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dimanche, 30 janvier 2011

"La véritable virilité pour les afro-descendants réside dans leur retour en Afrique"

« La véritable virilité pour les afro-descendants réside dans leur retour en Afrique »

Par Stellio Robert, alias Stellio Capo Chichi, alias Kemiour Aarim Shabaz, alias Kemi Seba, « prédicateur panafricain » qui annonce quitter la France pour le Sénégal en mai 2011.

Ex: http://fortune.fdesouche.com/

Face à la discrimination, la véritable virilité pour les afro-descendants réside dans leur retour en Afrique afin de participer à la construction de ce continent, plutôt que dans la mendicité d’une place en France en prônant l’intégration.

Dire que la négrophobie et autres actes racistes se banalisent, se démocratisent en France ne relève plus de l’anecdote mais bien du fait établi voire de l’euphémisme. Habitué aux violences policières de toutes sortes (tabassage dans des fourgons, utilisation mortelle de Taser, évacuation musclée des familles mal-logées, violence en réunion, etc.).

La nouveauté vient du fait que les langues se délient (de plus en plus facilement) aussi bien sur les chaînes grand public (exemple du parfumeur Guerlain) que dans les plus hautes sphères de l’État (Brice Hortefeux, Éric Besson avec le débat sur l’identité nationale, les tests ADN, etc.).

Il est clair que l’ambiance, en France, est délétère, déjà pour les Français dits de souche, au vu de la crise économique et de son lot de délocalisations, de pertes d’emplois, de chômage record, mais aussi et surtout pour la communauté afro-descendante. La précarité, la discrimination à l’embauche comme au logement, ajoutée au stress que créé cette situation sous couvert de crise économique, font que la vie pour cette population est insupportable, intenable.

Et ce ne sont certainement pas les hommes et femmes politiques français, toutes tendances confondues, qui vont remédier à cela en proposant des solutions viables, sérieuses. Ils n’en n’ont pas, et ils le savent très bien. Bien au contraire, ces populations immigrées deviennent de plus en plus les sujets d’enjeux bassement électoralistes.

Face à un tel constat catastrophique, la seule et unique solution pour extirper ces communautés de la lente « clochardisation, » à laquelle certains font déjà face, est de se prendre en main.

Se prendre en main en se disant qu’il vaut mieux être roi chez soi que mendiant chez autrui. L’Afrique est un continent riche qui n’attend que ses enfants… Que ceux qui l’aiment véritablement viennent à elle pour travailler à son développement, plutôt que de continuer à s’émerveiller devant l’occidental allaitement qui nous avilit à travers bon nombres d’oeuvres pseudo-humanitaires.

L’Occident en général, et la France en particulier, n’a plus les moyens d’accueillir décemment les gens sur son territoire. Elle n’a déjà plus rien à s’offrir à elle-même, ce n’est certainement pas à des populations immigrées en difficulté qu’elle offrira quoique se soit. Pour échapper à cette situation de crise, pour ne plus avoir à faire face à des actes racistes, il est préférable de faire retour en Afrique pour construire un chez soi sûr.

Le retour volontaire et définitif en Afrique pour des objectifs clairs, viables est la seule et unique voie pour remédier aux problèmes que rencontrent ces populations d’immigrés en difficulté installées en France. On ne peut se sentir bien là nous où l’on n’est pas désiré, là où il n’y a plus de perspectives d’avenir, là où on n’est pas chez soi.

Tôt ou tard, l’Afrique demandera des comptes à sa diaspora. CONSTRUISONS, et rejoignons Afrikan Mosaïque (qui fait vivre des gens par centaines, à travers les emplois qu’elle a créée, grâce à la construction, toujours en cours, du village).

La Société Afrikan Mosaïque recrute ! Pour les entretiens d’embauche, contactez-les au 07 60 72 65 75

Kemi Seba

(Merci à jean-marc)

Geen rgering? Geld terug!

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Economieprof wil geldkraan naar partijen dichtdraaien: "Geen regering? Geld terug"

Wie niet horen wil, moet voelen. De Gentse economieprofessor Koen Schoors
heeft een voorstel klaar om de lethargische onderhandelaars tot spoed aan te
zetten. "Onze politieke partijen zijn door u en mij verkozen en betaald om
een regering te vormen en het land te besturen. Doen ze dat na 200 dagen nog
altijd niet? Draai dan de geldkraan dicht en leg ze droog." Simplistisch en
onhaalbaar, lijkt het. "Maar het zou verdorie wérken", zegt Schoors. "Geen
regering? Geld terug!"

JAN SEGERS

Professor Schoors (UGent) stelt vast dat de onderhandelingen ongestraft
mogen blijven aanslepen. De partijen voelen het niet waar het pijn doet: in
hun portemonnee. En dus werkte hij een systeem uit (zie kader rechts) dat de
dotaties aan de partijen verdubbelt als ze binnen de honderd dagen een
regering vormen en dat die dotaties na 200 dagen maandelijks verder afbouwt,
desnoods tot nul, en tot nieuwe verkiezingen onvermijdelijk zijn.

Ongetwijfeld zal u populisme verweten worden.

"Onterecht. Ik baseer me als economist op de cijfers. In de discussies over
een nieuwe financieringswet gaat het over enkele honderden miljoenen meer of
minder voor regio X of regio Y. Maar nu al staat vast dat het uitblijven van
een regering elke Vlaming, elke Brusselaar en elke Waal meer zal kosten aan
gestegen intrestlasten dan wat een nieuwe financieringswet hen zou
opbrengen. Het nieuwe ordewoord is responsabilisering, maar de
hoofdrolspelers gedragen zich niet als verantwoordelijke volwassenen, maar
als kleuters die vechten om een stuk speelgoed tot het kapot is. Van de
leefloners en de werklozen tot en met de deelstaten: alles en iedereen moet
volgens de onderhandelaars geresponsabiliseerd worden, verantwoordelijk
gemaakt voor de gevolgen van zijn eigen beleid. Alles en iedereen, behalve
zijzelf. Wel, met mijn voorstel dwing ik hen om op de blaren te zitten als
ze er zoals nu een vaudeville van maken."

U wil de partijen belonen met een extraatje als ze binnen de 100 dagen een
regering vormen. Stimuleert u dan geen haastwerk?

"Neen. Holderdebolder te werk gaan is nergens voor nodig. Hun bonus spelen
de partijen vanaf de 100ste dag geleidelijk kwijt, maar geld verliezen doen
ze pas na de 200ste dag, en dan nog zeer geleidelijk. We zitten nu aan dag
230, zijnde één maand verder. Wel, in mijn schema ontvangt elke partij deze
maand dan slechts 90% van wat ze anders zou krijgen. En volgende maand nog
slechts 80%. Enzovoort. Tot ze droog staat."

Helemaal droog staat ze zelfs dan niet. U bouwt enkel de dotaties af, niet
de lonen van parlementsleden of ministers.

"Inderdaad, ook daarover kan je discussiëren. Nu zeggen de backbenchers in
het parlement tegen hun onderhandelaars: 'Bart, Elio, Joëlle, Wouter, hou
het been stijf!' Zelf hebben ze intussen weinig omhanden, maar worden ze
voluit doorbetaald."

Op welke partijen zou u uw voorstel nu toepassen? Enkel op N-VA en PS? Of op
alle zeven?

"Meer zelfs: op alle politieke partijen, zonder uitzondering."

Zelfs op Vlaams Belang, dat ongewenst is, en op de Open Vld, die pas
gisteren, na 230 dagen, bij de onderhandelingen is betrokken? Is dat fair?

"Ik scheer iedereen over dezelfde kam. De liberalen hebben lang de boot
afgehouden. En het VB is door zijn radicale opstelling zelf een deel van het
probleem."

