, wenn die „Werte“, auf denen es basiert, rein positivistisch gesetzt und somit beliebig interpretier- und manipulierbar sind, da ihnen jeglicher absoluter, sei es transzendentaler, sei es traditionaler Bezugspunkt fehlt.

Freie Welt: Was kann in Ihren Augen der einzelne Bürger heutzutage noch bewirken?







Il y a encore en Iran aujourd’hui des religieux supposément chiites qui doivent plus à Sohrawardi, à travers Mullah Sadra, qu’à l’enseignement réel de l’Imam Ali. A l’époque du Sixième Imam, Jaafar al-Sadiq, la foi chiite fut cooptée par les partisans iraniens luttant contre me Califat sunnite. Le genre de doctrine chiite que certains des collègues de l’Ayatollah Khomeiny tentèrent d’imposer à l’Iran en 1979 représenta une reconstruction radicale du premier chiisme arabe, pas le genre d’ésotérisme chiite qui donna naissance à la dynastie safavide. Cette dernière permit à l’Iran de resurgir en tant qu’Etat politique distinct séparé et opposé au Califat Ottoman sunnite et à un Empire Moghol qui était aussi tombé dans le fondamentalisme islamique après que la littérature et la philosophie persisées d’Akbar se soient révélées être un rempart insuffisant contre celui-ci. Certains de ces chiites persisés sont présents aux plus hauts niveaux dans la structure de pouvoir de la République Islamique. Ils doivent être accueillis dans la communauté du nationalisme iranien, et même dans la communauté de la Renaissance Iranienne.







It is clearly visible that from such an organic approach, Ratzel understood territorial expansion to be a natural, living process, similar to the growth of living organisms. 

It is this particular intellectual predisposition toward the synoptic, along with its acceptance of nuance, multicausality and complexity, that has rendered Polybius such an appealing figure over the centuries for theorists of statesmanship and grand strategy. Indeed, in his 





