Il y a des zones d'ombre dans l'histoire que l’on ne raconte généralement pas; peut-être à cause de la difficulté de les étiqueter, de les insérer dans des schémas préconçus qui facilitent, pour les utilisateurs d'un tel code (les masses), la compréhension de la réalité comme mythe : la réalité de la lutte métaphysique du XXe siècle, la lutte du Bien (l’antifascisme sous ses diverses formes, même si les communistes, et surtout les staliniens, étaient partiellement dénigrés dans ce contexte) contre le Mal (le sulfurisme nazi, satanisé à souhait avec queue velue et ratomorphe, fourche brandie).
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En l’an un de la révolution sanitaire, alors que chacun était confortablement isolé dans sa bulle numérique, la température chuta brusquement. La grande glaciation économique avait en effet commencé. Jadis flamboyants, les chefs d’hier se laissaient envahir par la dépression. 2021 fut donc un long hivernage marqué par l’effondrement démocratique, l’enfermement digital et la montée générale de la violence. Ce dernier entraîna la mort de nombreux caméléons politiques, prisonniers de leurs raisonnements captieux. Seule une infime minorité réussit à s’extraire de la tourbe et à survivre aux effondrements silencieux en cours. Puisant ses ressources dans la déconnexion et l’investissement artistique, ces chefs venus de nulle part réussirent à perpétuer la vie malgré les difficultés.
Contre-moderne résolu, allergique aux « voies ferrées » de l’infralittérature officielle, il résiste à toutes les formes d’hébétude et d’anesthésie, à la massification globale comme aux formes nouvelles ( ?) d’obscurantisme.
Ma première grande lecture, fut celle, vers l’âge de dix ans, de Balzac. Expérience prodigieuse : l’impression que le Saint-Esprit lui-même était descendu sur terre pour connaître l’humanité ! Je vous livre mon sentiment d’alors dans toute sa naïveté… Il n’en demeure pas moins que ma lecture de René Guénon, de Raymond Abellio ou de Henry Corbin est issue, pour ainsi dire de ma lecture du Louis Lambert de Balzac. Loin de moi d’exclure l’hypothèse que ma curiosité pour la Chine et le Tibet, ma lecture des taoïstes et de Milarepa n’eût été influencée, depuis l’enfance, par les albums de Hergé. Mon père eut l’excellente idée de me faire lire Voltaire et Barbey d’Aurevilly, sans me dire exactement s’il fallait préférer l’un ou l’autre. J’eus ensuite la chance d’avoir pour professeur en classe en cinquième, Jacques Delort, auteur d’un beau livre sur la poésie et le sacré, qui nous fit découvrir, entre autres, Rimbaud, Mallarmé, Stefan George, Saint-John Perse, André Breton et René Daumal. J’étais armé. Mes promenades du côté du Quartier Latin et de Saint-Germain, du temps où les librairies et les salles de cinéma n’avaient pas encore cédé la place aux marchands de ticheurtes et de bouffe, me permirent de parfaire une culture improvisée, je ne dirais pas d’autodidacte, mais d’amateur ou de promeneur. Quelques expériences dionysiaques me portèrent à m’intéresser à Mircea Eliade, Julius Evola et Ernst Jünger. Enfin, je devins un lecteur éperdu des romantiques allemands et anglais dont les œuvres me semblaient non seulement une admirable révolte contre la platitude imposée, mais comme l’approche d’une connaissance de l’âme humaine et de l’âme du monde. Novalis, Jean-Paul Richter, Arnim, Brentano, Chamisso, Eichendorff, Hoffmann, Schlegel, ces noms évoquent une pensée déliée, heureuse, légère où la raison et les mystères s’épousent plus qu’il ne se heurtent, où l’on pouvait croire encore en une civilisation, c’est à dire en une civilité romane, placée sous le signe des Fidèles d’Amour.
L’Ombre de Venise : quelle en est la genèse ? Et le principal angle d’attaque… Car il s’agit d’un livre de combat, n’est-ce pas ?