Redelijken en radicalen: u scheert ze allemaal over één kam?

"Ja, want wat is dat: redelijkheid? Ongetwijfeld vinden Bart De Wever en de
drie Franstalige partijen zichzelf niet onredelijk. Radicaal, dat zijn
altijd de anderen, nooit zijzelf. Zo komen we er nooit, natuurlijk. Mijn
voorstel stimuleert en beloont echte redelijkheid."

Is dat erg democratisch: partijen financieel onder druk zetten om toch maar
geen radicale standpunten te verdedigen?

"Als die standpunten de werking van het land beletten? Ja. Voor dat soort
partijen wil ik als burger geen belasting meer betalen."

Dreigt u niet vooral de koffiedame van de N-VA of de receptionist van de PS
te treffen? Vooral zij worden met die dotaties betaald, niet De Wever of Di
Rupo.

"Die mensen zullen De Wever en Di Rupo wel ter harte gaan, zeker? Ik wil
gewoon af van de huidige regeling. Die zet aan tot radicalisme. Als mijn
voorstel nu al geldig was, zou de druk van alle andere partijen op N-VA en
PS veel groter zijn geweest. Die is er nu amper."

Moeten partijen tussentijds al afgestraft worden? Volstaat het niet dat de
kiezer elke vier jaar de kans krijgt om zelf weg te stemmen wie hij niet
meer wil?

"Ook de kiezer verdient een tweede kans, vind ik. Voor de verkiezingen sloeg
de N-VA een compromisbereide toon aan. Ik ben geen N-VA-vreter, maar na 13
juni hebben ze tegen de afspraken in eerst de financieringswet op tafel
gegooid en daarna de splitsing van de RVA. Geen wonder dat de PS dan
wantrouwig wordt. En dat Elio Di Rupo nadien ook blokkeert op de Vlaamse
vragen die wél volstrekt redelijk zijn. Zo vliegen de dagen en de maanden
voorbij. De onderhandelaars spelen met onze welvaart, en we hebben nu geen
enkel wapen in handen om hen op betere gedachten te brengen. Vandaar mijn
voorstel."

"Het nieuwe ordewoord is responsabilisering, maar ze gedragen zich als
kleuters die vechten om een stuk speelgoed tot het kapot is"

Koen Schoors (UGent)
 

"De onderhandelaars spelen met onze welvaart, maar we hebben nu geen enkel wapen om hen op betere gedachten te brengen"

Koen Schoors (UGent)

© 2011 Het Laatste Nieuws
Publicatie:     Het Laatste Nieuws /
Publicatiedatum:     zaterdag 29 januari 2011

La balcanizzazione del Sudan: il ridisegno del Medio Oriente e Africa del Nord

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La balcanizzazione del Sudan: il ridisegno del Medio Oriente e Africa del Nord

Il Sudan è una nazione diversa e un paese che rappresenta la pluralità dell’Africa delle varie tribù, clan, etnie, gruppi religiosi. Tuttavia l’unità del Sudan è in questione, mentre si parla di nazioni unificanti e del giorno della creazione degli Stati Uniti d’Africa attraverso l’Unione africana.
La ribalta è per il referendum del gennaio 2011 in Sud Sudan. L’amministrazione Obama ha annunciato ufficialmente che sostiene la separazione del Sudan meridionale dal resto del Sudan.

La balcanizzazione del Sudan è quello che è veramente in gioco. Per anni i dirigenti ed i funzionari del Sud Sudan sono stati sostenuti dagli USA e dall’Unione europea.

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La politicamente motivata demonizzazione del Sudan

 

Una campagna di demonizzazione importante è in corso contro il Sudan e il suo governo. È vero, il governo sudanese di Khartoum ha avuto un record negativo per quanto riguarda i diritti umani e la corruzione dello stato, e nulla poteva giustificare questo.

Per quanto riguarda il Sudan, condanne selettive o mirate sono state attuate. Ci si dovrebbe, tuttavia, chiedere perché la leadership sudanese è presa di mira dagli Stati Uniti e dall’Unione europea, mentre la situazione dei diritti umani in diversi clienti sponsorizzati dagli Stati Uniti tra cui l’Arabia Saudita, Egitto, Emirati Arabi Uniti, e l’Etiopia sono casualmente ignorate.

Khartoum è stato diffamata come una oligarchia autocratica colpevole di genocidio mirato sia in Darfur e Sud Sudan. Questa attenzione deliberata sullo spargimento di sangue e l’instabilità nel Darfur e nel Sud Sudan è politica e motivata dai legami di Khartoum con gli interessi petroliferi cinesi.

Il Sudan fornisce alla Cina una notevole quantità di petrolio. La rivalità geo-politica tra Cina e Stati Uniti per il controllo delle forniture energetiche mondiali e africane, è il vero motivo per il castigo del Sudan e il forte sostegno dimostrato dagli Stati Uniti, dall’Unione europea e dagli ufficiali israeliani alla secessione nel Sud Sudan.

E’ in questo contesto che gli interessi cinesi sono stati attaccati. Ciò include l’attacco dell’ottobre 2006 alla Greater Nile Petroleum Company di Defra, Kordofan, da parte della milizia del Justice and Equality Movement (JEM).

Distorcere le violenze in Sudan

Mentre c’è una crisi umanitaria in Darfur e un forte aumento del nazionalismo regionale nel Sudan meridionale, le cause profonde del conflitto sono stati manipolate e distorte. Le cause di fondo della crisi umanitaria in Darfur e il regionalismo nel Sud Sudan sono intimamente collegate a interessi strategici ed economici. Se non altro, l’illegalità e i problemi economici sono i veri problemi, che sono stati alimentati da forze esterne.

Direttamente o tramite proxy (pedine) in Africa, gli Stati Uniti, l’Unione europea e Israele sono i principali architetti degli scontri e dell’instabilità sia in Darfur che in Sud Sudan. Queste potenze straniere hanno finanziato, addestrato e armato le milizie e le forze di opposizione al governo sudanese in Sudan. Esse scaricano la colpa sulle spalle di Khartoum per qualsiasi violenza, mentre esse stesse alimentano i conflitti al fine di controllare le risorse energetiche del Sudan. La divisione del Sudan in diversi stati è parte di questo obiettivo. Il Supporto al JEM, al Sud Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) e alle altre milizie che si oppongono al governo sudanese da parte degli Stati Uniti, dell’Unione europea e d’Israele è orientato al raggiungimento dell’obiettivo di dividere il Sudan.

E’ anche un caso che per anni, Stati Uniti, Gran Bretagna, Francia, e l’intera UE, con la scusa dell’umanitarismo stiano spingendo al dispiegamento di truppe straniere in Sudan. Hanno attivamente sostenuto il dispiegamento di truppe NATO in Sudan sotto la copertura di un mandato di peacekeeping delle Nazioni Unite.

Si tratta della rievocazione delle stesse modalità utilizzate dagli Stati Uniti e dall’Unione europea in altre regioni, in cui i paesi sono stati suddivisi a livello informale o formale e le loro economie ristrutturate dai proxy installati da governi stranieri, sotto la presenza di truppe straniere. Questo è quello che è successo nella ex Jugoslavia (attraverso la creazione di numerose nuove repubbliche) e nell’Iraq occupato dagli anglo-statunitensi (attraverso la balcanizzazione soft tramite una forma di federalismo calcolato, volto a definire uno stato debole e de-centralizzato). Le truppe straniere e una presenza straniera hanno fornito la cortina per lo smantellamento dello stato e l’acquisizione estera delle infrastrutture, risorse ed economie pubbliche.