It may be Nock’s “
- Pierre Joannon : Navré de vous décevoir ! Aucune goutte de sang irlandais ne coulait dans mes veines jusqu’à une date récente. En 1997, le Taoiseach(Premier ministre) de l’époque a dû sans doute estimer qu’il y avait là une lacune à combler, et il me fit octroyer la nationalité irlandaise, une reconnaissance dont je ne suis pas peu fier. On peut en tirer deux observations : que l’Irlande sait reconnaître les siens, et qu’on peut choisir ses racines au lieu de se contenter de les recevoir en héritage ! D’où me vient cette passion pour l’Irlande ? D’un voyage fortuit effectué au début des années soixante. J’ai eu le coup de foudre pour les paysages du Kerry et du Connemara qui correspondaient si exactement au pays rêvé que chacun porte en soi sans toujours avoir la chance de le rencontrer. Et le méditerranéen que je suis fut immédiatement séduit par ce peuple de conteurs disert, roublard et émouvant, prompt à passer du rire aux larmes avec un bonheur d’expression qui a disparu dans nos sociétés dites évoluées. L’histoire de cette île venait à point nommé répondre à certaines interrogations qui étaient les miennes au lendemain de la débâcle algérienne. Je me mis à lire tous les ouvrages qui me tombaient sous la main, tant en français qu’en anglais. Etudiant en droit, je consacrais ma thèse de doctorat d’Etat à la constitution de l’Etat Libre d’Irlande de 1922 et à la constitution de l’Eire concoctée par Eamon de Valera en 1937. Un premier livre sur l’Irlande, paru aux Editions Plon grâce à l’appui bienveillant de Marcel Jullian, me valut une distinction de l’Académie Française. A quelques temps de là, le professeur Patrick Rafroidi qui avait créé au sein de l’Université de Lille un Centre d’études et de recherches irlandaise unique en France, m’offrit de diriger avec lui la revue universitaire Etudes Irlandaises. En acceptant, je ne me doutais guère que j’en assumerai les fonctions de corédacteur en chef pendant vingt-huit ans. Je publiais, dans le même temps plusieurs ouvrages sur le nationalisme irlandais, sur le débarquement des Français dans le comté de Mayo en 1798, sur de Gaulle et ses rapports avec l’Irlande dont étaient originaires ses ancêtres Mac Cartan, sur Michael Collins et la guerre d’indépendance anglo-irlandaise de 1919-1921, sur John Hume et l’évolution du processus de paix nord-irlandais. J’organisais également plusieurs colloques sur la Verte Erin à la Sorbonne, au Collège de France, à l’UNESCO, à l’Académie de la Paix et de la Sécurité Internationale et à l’Université de Nice. Enfin, en 1989, je pris l’initiative de créer la branche française de la Confédération des Ireland Funds, la plus importante organisation internationale non gouvernementale d’aide à l’Irlande réunissant à travers le monde Irlandais de souche, Irlandais de la diaspora et amis de l’Irlande. Vecteur privilégié de l’amitié entre nos deux pays, l’Ireland Fund de France que je préside distribue des bourses à des étudiants des deux pays, subventionne des manifestations culturelles d’intérêt commun et participe activement à l’essor des relations bilatérales dans tous les domaines. Ainsi que vous pouvez le constater, l’Irlande a fait boule de neige dans ma vie, sans que cela ait été le moins du monde prémédité. Le hasard fait parfois bien les choses.
- C. G. :
- P. J. : Je suis bien en peine de vous répondre. Il existe tant de figures attachantes ou admirables : Parnell, Michael Collins, de Valera, John Hume aujourd’hui. Peut-être ai-je une prédilection pour Theobald Wolfe Tone, ce jeune avocat protestant qui fut, au dix-huitième siècle, « l’inventeur » du nationalisme irlandais après avoir échoué à intéresser les Anglais à un fumeux projet de colonisation. Il voulait émanciper les catholiques, mobiliser les protestants, liquider les dissensions religieuses au profit d’une conception éclairée de la citoyenneté, briser les liens de sujétion à l’Angleterre. Artisan de l’alliance franco-irlandaise il a laissé un merveilleux journal narrant ses aventures et ses intrigues dans le Paris du Directoire. On y découvre un jeune homme curieux, gai, aimant les femmes et le bon vin, fasciné par le théâtre et les défilés militaires, enthousiasmé par Hoche et beaucoup moins par Bonaparte. Capturé par les Anglais à la suite du piteux échec d’une tentative de débarquement français en Irlande, il sollicita de la cour martiale qui le jugeait la faveur d’être passé par les armes « pour avoir eu l’honneur de porter l’uniforme français ». Elle lui fut refusée : il fut condamné au gibet. La veille de l’exécution, il se trancha la gorge avec un canif et agonisa toute une semaine avant d’expirer le 19 novembre 1798.
My own judgment is that Roosevelt was right: U.S. entry into what became enshrined as World War II was indeed necessary. Yet by no stretch of the imagination does the result qualify as a “Good War.” And here is where Beard’s critique retains relevance.
Emil Cioran
A rare and stimulating combination in Cioran’s writings: unsentimental observation and intense pathos.
But fascism cannot work miracles. Politics must work with the human material and historical trajectory that one has. That is being true to oneself. To wish for total transformation and the tabula rasa is to invite disaster. Such revolutions are generally an exercise in self-harm. Once the passions and intoxications have settled, one finds the nation stunted and lessened: by civil war, by tyranny, by self-mutilation and deformation in the stubborn in the name of utopian goals. The historic gap with the ‘advanced’ nations is widened further still by the ordeal.
Principale figure du non-conformisme européen tant dans les années 1930 qu’après-guerre, Alexandre Marc naît en 1904 à Odessa dans l’Empire russe au sein d’une famille juive. Alexandre-Marc Lipiansky et ses parents fuient la Révolution de 1917 et s’installent à Paris. Étudiant à Iéna en Allemagne, il s’intéresse à la philosophie, puis rentre en France et y suit des cours de droit et de sciences politiques. Il participe aussi à un groupe socialiste libertaire étudiant.
En contact étroit avec la revue réaliste Plans de Philippe Lamour, issue de la « galaxie » Georges Valois et des tentatives maladroites de fascisme à la française, Alexandre Marc se lie d’une part avec le pacifiste allemand francophile Otto Abetz, futur ambassadeur allemand à Paris sous l’Occupation, et, d’autre part, avec la revue nationale-bolchevique Der Gegner (« L’Opposant ») de Harro Schulze-Boysen. Il discute aussi avec Thierry Maulnier de la « Jeune Droite ». Auteur d’essais sur Pierre-Joseph Proudhon et Charles Péguy, Alexandre Marc s’oppose au nom du fédéralisme intégral à l’État-nation et nie la pertinence du clivage politicien gauche – droite.
Comme de nombreux fédéralistes européens après 1945, il refuse l’« Europe forteresse » défendue par Maurice Bardèche et conçoit à l’époque – il sera plus réaliste au soir de sa vie – la fédération européenne comme la dernière étape vers une fédération mondiale, ce qui est proprement impolitique. Ce penseur personnaliste estime dans Fondements du fédéralisme. Destin de l’homme à venir (L’Harmattan, 1997) que « les antagonismes peuvent être féconds (p. 28) ». Soit ! Son fédéralisme ne se cantonne pas à la seule politique; elle a d’évidentes implications socio-économiques. À la fois hostiles au libéralisme, à l’étatisme et au collectivisme, « les fédéralistes, note-t-il, veulent une entreprise réellement libre, composée d’hommes libres, et fonctionnant avec un marché véritablement libéré, c’est-à-dire – pour reprendre […] la terminologie péguyiste – affranchie du joug et de l’Argent-Roi et de l’État-Moloch (p. 143) ». Ainsi propose-t-il la planification économique dans un cadre concurrentiel et l’auto-gestion en entreprise. Il se tait en revanche sur l’intéressement, l’association Capital – Travail et la participation, trois thèmes majeurs du gaullisme qu’Alexandre Marc soupçonnait de « néo-nationalisme » étriqué.
René Girard a parlé de l’Amérique comme puissance mimétique. Sur cette planète de crétins en effet tout le monde veut devenir américain, y compris quand il s’agit de payer des études à quarante mille euros/an, des opérations à 200 000 euros, de devenir obèse et même abruti par la consommation de médias et d’opiacés...
Le cinéaste Tim Burton a bien moqué ce comportement homogénéisé/industriel dans plusieurs de ses films, par exemple Edouard aux mains d’argent. Kazan avait fait de même dans l’Arrangement. Aujourd’hui ce comportement monolithique/industriel s’applique à l’humanitaire, à la déviance, à la marginalité, au transsexualisme, au tatouage, au piercing, etc.
La musique est rarement entendue en Amérique, ayant été remplacée par le battement de tambour sans culture du noir. Comme le dit un musicologue américain: «Le rythme du jazz, tiré de tribus sauvages, est à la fois raffiné et élémentaire et correspond aux dispositions de notre âme moderne. Cela nous excite sans répit, comme le battement de tambour primitif du danseur de la prière. Mais il ne s'arrête pas là. Il doit en même temps tenir compte de l'excitabilité de la psyché moderne. Nous avons soif de stimuli rapides, excitants et en constante évolution. La musique est un excellent moyen d’excitation, syncopé, qui a fait ses preuves. »
- L’approche évaluative (A. Dugin, S. Kiselyov, L. Ivashov). Ses représentants adoptent la base du système évaluatif. Cette approche est la plus commune. Cette position est typique d’A. Dugin. Pour lui, la civilisation est une vaste et stable région géographique et culturelle, unie par des valeurs spirituelles, des attitudes stylistiques et psychologiques et une expérience historique communes. La plupart de ces régions coïncident avec les frontières de la diffusion des grandes religions mondiales. La structure de la civilisation peut inclure plusieurs Etats, mais il y a des cas où les frontières des civilisations traversent des Etats particuliers, les divisant en plusieurs parties [1].
Gumilev comprend l’ethnicité comme un groupe humain stable, naturellement formé, s’opposant à tous les autres groupes similaires, qui est déterminé par un sens de la complémentarité, et un genre différent de comportement stéréotypé, qui change régulièrement dans le temps historique [5].