L’idée que l’enchantement et l’entendement humain soient exclusifs l’un de l’autre est des plus étranges. Ces dieux et ces mythologies chasseresses dans les jardins royaux, les Contes de Perrault, et, plus proche de nous Jean Cocteau, dans ses œuvres littéraires et cinématographiques, témoignent de l’alliance heureuse entre l’esprit décanté, usant des pouvoirs de la raison et l’enchantement immémorial. Toute pensée naît, pour reprendre l’expression de René Char, d’un « retour amont ». Aux antipodes des philosophes du désenchantement, nous trouvons donc les taoïstes, épris de ces « randonnées célestes » propices aux belles lucidités : « Après la perte du Tao, écrit Lao-Tzeu, vint la vertu. Après la perte de la vertu, vinrent les bons sentiments. Après la perte des bons sentiments vint la justice. Après la perte de la justice restèrent les rites ». Ainsi nous est donné à comprendre, pour nous en garder, le triomphe des écorces mortes : le fondamentalisme moderne et la modernité fondamentaliste qui se partagent le monde.
Dans un livre qui vient de paraître, intitulé « Pourquoi Viktor Orbán joue et gagne » (éditions fauves) Thibaud Gibelin retrace l’histoire du groupe de Visegrád – la Hongrie, la Pologne, la Slovaquie et la Tchéquie – pour mieux comprendre ce qui se joue aujourd’hui en Europe centrale et éclairer la personnalité d’un chef d’État parmi les plus décriés et certainement les plus expérimentés du continent.
Jérôme Fourquet is a mainstream pollster with the venerable French Institute of Public Opinion (IFOP), the nation’s leading polling agency. He made a splash last year with his book, The French Archipelago: The Birth of a Multiple and Divided Nation, which presented a fine-grain statistical analysis of socio-cultural changes in French society and, in particular, fragmentation along ethno-religious and educational lines.
The book persuasively makes case that the centrist-globalist Emmanuel Macron’s election to the presidency and the collapse of the traditional parties of government in 2017 were not freak events, but the reflection of long-term trends which finally expressed themselves politically. The same can be said for the growing popularity of anti-establishment movements like Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) and the yellow-vests.
Following the works of many sociologists and historians, Fourquet sees French politics as historically divided between a Catholic Right and secularist Left. This divide had been highly stable since the French Revolution, if not earlier, with a dechristianizing core stretching out from the greater Parisian basin into the Limousin, with most of the periphery remaining relatively conservative. These subcultures united people of different classes within particular regions and corresponded politically with the conservative and Socialist parties who have taken turns governing France since World War II.
Since 1945, the collapse of Catholicism and the steady cognitive/economic stratification of French society have destroyed the reach and unity of the Catholic-right and secularist-left blocs. Macron was able to tap into the latent political demand of the wealthiest, most educated, and mobile 20% of French society, while the increasingly alienated and déclassés lower classes of French Whites have been falling out of the mainstream political system altogether.
Fourquet meticulously documents the social trends of the past 70 years: the decline of Catholicism, the Communist Party, and traditional media, the triumph of social liberalism, the division of cities into gentrified areas, crime-ridden ghettos, and the (self-)segregation of individuals along educational and ethnic lines. In all this, Fourquet’s book serves as an excellent statistical companion piece to Éric Zemmour’s Le Suicide français, which looks at many of the same themes through the lens of political and cultural events.
What’s in a first name? Quite a lot, actually
Fourquet uses a wealth of socio-economic and polling data to make his case. Some of the most innovative and striking evidence however is the big-data analysis of first names in France’s birth registries since 1900. This looks into the trends for numerous different types of names: Christian, patriotic, regional (Breton and Corsican), Muslim, African, and . . . Anglo. Far from being random, Fourquet shows that the trends in first-name giving correlate with concurrent social and political phenomena. For example, the number of people giving their girls patriotic names like France and Jeanne spiked during moments of nationalist fervor, namely the first and second world wars (p. 35).
More significantly, Marie went from being the most common name for girls (20% of newborns in 1900) to 1-2% since the 1970s. Unsurprisingly given the Virgin Mary’s importance in the Catholic religion, Marie was more popular in more religious regions and declined later in the conservative periphery. Marie’s decline thus seems to be a solid temporal and geographical marker of dechristianization (mass attendance and traditional Christian values, such as marriage and opposition to abortion and gay marriage, also collapsed during this period).
First names also provide a marker for assimilation of immigrant groups. Fourquet shows how Polish first names exploded in the northern mining regions of France in the 1920s and then fully receded within two decades. He shows the same phenomenon for Portuguese immigrants and first names in the 1970s. This assimilation is in accord with sociological data showing that European immigrants tend to rapidly converge in terms of educational and economic performance with the native French population.