La questione dell’identità in Sudan

Mentre lo stato sudanese è stato dipinto come oppressivo nei confronti del popolo del Sud Sudan, va osservato che sia il referendum che la struttura di condivisione del potere del governo sudanese, rappresentano qualcos’altro. L’accordo per la condivisione del potere a Khartoum tra Omar Al-Basher, il presidente del Sudan, include il SPLM. Il leader del SPLM, Salva Kiir Mayardit, è il primo vicepresidente del Sudan e  presidente del Sud Sudan.

La questione etnica è stata anche portata alla ribalta dal nazionalismo regionale o etno-regionale che è stato coltivato in Sud Sudan. La scissione in Sudan tra i cosiddetti arabi sudanesi e i cosiddetti africani sudanesi è stata presentata al mondo come la forza principale del nazionalismo regionale che motivatamente chiede di fondare uno Stato in Sud Sudan. Nel corso degli anni, questa auto-differenziazione è stata diffusa e socializzata nella psiche collettiva delle popolazioni del Sud Sudan.

Eppure, le differenze tra i cosiddetti sudanesi arabi e i cosiddetti africani sudanesi non sono un granché. L’identità araba dei cosiddetti arabi sudanesi si basa principalmente sull’uso della loro lingua araba. Supponiamo anche che le identità etniche sudanesi sono totalmente separate. E’ ancora noto, in Sudan, che entrambi i gruppi sono molto eterogenei. L’altra differenza tra il Sud Sudan e il resto del Sudan è che l’Islam predomina nel resto del Sudan e non in Sud Sudan. Entrambi i gruppi sono ancora profondamente legati l’uno all’altro, tranne che per un senso di auto-identificazione, che è ben nel loro diritto avere. Eppure, sono proprio queste diverse identità su cui si è giocato da parte dei leader locali e delle potenze straniere.

La negligenza della popolazione locale di diverse regioni, da parte delle élites del Sudan, è la causa principale dell’ansia o dell’animosità realmente motivate tra le persone nel Sud Sudan e il governo di Khartoum, e non le differenze tra i cosiddetti arabi e i cosiddetti africani sudanesi.
Il favoritismo regionale ha operato in Sud Sudan.

La questione è anche aggravata dalla classe sociale. Il popolo del Sud Sudan crede che la sua condizione economica e tenore di vita migliorerà se formerà una nuova repubblica. Il governo di Khartoum e i sudanesi non-meridionali sono stati usati come capri espiatori per le miserie economiche del popolo del Sud Sudan e della loro percezione della povertà relativa da parte della leadership locale del Sud Sudan. In realtà, i funzionari locali del Sudan meridionale non miglioreranno le condizioni di vita delle popolazioni del Sud Sudan, ma manterranno uno status quo cleptocratico. [1]

Il progetto a lungo termine per balcanizzare il Sudan e i suoi collegamenti con il mondo arabo

In realtà, il progetto di balcanizzazione del Sudan è in corso dalla fine del dominio coloniale britannico nel Sudan anglo-egiziano. Sudan ed Egitto sono stati un paese solo per molti differenti periodi. Sia l’Egitto che il Sudan sono stati anche un paese, in pratica fino al 1956.

Fino alla indipendenza del Sudan, c’era un forte movimento per mantenere l’Egitto e il Sudan uniti come un unico stato arabo, che stava lottando contro gli interessi britannici. Londra, tuttavia, alimentò il regionalismo sudanese contro l’Egitto, e nello stesso modo il regionalismo è al lavoro nel Sud Sudan contro il resto del Sudan. Il governo egiziano è stato raffigurato nello stesso modo di come lo è oggi Khartoum. Gli egiziani sono stati dipinti come sfruttatori dei sudanesi, come i sudanesi non-meridionali sono stati dipinti come sfruttatori dei sudanesi del sud.

Dopo l’invasione britannica di Egitto e Sudan, gli inglesi riuscirono anche a mantenere le loro truppe di stanza in Sudan. Anche mentre lavoravano per dividere il Sudan dall’Egitto, i britannici hanno lavorato per creare differenziazioni interne tra il Sud Sudan e il resto del Sudan. Ciò è stato fatto attraverso il condominio anglo-egiziano del 1899-1956, che costrinse l’Egitto a condividere il Sudan con la Gran Bretagna dopo le rivolte mahdiste. Alla fine, il governo egiziano avrebbe rifiutato di riconoscere il condominio anglo-egiziano come legale. Il Cairo avrebbe continuamente chiesto agli inglesi di porre fine alla loro occupazione militare illegale del Sudan e di smettere di impedire la re-integrazione di Egitto e Sudan, ma gli inglesi si rifiuteranno.

Sarà sotto la presenza delle truppe britanniche che il Sudan si sarebbe dichiarato indipendente. Questo è ciò che porterà alla nascita del Sudan come una stato arabo e africano separato dall’Egitto. Così, il processo di balcanizzazione è iniziato con la divisione del Sudan dall’Egitto.

Il Piano Yinon al lavoro in Sudan e nel Medio Oriente

La balcanizzazione del Sudan è legato anche al Piano Yinon, che è la continuazione dello stratagemma britannico. L’obiettivo strategico del Piano Yinon è quello di garantire la superiorità israeliana attraverso la balcanizzazione del Medio Oriente e degli stati arabi, in stati più piccoli e più deboli. E’ in questo contesto che Israele è stato profondamente coinvolto in Sudan. Gli strateghi israeliani videro l’Iraq come la loro più grande sfida strategica da uno stato arabo. È per questo che l’Iraq è stato delineato come il pezzo centrale per la balcanizzazione del Medio Oriente e del mondo arabo.The Atlantic, in questo contesto, ha pubblicato un articolo nel 2008 di Jeffrey Goldberg “Dopo l’Iraq: sarà così il Medio Oriente?” [2] In questo articolo di Goldberg, una mappa del Medio Oriente è stato presentato, che seguiva da vicino lo schema del Piano Yinon e la mappa di un futuro in Medio Oriente, presentato dal Tenente-colonnello (in pensione) Ralph Peters, nell’Armed Forces Journal delle forze armate degli Stati Uniti, nel 2006.

Non è neanche un caso che da un Iraq diviso a un Sudan diviso, comparivano sulla mappa. Libano, Iran, Turchia, Siria, Egitto, Somalia, Pakistan e Afghanistan erano presentati anch’esse come nazioni divise. Importante, nell’Africa orientale nella mappa, illustrata da Holly Lindem per l’articolo di Goldberg, l’Eritrea è occupata dall’Etiopia, un alleato degli Stati Uniti e d’Israele, e la Somalia è divisa in Somaliland, Puntland, e una più piccola Somalia.

In Iraq, sulla base dei concetti del Piano Yinon, gli strateghi israeliani hanno chiesto la divisione dell’Iraq in uno stato curdo e due stati arabi, una per i musulmani sciiti e l’altra per i musulmani sunniti. Ciò è stato ottenuto attraverso la balcanizzazione morbida del federalismo nell’Iraq, che ha permesso al Governo regionale del Kurdistan di negoziare con le compagnie petrolifere straniere per conto suo. Il primo passo verso l’istituzione di ciò fu la guerra tra Iraq e Iran, che era discussa nel Piano Yinon.

In Libano, Israele ha lavorato per esasperare le tensioni settarie tra le varie fazioni cristiane e musulmane, nonché i drusi. La divisione del Libano in diversi stati è anche visto come un mezzo per balcanizzare la Siria in piccoli diversi stati arabi settari. Gli obiettivi del Piano Yinon sono di dividere il Libano e la Siria in diversi stati sulla base dall’identità religiosa e settaria per i musulmani sunniti, sciiti, cristiani e drusi.