4) Abordons maintenant votre nouvel ouvrage Wewelsburg, histoire d’un nouveau Montsalvat. Celui-ci retrace l’histoire de ce lieu énigmatique pour beaucoup, fantasmé par certains. Que fut en réalité Wewelsburg ?

Son biographe, Robert Belot, rapporte dans Henri Frenay. De la Résistance à l’Europe (Le Seuil, coll. « L’Univers historique », 2002) un échange capital entre De Gaulle et Frenay à Alger. « L’erreur capitale, le péché mortel devant l’Histoire serait de restaurer ces États dans la plénitude d’une illusoire souveraineté. Le libre droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes, étant donné la mosaïque de peuples qui constitue le continent européen, doit être considéré comme l’une des causes principales de la guerre actuelle. […] La souveraineté n’est d’ailleurs pas une fin mais un moyen. Elle est le moyen de protéger les valeurs morales éternelles auxquelles un pays est attaché. Or à l’époque actuelle, la souveraineté se définit non seulement par une indépendance politique et militaire, mais encore par l’indépendance économique sans laquelle les autres formes d’indépendance ne sont qu’un leurre dangereux ». Le chancelier autrichien Metternich ne disait pas autre chose…






D’emblée, l’auteur veut répondre à cette question : qu’est-ce que le fascisme ? En effet, avant toute tentative d’explication, il convient de toujours définir correctement son sujet d’étude. Voici ce que nous pouvons lire dès les premières lignes : « Cette question a hanté les contemporains et continue d’alimenter les interrogations comme les recherches des historiens. Depuis son apparition en 1919, le fascisme entretient un impénétrable mystère sur sa véritable nature. »
Comme chacun sait, Mussolini fut un fervent socialiste et surtout un haut cadre du Parti socialiste italien. Ce qu’on sait moins : « Mussolini fut fasciné par Nietzsche et Sorel, ardents zélateurs d’un pétrissage de l’âme humaine, mais aussi par les théories de Darwin. Dans sa jeunesse, Mussolini était un lecteur attentif de l’œuvre du savant anglais, et comme bon nombre de marxistes, il intégrait la lutte des classes dans le combat général pour l’existence au sein des espèces et la marche du progrès. Le darwinisme social faisait ainsi le lien entre la philosophie des Lumières qui coupa l’homme de sa création divine et les théories racistes auxquelles le fascisme n’échappera pas. »