By contrast, Fourquet shows that people with Muslim last names almost never choose to give their children traditional French first names. He documents a massive increase in the proportion of newborns given Muslim first names from negligible in the 1960s to around a fifth of the total. There is also an increase in the number of people with Sub-Saharan African names.
Somewhat similarly to Europeans, Asian immigrants (disproportionately from the former Indochina) are much more likely to adopt French first names and perform comparably in economic and educational terms.
Beyond these stark ethno-religious demographic changes, Fourquet also highlights more subtle trends that often fall below the radar. First names also provide a marker for the degree to which the French have a common culture or, conversely, of heightened individual or sectoral identities.
Fourquet identifies an explosion in the number of different names used by the French. This figure was stable around 2000 from 1900 to 1945, rising to over 12,000 today. And this does not count the proliferation “rare names” – those for which there are less than 3 people with that name – among all populations. Fourquet takes this as evidence of increased individualism and “mass narcissism,” more and more people wishing to differentiate themselves.
In principle, until recently the French were forced by Napoleonic-era legislation to choose their first names from the Christian calendar, medieval European names, or Greco-Roman antiquity. All of France proper used a common corpus of names, with little local variation. The list of acceptable names was extended by ministerial instruction to regional and mythological names in 1966, while in 1993 the restriction was abolished. However, the trend of more-and-more names in fact long predates these legal changes. Evidently municipal authorities already were tolerating unusual names more and more.
What are the names in question? All sorts. The use of Breton (Celtic) names in Brittany has more tripled from 4% to around 12% (p. 127), with sharp rises corresponding to moments of heightened Breton regionalist politics in the 1970s.
Similarly, Italian-Corsican first names have risen from virtually nil in the 1970s to 20% of Corsican newborns today, coinciding with the rise of the Corsican nationalist vote on the island to 52.1% in 2017 (p. 130). Corsican nationalism has risen despite the fact that use of the French language has largely supplanted the Corsican dialect. Many Corsicans resent colonization both by wealthy metropolitan French buying up properties on the fair isle and by Afro-Islamic immigrants.
There has also been a steady increase of the use of markedly Jewish first names like Ariel, Gad, and Ephraïm – which were virtually unheard of in 1945 (p. 213)
One of the most intriguing trends is the proliferation of Anglo first names from a mere 0.5% of newborns in the 1960s to 12% in 1993, today stabilized around 8% (p. 120). Names like Kevin, Dylan, and Cindy became extremely popular, evidently influenced by American pop stars and soap operas (The Young and the Restless was a big hit in France under the title Les Feux de l’Amour). Significantly, Anglo names are more popular among the lower classes, going against the previous trend of French elites setting top-down fashion trends for names. Indeed, many yellow-vest and RN cadres in France have conspicuously (pseudo-)Anglo first names, such as Steeve [sic] Briois (mayor of the northern industrial city of Hénin-Beaumont), Jordan Bardella (RN youth leader and lead candidate in the 2019 EU parliamentary elections), and Davy Rodriguez (youth deputy leader).
A fragmented France: Globalists, populists, and Muslims
Fourquet sees France as an “archipelago” of subcultures diverging from one another. Among these: Macron-supporting educated metropolitan elites, the remaining rump of practicing Catholics (6-12% of the population), conservative-supporting retirees, expats outside of France (whose numbers have more than tripled to around 1.3 million since 2002), alienated lower-class suburban and rural Whites (often supporting the yellow-vests and/or Marine Le Pen), and innumerable ethnic communities, mostly African or Islamic, scattered across France’s cities.
The French are less and less united by common schools, media, and life experiences. The fifth or so of most educated, wealthy, and deracinated French finally manifested politically with Macron’s triumph in 2017. But will these other subcultures become politically effective? Fourquet concludes that
Thus, over the past 30 years, many islands of the French archipelago are becoming politically autonomous and obey less and less the commands of the capital-island and its elites. Though indeed the scenario in which the [subculturally] most distant islands or provinces would declare their independence does not seem to be on the order of the day. (pp. 378-79)
Still, we can see major subcultural blocs consolidating. In the immediate, the most important is the vast suburban and rural bloc of alienated Whites. Support for Marine Le Pen correlates with distance from city-centers, the presence of Afro-Islamic immigrants (until these overwhelm the natives), and/or chronic unemployment. Fourquet says that “the yellow-vest movement has been particularly revealing not only of the process of archipelization underway but also of the peripheries’ inability to threaten the heart of the French system” (379). It seems probable the bloc of alienated Whites will continue to grow and develop politically.