A questo proposito, l’assassinio di Hariri e il Tribunale speciale per il Libano (STL) giocano a favore di Israele, creando divisioni interne nel Libano e alimentando il settarismo politico. Questo è il motivo per cui Tel Aviv è stato assaiu favorevole al TSL e l’appoggia assai attivamente. In un chiaro segno della natura politicizzata del TSL e dei suoi legami con la geo-politica, gli Stati Uniti e la Gran Bretagna hanno anche dato al TSL milioni di dollari.

I legami tra gli attacchi contro i copti egiziani e il referendum in Sud Sudan

Dall’Iraq all’Egitto, i cristiani in Medio Oriente sono sotto attacco, mentre le tensioni tra musulmani sciiti e sunniti sono alimentate. L’attacco a una chiesa copta di Alessandria, il 1° gennaio 2011, o le successive proteste e rivolte copte non dovrebbero essere considerati isolatamente. [3] Né la furia successiva dei cristiani copti espressasi nei confronti dei musulmani e del governo egiziano. Questi attacchi contro i cristiani sono legati ai più ampi obiettivi geo-politica di Stati Uniti, Gran Bretagna, Israele e NATO sul Medio Oriente e sul mondo arabo.

Il Piano Yinon precisa che se l’Egitto viene  diviso, il Sudan e la Libia sarebbero anch’esse balcanizzate e indebolite. In questo contesto, vi è un legame tra il Sudan e l’Egitto. Secondo il Piano Yinon, i copti o cristiani d’Egitto, che sono una minoranza, sono la chiave per la balcanizzazione degli stati arabi del Nord Africa. Così, secondo il piano Yinon, la creazione di uno stato copto in Egitto (sud Egitto) e le tensioni cristiani-musulmani in Egitto, sono dei passi essenziali per balcanizzare il Sudan e il Nord Africa.

Gli attacchi ai cristiani in Medio Oriente sono parte delle operazioni di intelligence destinata a dividere il Medio Oriente e il Nord Africa. La tempistica degli attacchi crescenti ai cristiani copti in Egitto e il processo per il referendum nel Sud Sudan, non è una coincidenza. Gli eventi in Sudan ed Egitto sono collegati l’uno all’altro e sono parte del progetto per balcanizzare il mondo arabo e il Medio Oriente. Essi devono anche essere studiati in collaborazione con il Piano Yinon e con gli eventi in Libano e in Iraq, nonché in relazione agli sforzi per creare un divario sunniti-sciiti.

Le connessioni esterne di SSLA, SPLM e milizie nel Darfur

Come nel caso del Sudan, l’interferenza o l’intervento sono stati usati per giustificare l’oppressione dell’opposizione interna. Nonostante la  corruzione, Khartoum è stata sotto assedio per aver rifiutato di essere semplicemente un proxy. Il Sudan s’è giustificato sospettando le truppe straniere e accusando Stati Uniti, Gran Bretagna e Israele di erodere la solidarietà nazionale del Sudan.  Per esempio, Israele ha inviato armi ai gruppi di opposizione e ai movimenti separatisti in Sudan. Ciò è stato fatto attraverso l’Etiopia per anni, fino a quando l’Eritrea è diventata indipendente dall’Etiopia, che ha fatto perdere all’Etiopia l’accesso al Mar Rosso, e fatto sviluppare cattive relazioni tra gli etiopi e gli eritrei. In seguito le armi israeliane sono entrate nel Sud Sudan dal Kenya. Dal Sud Sudan, il People’s Liberation Movement del Sud Sudan (SPLM), che è il braccio politico del SSLA, avrebbe ceduto le armi alle milizie nel Darfur. I governi di Etiopia e Kenya, così come l’Uganda People’s Defence Force(UPDF), hanno anche lavorato a stretto contatto con Stati Uniti, Gran Bretagna e Israele in Africa orientale.

Il grado d’influenza israeliana nell’opposizione sudanese e nei gruppi separatisti è significativo. Il SPLM ha forti legami con Israele e suoi membri e sostenitori regolarmente visitano Israele. È grazie a questo, che Khartoum ha capitolato e ha rimosso le restrizioni ai passaporti sudanesi per le visita in Israele, alla fine del 2009, per soddisfare il SPLM. [4] Salva Kiir Mayardit ha anche detto che il Sud Sudan riconoscerà Israele quando sarà separato dal Sudan.

The Sudan Tribune ha riferito, il 5 marzo 2008, che gruppi separatisti in Darfur e nel Sudan meridionale aveva uffici in Israele:
I sostenitori di Israele [del Movimento di liberazione del Popolo del Sudan ] hanno annunciato la costituzione della sede in Israele del Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, ha detto oggi un comunicato stampa. 
Dopo consultazioni con i leader della SPLM a Juba, i sostenitori del SPLM in Israele hanno deciso di istituire l’ufficio del SPLM in Israele”. Detto [sic.] un comunicato ricevuto via email da Tel Aviv, firmato dalla segreteria dell’SLMP in Israele. La dichiarazione ha detto che l’ufficio avrebbe  promosso le politiche e la visione del SPLM nella regione. Ha inoltre aggiunto che, in conformità con il Comprehensive Peace Agreement, lo SPLM ha il diritto di aprire uffici in qualsiasi paese, compreso Israele. Ha inoltre segnalato che ci sono circa 400 sostenitori dell’SPLM in Israele. Il leader dei ribelli del Darfur, Abdel Wahid al-Nur ha detto la scorsa settimana, che ha aperto un ufficio a Tel Aviv. [5]”

Il dirottamento del referendum del 2011 in Sud Sudan

Cosa è successo al sogno di un’Africa unita o di un mondo arabo unito? Il Panarabismo, un movimento di unità di tutti i popoli di lingua araba, ha avuto pesanti perdite, come nell’unità africana. Il mondo arabo e l’Africa sono stati costantemente balcanizzati.

La secessione e balcanizzazione in Africa orientale e nel mondo arabo sono nei piani degli Stati Uniti, d’Israele e della NATO.

L’insurrezione della SSLA è stata segretamente sostenuta da Stati Uniti, Gran Bretagna e Israele dagli anni ’80. La formazione di un nuovo stato in Sudan non è destinata a servire gli interessi del popolo del Sud Sudan. Fa parte di un più ampio programma geo-strategico mirato al controllo del Nord Africa e del Medio Oriente.

Il conseguente processo di “democratizzazione” che porta fino al referendum del Gennaio 2011, serve gli interessi delle compagnie petrolifere anglo-statunitensi e alla rivalità contro la Cina. Questo avviene a detrimento della vera sovranità nazionale in Sud Sudan.

Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya è un ricercatore associato del Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).

NOTE
[1] una cleptocrazia è un governo e/o stato che lavora per proteggere, estendere, approfondire, continuare e consolidare la ricchezza della classe dirigente.

[2] Jeffrey Goldberg, “After Iraq: What Will The Middle East Look Like?” The Atlantic, gennaio/febbraio 2008.

[3] William Maclean, “Copts on global Christmas alert after Egypt bombing”, Reuters, 5 gennaio 2011.
[4] “Sudan removes Israel travel ban from new passport”, Sudan Tribune, 3 ottobre 2009: 


[5] “Sudan’s SPLM reportedly opens an office in Israel – statement”, Sudan Tribune, 5 marzo 2008:

http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?page=imprimable&....

 

 

 

ALLEGATO: La mappa del “Nuovo Medio Oriente” del The Atlantic
Nota: la seguente mappa è stata disegnata da Holly Lindem per un articolo di Jeffrey Goldberg. E’ stata pubblicata su The Atlantic di gennaio/febbraio 2008. (Copyright: The Atlantic, 2008). 

Fonte: Global Research 

http://globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=22736 

Traduzione di Alessandro Lattanzio

http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?iframe&page=impr...

 

 

 

di Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya - 27/01/2011

Fonte: eurasia [scheda fonte]

 

 

 

 

Slapend rijk in Brussel: Euro 24.000,- per maand

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Slapend rijk in Brussel: € 24.000,- per maand...

 

Midden in de crisis eisen EU-medewerkers loonsverhoging

De geldverslindende Europese Unie zorgt goed voor zijn handlangers: 37 topambtenaren verdienen meer dan de minister-president, 5.461 EU-bediendes krijgen meer dan 10.000 per maand. Daarnaast is er een overschot aan vakantiedagen beschikbaar, betalen de EU-medewerkers slechts 12% belasting en gaan ze maximaal op hun 61e op een luxe-pensioen van €12.600.

Een verzoek van de Oostenrijkse EU-afgevaardigde Martin Ehrenhauser onthulde het best bewaarde geheim in Brussel: wat verdienen eigenlijk de 23.186 EU-medewerkers? Hoe lang werken ze? En wat is hun pensioen?

Het resultaat overtrof de stoutste verwachtingen. De bureaucratie in Brussel heeft veel weg van een zelfbedieningswinkel met volkomen abstracte salarisstructuren. Daarnaast mogen de Europese ambtenaren zich verheugen over tal van extra voordelen. Een totaal aan 100.000 dagen 'bijzonder verlof', op je 61e met pensioen, vette pensioenen, royale kinderbijslag en tal van toelages en bonussen. En uiteraard de hallucinante belastingvoordelen die voor de 'gewone' burgers van de EU niet weggelegd zijn.

Topsalaris € 24000 per maand

Volgens de informatie die Ehrenhausr kreeg krijgen 37 topambtenaren in Brussel €24.000 per maand (en dat is meer dan menig minister-president of staatshoofd krijgt. Het basissalaris van de zogenaamde EU-topambtenaren ligt tussen de €16.601 en €18.025 per maand. Daar komen dan nog tal van toelages bij. Zo is er een speciale 'buitenlandtoelage' (die dus bijna alle medewerkers krijgen) van 16%, een huishoudtoelage van 0500 euro per maand en kinderbijslag van 300 euro per kind per maand.

Een op de vier medewerkers krijgt €10.000

Maar ook op de lagere etages in Brussel hoeft men geen honger te lijden. Precies 5461 ambtenaren krijgen meer dan 10.000 euro per maand. Dat betekent dus 23,55% van de Eurocraten, ofwel bijna een op de vier EU-medewerkers gaat met meer dan 10.000 euro naar huis.

Droombaan: EU-secretaresse

Blijft het beperkt tot de hogere etages? Welnee! Ook 'doodgewone' medewerkers graaien flink in de door de Europese belastingplichtigen gevulde ruif. Zo krijgt een beginnend secretaresse €2.550,-.

Netto.

Nauwelijks belasting

Opdat er natuurlijk iets overblijft van die vette salarissen hebben de eurocraten speciale belastingwetten voor zichzelf gecreëerd. Volgens de belastingexperts betalen EU-medewerkers nauwelijks belasting. Een ambtenaar met een basissalaris van €7.600 mag precies 900 euro aan de staat geven. Dat is net geen 12%. De gemiddelde EU-inwoner betaalt het driedubbele! Daarbij zijn alle toelages die de ambtenaren boven op hun vette salarissen krijgen belastingvrij. Ter vergelijking: in België betaalt een arbeider 60% belasting op toelages voor weekend- of avondwerk.

100.000 dagen 'bijzonder verlof'

Omdat veel EU-medewerkers ver van huis werken krijgen ze bovenop hun dikke salarissen ook nog eens royaal bemeten 'bijzonder verlof'. Per jaar vallen in Brussel 100.000 werkdagen uit. Uiteraard heeft dat geen enkele invloed op het inkomen.


Pensioen: 12.600 euro

En omdat vooral topambtenaren natuurlijk zo hard werken hebben ze ook recht op een appeltje voor de dorst wanneer ze op hun 61e 'op rust' gaan. Opdat het luxe leventje ook na de 'actieve' jaren kan worden voortgezet, kan bijvoorbeeld een Algemeen Directeur van de EU maandelijks bruto 22.000 euro tegemoet zien.

En ze willen uiteraard meer.

De personeelsvertegenwoordigers van de eurocraten hebben bij het Europees Gerechtshof in Luxemburg een klacht neergelegd over het tegenhouden van een serieuze loonsverhoging.

In 2009, midden in de crisis, hadden de hardwerkende EU-ambtenaren een extraatje van 3,7% voor zichzelf in gedachten. De Duitse bondskanselier Merkel en haar Oostenrijkse collega Werner Faymann spraken hun veto uit tegen de verhoging, maar dat pikten men niet in Brussel.

Terwijl in Europa miljoenen vrezen voor hun baan en hun broodwinning en keiharde besparingsmaatregelen moesten slikken, drukte de Europese Commissie er toch een verhoging van 1,85% door. En daartegen klagen de 'armoedzaaiers'. Ze willen met terugwerkende kracht ook de rest van de salarisverhoging.

Indien de rechters in Luxemburg hun collega's in het gelijk stellen kost dat de Europese belastingbetaler nog eens 170 miljoen aan achterstallige lonen.

Alle andere - kleinere - loonsverhogingen meegerekend zou daarmee het salaris van een EU-medewerker in drie jaar tijd met 7,2% gestegen zijn.

Zwijggeld is nu eenmaal duur...
________

Bron: Zonnewind.be

Ayméric Chauprade: contre le nouvel ordre mondial !


Ayméric Chauprade: contre le nouvel ordre mondial!

An Internal Clash of Civilizations

An Internal Clash of Civilizations

Dominique Venner

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com/

Translated by Greg Johnson

History does not move like the course of a river, but like the invisible movement of a tide filled with eddies. We see the eddies, not the tide. Such is the present historical moment in which Europeans and the French live. The contradictory eddies of the present hide from them the inexorable tide of a clash of civilizations in their own lands.

Since 1993, Samuel Huntington has distinguished with rather remarkable prescience, one of the most important new phenomena of the post-Cold War era. His thesis of the “clash of civilizations” provoked indignant reactions and sometimes justified criticisms.[1] However, what he predicted is being slowly  confirmed by reality. In substance, Huntington predicted that, in the post-Cold War era, the distinctions, conflicts, or solidarity between powers would no longer be ideological, political, or national, but above all civilizational.

Is the “clash of civilizations” really a new phenomenon? One might say that there were always conflicts between civilizations in the past: Median wars, the Christianization of Rome, the Muslim conquests, the Mongol invasions, the European expansion beginning in the 16th century, etc.

The novelty of our time, although ill-discerned by Huntington, is due to the combination of three simultaneous historical phenomena: the collapse of longstanding European supremacy after the two World Wars, decolonization, and the demographic, political, and economic rebirth of old civilizations that one might have believed were defunct. Thus the Moslem countries, China, India, Africa, or South America mounted, against American power (equated with the West), the challenge of their reawakening and sometimes aggressive civilizations.

The other novelty of our time, an absolute novelty, a consequence of the same historical reversals, is the wave of immigration and settlement by Africans, Asians, and Muslims hitting all of Western Europe. Everywhere, its effects are becoming crushing, in spite of attempts to hide it by the political and religious oligarchies, which are its objective accomplices.

Beyond the questions of “security” whipped up during elections, everything indicates that a genuine clash of civilizations is mounting on European soil and within European societies. Nothing proves it better than the absolute antagonism between Muslims and Europeans on the question of sex and femininity. A question that one could describe as eternal, so far as it is already discernible in Antiquity between the East and the West, then throughout the Middle Ages and modern times.[2] The female body, the social presence of women, the respect for femininity are eloquent proofs of identities in conflict, incompatible ways of being and living which span time. One could add many other moral and behavioral oppositions concerning with the good manners, education, food, the respect for nature and the animal world.