The White “popular bloc” is not coherent politically but is basically entropic. The yellow-vests, themselves not an organized group at all, did not so much have a political program but a set of concerns essentially revolving around purchasing power, public services declining areas, and direct democracy. The most clear and political demand of the yellow-vests was the famous Citizen Initiative Referendum (RIC), similar to practices in Switzerland or California. This measure, whatever its merits, is more about means than ends and is entropic as such.
Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, the other great manifestation of this bloc, is characterized by a mix of socialistic civic nationalism and political opportunism. Given the travails of the Brexit and Trump experiences, one wonders how an eventual National Rally administration would or could govern, especially if virtually the entire French educated class would similarly rise in opposition.
The other great emerging bloc(s) is that made up of France’s fast-growing African and Islamic communities. I would have liked more information on this group. There is data indicating that French Muslims are considerably endogamous (most marry within their own ethny, though there is some variation by community). While the French overwhelmingly support abortion and homosexuality, only small majorities of Muslims do, an important marker of limited convergence. He also observes that a significant minority of Muslims are entering the middle and upper classes, and indeed that the more educated a Muslim is the more likely he or she is to be married to a native French.
However, other indicators of “assimilation” have if anything gone into reverse since the early 2000s: more Muslim women are wearing headscarves, Muslim youth are more likely to say sex before marriage is immoral than their elders (75% to 55%), and two thirds of young Muslims support censorship blasphemy and one quarter condones the murder of cartoonists mocking Mohamed. The War on Terror and renewed Arab-Israeli conflict appear to have rekindled Muslim identity in France. What’s more the sheer number of Muslims and the unending flow from the home country appear to be making them more confident in rejecting assimilation.
In the coming decades, we can reasonably expect French society to become polarized between an Afro-Islamic bloc, united by economic interests and ethno-religious grievances, and a middle/lower class White bloc. And I use the word White, rather than native French, advisedly: many prominent French nationalists and their supporters are of Italian, Polish, or Portuguese origin.
To his credit, Fourquet repeatedly emphasizes the scale and unprecedented nature of the ethno-religious changes in the French population. He also discretely observes the potential for conflict, saying of Paris: “This great diversity is the source of tensions (the demographic balance within certain neighborhoods is changing according to the arrival or reinforcement of this or that group)” (p. 377). And then hidden away in a footnote: “In a multiethnic society, the relative weight of different groups becomes a crucial matter, as individuals seek a territory in which their group is the majority or at least sufficiently numerous.” Indeed.
Fourquet concludes:
At the heart of the capital-island [Paris], the elites reassure themselves in the face of their opponents’ impotence. In so doing, they think that they can rely on the traditional exercise of authority without having to draw the consequences of the birth of a France with a new form and new drives: a multiple and divided nation. (p. 379)
This book left me curious, but also unnerved, about the further social transformations in store for our societies, even beyond the ethnic factor. The disturbing trends in France very much have their analogues in other Western nations. White proles – vilified by their own ruling class or left to their own devices – are in sorry shape. Western elites have lost their collective minds. Looking further afield, how will individualism and social fragmentation manifest in other nations, such as Israel or Japan? Will authoritarian states like China be better able to manage these tendencies, or not? To what extent will these trends intensify? What new trends will emerge in coming decades with advent of yet more new technologies? Amidst this uncertainty, there will certainly also be political opportunities.
Ultra-Graal est un petit livre merveilleux ; il s’adresse à l’âme de ceux qui croient encore possible d’aller en quête du « Saint Vase » à la suite des rois cachés, des chevaliers errants et des fidèles d’amour. Dans une sorte d’exhortation adressée à ses frères d’esprit, Bertrand Lacarelle invite à reprendre ce voyage qui mène au cœur de la France, dans la forêt sombre et épaisse où, parmi les ronces et les fougères, s’élève une « cathédrale oubliée ». On y trouvera sur l’autel de marbre blanc, éclairé par le grand soleil, la coupe du Graal – celle qui a recueilli le sang du Christ.