A consequence of this fundamental otherness is that Europeans are being compelled to discover their membership in a common identity. This identity rises above old national, political, or religious antagonisms. French, Germans, Spaniards, or Italians discover little by little that they are adrift in the same leaky boat, confronted with the same vital challenge before which the political parties remain dumb, blind, or crippled.

In the face of this conflict of civilizations, the political answers of yesterday suddenly seem outmoded and absurd. What is at stake is not a question of regime or society, right or left, but a vital question: to be or to disappear. But before we find the strength to decide what must be done to save our identity, it would still be necessary it to have a strong awareness of it.[3] For lack of an identitarian religion, Europeans have never had this awareness. The immense ordeal we are going through will have to awaken it.

Notes

1. See Nouvelle Revue d’Histoire no. 7, pp. 27 and 57.

2. Denis Bachelot, L’Islam, le sexe et nous [Islam, Sex, and us] (Buchet-Chastel, 2009). See also the article of this author in Nouvelle Revue d’Histoire no. 43, pp. 60–62.

3. I discuss the question of identity in my essay Histoire et tradition des Européens (Le Rocher, nouvelle édition 2004).

Source: http://www.dominiquevenner.fr/#/edito-nrh-51choc-civilisations/3745095

Translator’s Note: I omitted the first paragraph of the French original, which makes sense only in the context of the journal in which it was originally published.

?Etnocentrismo o etnopluralismo? Simplemente... Eurocentrismo

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¿Etnocentrismo o Etnopluralismo?
SIMPLEMENTE … EUROCENTRISMO
Sebastian J. Lorenz
No se trata de reproducir aquí el famoso debate entre el filósofo Alain de Benoist y el islamófobo Guillaume Faye, entre un etnopluralismo a la deriva que se ha desviado hacia el muticulturalismo pan-tercermundista y un etnonacionalismo eurocéntrico y monocultural, heterogeneidad contra homogeneidad, pero merece la pena recordarlo. Ésta es una aproximación a la tarea de superación tanto del diferencialismo biológico como del etnismo pluricultural, abogando por la aceptación de una “diversidad etnocultural”, pero ojo, no sólo hacia fuera de Europa sino, sobre todo, hacia una introspección de la riqueza histórico-cultural europea. A esto se le debería llamar “transeuropeísmo”, un término que evoca imágenes y conceptos revolucionarios, como transgresión de la modernidad, transformación de la realidad, transportación a los orígenes, transversalización de la europeidad. Aunque yo prefiero hablar de Urkulturalismo europeo, como un renacimiento de la cultura europea originaria en el sentido paleoeuropeo de la sabiduria del völk. Y tomamos Europa, no como el centro del mundo, sino como el núcleo de nuestros sentimientos: por esa razón, valoramos un etnopluralismo centrípeto (hacia dentro de los pueblos de Europa) y un etnocentrismo centrífugo (hacia afuera, respecto al resto del mundo).
El etnocentrismo es la concepción tribal y cerrada de un grupo, según la cual éste es el centro del mundo y punto referencial de valoración que identifica los ideales, los valores y las normas con el propio etnos, asumiento conductas discriminatorias o de rechazo contra los principios de otros grupos extraños. La psicología etnocéntrica se justifica a través de una serie de deformaciones aparentemente racionalizadas que, siguiendo a Pareto, reducen y humillan al grupo adverso a la posición simbólica del mal. Es el-grupo-de-nosotros frente a los-grupos-de-los-otros. Posiblemente haya sido así en la Europa de la edad moderna hasta 1945, pero la situación se ha invertido.
Las culturas superiores, humanísticas o técnicas, siempre han intentado imponer sus propios valores e instituciones, ya sea mediante el uso de la fuerza o de la razón, en términos de guerra o colonización, imperio o civilización. En el caso de Europa, en su peor versión “occidentalista”, se justifica el eurocentrismo con paradigmas o principios éticos que proclaman beneficios universales a cambio de una hegemónica superioridad. Esta visión provinciana –compartida desde Weber a Habermas- sobrevivió hasta el fin de la modernidad, coincidiendo con la pérdida de centralidad de Europa en el mundo. Pese a esta evidencia, la civilización europea ha seguido demonizándose con acusaciones de explotación y destrucción de las otras culturas para su beneficio propio, mientras los europeos sentimos un aburguesado sentimiento de culpabilidad hibridado con un falso altruismo paleo-cristiano que permite –y presume de ello- la creación de auténticos enclaves extra-europeos en nuestro viejo continente, como si se tratara de una compensación por nuestras injusticias históricas. Se hacía necesaria, pues, una reinterpretación de la etnicidad europea.
En tal proceso revisionista, Alain de Benoist abandonó progresivamente el diferencialismo biológico para adoptar un etnopluralismo que permitía reivindicar la identidad étnica europea en defensa tanto de su diversidad cultural, como del respeto a las identidades de los otros pueblos. Posteriormente, sin embargo, se produjo un giro radical con la aceptación del multiculturalismo, el tercermundismo y el asimilacionismo-integracionismo inmigratorio. Esto se llama “angelismo islámico”. Este cambio no lo entendieron, por ejemplo, ni Guillame Faye, ni tampoco Robert Steuckers, Pierre Vial o Pierre Krebs. El reconocimiento de una heterogeneidad étnica en Europa y el resto del mundo no debía cuestionar la homogeneidad biocultural europea. El derecho de las minorías a la diferencia no puede identificarse con la utopía de una Europa multicolor deseada por las ideologías igualitarias como el cristianismo y la doctrina de los derechos humanos. Así lo han entendido los grupos identitarios europeos, aunque el díscolo Faye, llevando al extremo su obsesiva islamofobia, busque ahora una alianza entre gentiles e israelitas.
El multiculturalismo no es sino una débil respuesta al fracaso del modelo USAmericano de integración social y racial de las diferencias conocida como melting pot, que luego ha querido exportarse a la pluriétnica Europa, como si fuera un “crisol de pueblos y culturas”. No puede admitirse sin debate la inmigración colectiva –desplazamiento masivo de poblaciones alógenas por diversos motivos socioeconómicos o ideológicos-, ni por motivos de invasión cultural o confesional (el caballo de Troya del Islam), ni por motivos de expansión comercial (las mafias asiáticas), ni por motivos de complejo post-colonial (la leyenda negra hispanoamericana), como les gustaría a los partidarios multiculturalistas de la “Internacional del Arco Iris”. Por el contrario, nada debe oponerse a la inmigración individual por motivos políticos o profesionales.
Pero el camino hacia el etnopluralismo europeo no se encuentra en la “asimilación” de los grupos inmigrantes extra-europeos (que presupone la superioridad de los patrones culturales de la mayoría dominante), ni en la “integración” (que supone la extensión de esos patrones a todas las minorías), ni tampoco en la “segregación” (que implica un reconocimiento de la auto-guetización). Precisamente, el multiculturalismo (ahora se habla ya de interculturalismo, ese moderno “interactuar entre culturas”) es una fuerza divisoria que perpetúa la escisión de la sociedad en grupos étnicos y constituye un factor de disgregación social.
Una sociedad europea regida por la comunicación, el intercambio y la convivencia entre las diversas culturas, como quiere Alain Toraine, es una utopía. Algo mejor es la propuesta de Jürgen Habermas: los derechos culturales de las minorías no pueder ser considerados derechos colectivos, sino individuales, garantizándolos al ciudadano, no al grupo por su adscripción étnica, cultural, confesional o sexual. Como dice Alberto Buela, el multiculturalismo es una trampa que sólo persigue la fusión cultural en el seno del mercado global. Al final, el multiculturalismo equivale a transformar el derecho a la diferencia en un ordenado deber de integración en otra identidad supuesta o impuesta, lo que, según Taguieff, acaba convirtiéndose en un peligroso “multirracismo” pues, contrariamente a lo que pretendía, provoca el “etnocidio” de las minorías culturales.
Bastante tiene Europa con acabar con sus agotadas naciones históricas, reconocer los derechos de sus propias etnias y sentar las bases para su re-unificación, pero hay que repensar el futuro caos étnico que supondrá la implosión de las comunidades árabes, bereberes, turcas, chinas, indias, latinoamericanas, etc, cada vez más numerosas y prolíficas. ¿Qué pasó con las migraciones tribales célticas, itálicas y germánicas? Que se fundieron por toda Europa por su parentesco biocultural indoeuropeo. ¿Que pasó con los emigrantes portugueses, españoles, italianos, polacos, rumanos, hacia el norte y el centro europeo en épocas recientes? Lo mismo. ¿Qué separa a un danés de un aragonés? Con mucho, el color del pelo o de los ojos.
¿Y qué separa a un gentleman inglés de un musulmán, un hindú o un peruano? Una forma de ser y convivir del “homo europeus”, incluso de combatir entre sí, que ha levantado un “nivel europeo” inalcanzable para otras culturas. Y un dato revelador: si el islam, la negritud, el criollismo, la indianidad, se reivindican precisamente frente a la europeidad, nosotros sólo podremos reencontrar nuestra perdida identidad comunitaria negando la suya en nuestro territorio, primero, y reconociéndola en el suyo, posteriormente. Eurosiberia contra Eurabia, para Faye; la nación Europa hasta Vladivostok de Thiriart; el eje París-Berlín-Moscú de Benoist.
El sociólogo y politólogo Robert Putnam, que ha estudiado las relaciones interétnicas en los USA, ha constatado que las redes que ligan a los miembros de una sociedad y las normas de reciprocidad, confianza y convivencia que derivan de las mismas tienden a desaparecer cuanto más se incrementa la diversidad étnica y cultural. Una verdad de perogrullo. Y terminamos con la conclusión de este “progresista” que contiene un doble rechazo digno de reflexión: «Sería una lástima que un progresismo “políticamente correcto” negara la realidad del desafío que constituye la diversidad étnica para la solidaridad social. Y sería igualmente lamentable que un conservadurismo ahistórico y etnocéntrico se negara admitir que ese desafío es a la vez deseable y posible.»