L’optimisme d’un désespéré
Dans toute l’Europe francophone apparaît brusquement « rénové », c’est-à-dire en rupture avec l’autorité magistrale, les techniques de dressage (Roland Barthes qualifie l’orthographe de « fasciste »), l’enracinement dans l’histoire nationale et l’apprentissage des langues anciennes (latin, grec). On retrouve dans la mentalité des Partout cette hantise de la « réalisation de soi » au mépris de toute règle contraignante, de toute référence au passé et de tout sentiment d’appartenance à une communauté organique.
À l’époque où j’étudiais à l’Université de Bruxelles, il y avait deux cités universitaires : l’une pour les garçons au cœur du campus, l’autre pour les jeunes filles légèrement en dehors. Ainsi pouvaient déjà se côtoyer, vers 1970, des jeunes provenant de toutes les provinces du Royaume. Le programme Erasmus, d’abord à l’échelon européen, puis au plan mondial, accentue ensuite cet élargissement des horizons et l’impression que « le monde est un village », pour reprendre le titre d’une émission créée par la radio belge francophone en 1998. « La massification de l’enseignement supérieur », l’émergence d’un « secteur universitaire hypertrophié » : voilà des phénomènes qui remontent aux années 1960, vont de pair avec une disqualification du travail manuel et ipso facto avec l’immigration fournissant au patronat une armée de réserve, une classe ouvrière de rechange.
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1 : 
Après bien d’autres, d’ailleurs cités par l’auteur (y compris Charles Murray
C’est la sélection croissante, au cours de 70 dernières années, sur les performances cognitives dans l’éducation supérieure qui a abouti à la création d’une classe cognitive, renforcée aujourd’hui par l’endogamie cognitive (combinant héritage génétique et ressources pour l’éducation), rendue plus facile avec l’accès croissant des femmes à l’éducation supérieure. Dans Coming Apart , Charles Murray avait montré que Princeton et Yale accueillaient plus d’étudiants provenant du dernier centile que des 6 premiers déciles de revenu.
Et en politique
L’économie du soin a un double problème : il est de moins en moins attractif et ceux qui y travaillent s’en vont, souvent désenchantés. Les hommes, particulièrement ceux qui ont un faible statut, ont perdu, sans pouvoir rien mettre à la place, leur rôle principal qui était celui de gagner l’argent de la famille. Un nombre disproportionné de métiers qui ne peuvent être automatisés sont traditionnellement occupés par des femmes, métiers qui n’attirent pas les hommes. Daniel Susskind, dans A World Without Work, publié en 2020, rapporte les résultats d’une enquête au Royaume-Uni selon laquelle « la plupart des hommes qui ont perdu leur emploi industriel préfèrent ne pas travailler que de prendre un “pink collar work” » (traduction personnelle).
S’il faut préserver les procédures de sélection méritocratiques, il faut aussi veiller à répartir respect et statut plus équitablement en élargissant les sources de réussite et en élevant le statut de ceux qui ne vont pas à l’université. Les dernières recherches sur les capacités cognitives pourraient nous y aider. Une étude menée à l’université Carnegie Mellon aux États-Unis définit trois types de styles cognitifs : la verbalisation (journalistes, avocats…) ; la visualisation spatiale (ceux qui pensent analytiquement : ingénieurs, mathématiciens…) ; la visualisation des objets (artistes…) qui ont tendance à penser un contexte plus large. Mais la diversité doit aussi s’appliquer aux idéologies et valeurs politiques.
Alors que l’occident est sous contrôle psychiatrique-pathologique, belliciste-humanitaire, féministe-antiraciste, androphobe-russophobe et sociétal-transgenre, relisons ou découvrons un admirable ouvrage collectif (1) sur ce sujet instructif, la Jeune-Fille :
D’où ce bon vieux virage bio :
Succession d’aphorismes héraclitéens ou presque :
David Goodhart
Vocation
The three top professions are medicine, the law, and the clergy. If you feel called to do any of these jobs, don’t pass them up. As far as enlisting, I must state upfront that there are many ways to serve your country outside of the infantry. Some further advice on this can be found 
¿Cómo surgió la idea de escribir el librito “Vascos y Navarros”?