Lale Andersen - Wo die Nordseewellen...

Lale Andersen

Wo die Nordseewellen...

samedi, 29 janvier 2011

Tunisie: la révolution des privilégiés?

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Tunisie : la révolution des privilégiés ?

Un communiqué de Bernard Lugan : 

 

Ex: http://synthesenationale.hautetfort.com/

 

En France, les tartuffes politiques ont applaudi la chute d’une dictature qu’ils fréquentaient assidûment peu auparavant, à commencer par ceux qui voulaient cacher que le RCD (Rassemblement constitutionnel démocratique), le parti du président déchu était membre de l’Internationale socialiste [1].

 

Tous ont oublié qu’en 1987, l’accession au pouvoir du général Ben Ali avait été unanimement saluée comme une avancée démocratique, que sous sa ferme direction, la subversion islamiste avait été jugulée, que la Tunisie était devenue un pays moderne dont la crédibilité permettait un accès au marché financier international. Attirant capitaux et industries, le pays avait à ce point progressé que 80% des Tunisiens étaient devenus propriétaires de leur logement. Ce pôle de stabilité et de tolérance dans un univers musulman souvent chaotique voyait venir à lui des millions de touristes recherchant un exotisme tempéré par une grande modernité. Des milliers de patients venaient s’y faire opérer à des coûts inférieurs et pour une même qualité de soins qu’en Europe. Dans ce pays qui consacrait plus de 8% de son PIB à l’éducation, la jeunesse était scolarisée à 100%, le taux d’alphabétisation était de plus de 75%, les femmes étaient libres et ne portaient pas le voile ; quant à la démographie, avec un taux de croissance de 1,02%, elle avait atteint un quasi niveau européen. 20% du PIB national était investi dans le social et plus de 90% de la population bénéficiait d’une couverture médicale. Autant de réussites quasiment uniques dans le monde arabo-musulman, réussites d’autant plus remarquables qu’à la différence de l’Algérie et de la Libye, ses deux voisines, la Tunisie ne dispose que de faibles ressources naturelles.

 

Les Tunisiens étaient donc des privilégiés auxquels ne manquait qu’une liberté politique généralement inexistante dans le monde arabo-musulman. Ils se sont donc offert le luxe d’une révolution en ne voyant pas qu’ils se tiraient une balle dans le pied. Leur euphorie risque d’ailleurs d’être de courte durée car le pays va devoir faire le bilan d’évènements ayant provoqué des pertes qui s’élevaient déjà à plus de 2 milliards d’euros à la mi-janvier et qui représentaient alors 4% du PIB. La Tunisie va donc sortir de l’épreuve durablement affaiblie, à l’image du secteur touristique qui recevait annuellement plus de 7 millions de visiteurs et qui est aujourd’hui totalement sinistré, ses 350 000 employés ayant rejoint les 13,2% de chômeurs que comptait le pays en décembre 2010.

 

Pour le moment, les Tunisiens ont l’illusion d’être libres. Les plus naïfs croient même que la démocratie va résoudre tous leurs maux, que la corruption va disparaître, que le chômage des jeunes va être résorbé, tandis que les droits de la femme seront sauvegardés… Quand ils constateront qu’ils ont scié la branche sur laquelle ils étaient en définitive relativement confortablement assis, leur réveil sera immanquablement douloureux. Déjà, dans les mosquées, les prêches radicaux ont recommencé et ils visent directement le Code de statut personnel (CSP), ce statut des femmes unique dans le monde musulman. Imposé par Bourguiba en 1956, puis renforcé par Ben Ali en 1993, il fait en effet des femmes tunisiennes les totales égales des hommes. Désormais menacée, la laïcité va peu à peu, mais directement être remise en cause par les islamistes et la Tunisie sera donc, tôt ou tard, placée devant un choix très clair : l’anarchie avec l’effondrement économique et social ou un nouveau pouvoir fort.

 

Toute l’Afrique du Nord subit actuellement l’onde de choc tunisienne. L’Egypte est particulièrement menacée en raison de son effarante surpopulation, de l’âge de son président, de la quasi disparition des classes moyennes et de ses considérables inégalités sociales. Partout, la première revendication est l’emploi des jeunes et notamment des jeunes diplômés qui sont les plus frappés par le chômage. En Tunisie, à la veille de la révolution, deux chômeurs sur trois avaient moins de 30 ans et ils sortaient souvent de l’université. Le paradoxe est que, de Rabat à Tunis en passant par Alger, les diplômés sont trop nombreux par rapport aux besoins. Une fois encore, le mythe du progrès à l’européenne a provoqué un désastre dans des sociétés qui, n’étant pas préparées à le recevoir, le subissent.

 

En Algérie, où la cleptocratie d’Etat a dilapidé les immenses richesses pétrolières et gazières découvertes et mises en activité par les Français, la jeunesse n’en peut plus de devoir supporter une oligarchie de vieillards justifiant des positions acquises et un total immobilisme social au nom de la lutte pour l’indépendance menée il y a plus d’un demi-siècle. Même si les problèmes sociaux y sont énormes, le Maroc semble quant à lui mieux armé dans la mesure où la monarchie y est garante de la stabilité, parce qu’un jeune roi a su hisser aux responsabilités une nouvelle génération et parce que l’union sacrée existe autour de la récupération des provinces sahariennes. Mais d’abord parce que le Maroc est un authentique Etat-nation dont l’histoire est millénaire. Là est toute la différence avec une Algérie dont la jeunesse ne croit pas en l’avenir car le pays n’a pas passé, la France lui ayant donné ses frontières et jusqu’à son nom.