Lo que hace el Gobierno Vasco para la defensa de la lengua vasca me parece bastante acertado, a pesar de todas las acciones caricaturescas y desprovistas de sentido que han sido tomadas en contra del idioma castellano o -mejor dicho- del español, una de las dos o tres lengua más habladas del mundo. Ya sabemos que el idioma no es suficiente, pero además de esto no se debe esconder que los resultados de las políticas a favor del euskera son más bien escasos. La realidad es que no hay nación o patria posible sin un legado histórico combinado a un consentimiento y una voluntad de existencia por parte del pueblo. Nicolas Berdiaev y otros autores europeos famosos como Ortega y Gasset hablaban de unidad o comunidad de destino histórico. Pues bien, sin la combinación armoniosa del fundamento histórico-cultural y del factor voluntarista o consensual, sin esos dos ejes, no puede haber nación. Y por eso ya no hay hoy una verdadera nación española como no hay tampoco hoy verdaderas nacionalidades o naciones pequeñas dentro de España. 
Nos auteurs pensent que l’illibéralisme qui se caractérise par le phénomène des populismes qui émergent sous différentes modalités est « une marée montante menaçante » prenant la forme de l’anarchie illibérale et antidémocratique. Ils ne conçoivent pas que les populismes puissent au contraire être l’expression d’une attente de démocratie, cette démocratie depuis trop longtemps confisquée par les élites libérales mondiales et leur soft power pernicieux. Le plafond de verre de leur analyse du populisme vu sous l’angle réducteur du danger constitue la limite principale de l’ouvrage.
Review:
Salazar had written on various relatively obscure subjects before achieving fame with the 2015 publication of his reports on ISIS, Paroles Armées (Armed Words). His specialist field of study is rhetoric: how the power and associative imagery of words can be used as a tool in appropriating or resisting power. Rhetoric as a legitimate democratic tool recalls the sophists who marketed their skills in Ancient Athens to ambitious politicians and were lambasted for so doing by Socrates. Salazar seems interested in words less as tools to discover the truth than as tools in a struggle to gain ascendancy.
From this alone the reader can see we are far from the earnestness of the usual “investigative reporter.” There is a lightness about this inquiry, a certain half-suppressed amusement which gives a very great advantage and a very great drawback to the study.
Here is an example of Salazar’s showmanship approach. This is how the chapter entitled “A Cosmopolitan Croatian” begins:
A chapter with more substance than many is “A Global White Nationalist” (English in the original), Salazar’s talk with the editor of Counter-Currents, Greg Johnson. Johnson’s clear aims are outlined. A question and answer session ensues on page 183 which reminded me of a Roman Catholic catechism recital.
Camus’ definition of race is original: cultural apprenticeship plus natural reproduction equals race. This perhaps Evolian notion of race runs counter to the biological rationalist understanding of most North Americans. Salazar visits Camus, a Baron de Charlus character, in his Medieval castle tower in the Gers in rural France. He passes a Peugeot dealership in the middle of the countryside on his way to Camus and enigmatically states that “it should not be.” (p. 244). Salazar is not making a moral judgment here. He means the machine is not appropriate to this setting. Some might argue to the contrary: bringing small industry home to the nation and away from the big cities is too little, too late; it is what would have prevented the land drain that transformed France in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s. Then the question: How should and could regional identity work? Would home industry prove more a blessing or a bane? What of Trump’s insistence on prioritizing home industries in contrast with the EU’s extreme globalism? Salazar has nothing to say on this and presumably does not encourage Camus to say anything about it. Again, we have a debate that wasn’t. Salazar makes it clear that the interview with Camus was a disappointment, albeit the two part on friendly terms. Salazar dismissively asks himself rhetorically how many thinkers of the alt-right have read the book so praised by Camus as a key to understanding the true meaning of racial and cultural replacement, La Grande Peur des bien-pensants (The Great Fear of right-thinking people) by Georges Bernanos? (p. 252) Nevertheless he concedes, seemingly contradicting himself, and citing Barthes, that Camus is right about the evocative power of words:
Machiavel conseille un peu de chaos, un peu de dissonance et d’incohérences pour contrôler la masse :
Les réformes ? Mais l’Etat adore réformer la France, l’Europe, le monde, les retraites :
Enfin le peuple maso aime et comprend les coups, le 11 septembre, et tous les Bataclan :