 

   

 

 

Explosie Moskou: onderzoekers verdenken Russische islamist

Explosie Moskou: onderzoekers verdenken Russische islamist

       
attentat-moscou.jpgMOSKOU 27/01 (AFP) = De onderzoekers verdenken er een Russische islamist van verantwoordelijk te zijn voor de zelfmoordaanslag van maandag op
de Moskouse luchthaven Domodedovo. Hij zou samen met een vrouw de aanslag gepleegd hebben. Dat berichtte de Russische krant Kommersant donderdag.
   De krant haalt politiebronnen aan. De man, met de naam Razdoboudko,
zou lid zijn van een islamistische rebellengroepering uit de regio van Stavropol. Die stad ligt in het zuiden van Rusland, in de Kaukasus.

In de Russische media circuleert de piste van een rebellengroepering die aanvankelijk een aanslag vlakbij het Rode Plein in Moskouzou gepland hebben tijdens Nieuwjaarsnacht. Een vrouw moest die aanslag uitvoeren, maar kwam om toen haar explosievengordel te vroeg
ontplofte. Een andere vrouw van de rebellengroepering zou dan de aanslag van maandag op Domodedovo gepleegd hebben.

Volgens de bronnen van Kommersant zouden de twee vrouwen onder dwang van Razdobouko gehandeld hebben, maar de man zou ook bij de aanslag maandag op de Moskouse luchthaven geweest zijn. Op de plaats van de feiten werd in elk geval het hoofd van een man gevonden, aldus Kommersant. VRW/VOC/

Krantenkoppen / Januari 2011 - 10

zeitungsleser2.jpg

Krantenkoppen
 
Januari 2011 /10
 
'Beter PVV'ers doodschieten'
FrontaalNaakt-blogger en medewerker van de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Peter Breedveld riep via Twitter de VN op om naar Nederland te komen om PVV'ers dood te schieten. Wat voor hem satire is, leidt op internet tot een stroom van verontwaardiging. Ook PVV-leider Geert Wilders reageert ontstemd: "Te walgelijk voor woorden. Die ambtenaar moet op staande voet worden ontslagen!"
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/binnenland/2011/01/bet...
 
‘Homorechten niet in gevaar door allochtonen’
Het idee dat de vrijheid van homoseksuelen en vrouwen teloor gaat door de aanwezigheid van allochtonen, is overdreven. Dat zei de Amsterdamse wethouder Andrée van Es (diversiteit, GroenLinks) vanavond tijdens een toespraak op een conferentie in de hoofdstad. ,,Het sentiment van de teloorgang van progressieve waarden is wat mij betreft onterecht.’’
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/binnenland/2011/01/hom...
 
'Lafaard' Hitler in de maling genomen
Adolf Hitler werd in juni '44 flink in het ootje genomen door de Britse geheime dienst. De Britten slaagden er via een onderschepte memo in Hitler ervan te overtuigen dat D-Day niet aan de kust van Normandië, maar die van Pas de Calais zou plaatsvinden.
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/buitenland/2011/01/laf...
 
Duitsland stopt steun aan VN-aidsfonds
Duitsland zal de komende tijd geen bijdragen geven aan het internationale fonds dat strijd tegen aids, tuberculose en malaria. De oosterburen besloten hiertoe na berichten over corruptie.
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/buitenland/2011/01/dui...
 
35 procent meer moslims in 2030
De tsunami van moslims, die sommige personen vrezen, lijkt meer een klein golfje te worden.
De komende twintig jaar groeit het aantal moslims in Europa slechts met twee procent. Nederland telt in 2030 ruim 1,3 miljoen moslims, dat is 7,8 procent van alle Nederlanders. Dat blijkt uit een studie van het Amerikaanse Pew Research Center's Forum on Religion and Public Life.
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/buitenland/2011/01/35_...
 
Telegrafist Hitler wordt oud
Wie nog op een brief wacht van Rochus Misch, de oude radiotelegrafist van Adolf Hitler, kan het wel vergeten. De man is inmiddels zo oud dat hij de gigantische lading aan fanmail niet meer kan beantwoorden.
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/buitenland/2011/01/tel...
 
'Alstublieft, Allah, dood alle joden'
Een imam van de Palestijnse terreurorganisatie Hamas is in opspraak geraakt door in een gebed aan Allah te vragen om het vermoorden van alle joden. Hij doet de uitspraken in een twee uur durende documentaire, To Shoot the Elephant, die tegen Israël gericht is en wordt uitgezonden op Palestijnse middelbare scholen.
http://www.spitsnieuws.nl/archives/buitenland/2011/01/als...
 
Terreurverdachten mogen worden uitgeleverd aan België
De drie Marokkaanse Nederlanders, die in november werden opgepakt op verdenking van betrokkenheid bij terrorisme, mogen worden uitgeleverd aan België. Dat heeft de rechtbank in Amsterdam donderdag bepaald.
http://www.refdag.nl/nieuws/binnenland/terreurverdachten_...
 
Frankrijk steunt Grieks grenshek
Frankrijk steunt het Griekse plan om een hek te plaatsen langs delen van de grens met Turkije om illegale immigratie tegen te gaan. Dat heeft de Franse minister van binnenlandse zaken Brice Hortefeux donderdag gezegd.
http://www.trouw.nl/nieuws/wereld/article3398210.ece/Fran...
 
Leers vecht vonnis zaak Sahar aan
Minister voor Immigratie en Asiel Gerd Leers (CDA) gaat in hoger beroep in de zaak van het Afghaanse meisje Sahar. Hij wil van de Raad van State horen of herhaaldelijk procederen, met langdurig verblijf en verwestering tot gevolg, reden moet zijn voor verblijf. Hij vindt de zaak niet zo uitzonderlijk dat hij voor het meisje een uitzondering maakt.
http://www.trouw.nl/nieuws/nederland/article3397960.ece/L...
 
SP wellicht naar rechter om 'discriminatie'
De SP-afdeling van Oude IJsselstreek overweegt een gang naar de rechter als de partij niet meer mag inspreken tijdens vergaderingen van de gemeenteraad. De afdeling krijgt daarbij steun van de Tweede Kamer-fractie van de partij, die een ‘gepeperde’ brief gaat schrijven naar de gemeente. „Hier wordt een grondrecht geschaad. We worden gediscrimineerd op politieke voorkeur. Dat mag niet”, vindt Maurits Gemmink van de plaatselijke SP.
http://www.gelderlander.nl/voorpagina/achterhoek/8044619/...
 
'Bezuinigen op inburgering is dom'
„De bezuinigingen van het kabinet op het inburgeren van mensen vind ik dom”, zegt Otwin van Dijk, wethouder van de gemeente Doetinchem.
http://www.gelderlander.nl/voorpagina/achterhoek/8043691/...
 
Nederland was en is voor Israël
Ook al groeit alom de kritiek op Israël, Nederland is een trouwe steunpilaar gebleven. De documenten die door WikiLeaks naar buiten zijn gebracht kleuren dat beeld verder in.
http://nos.nl/artikel/214587-nederland-was-en-is-voor-isr...
 
PVV: er is angst voor achterban GroenLinks
Volgens de PVV worden er ,,politieke spelletjes'' gespeeld rond het debat over een nieuwe missie in Afghanistan. Een meerderheid van de Kamer wil per se donderdagavond nog het debat afronden, waar de tegenstanders van de missie PVV, SP en de PvdA meer tijd hebben gevraagd.
http://www.bnr.nl/artikel/21296767/pvv-angst-achterban-gr...

NATO knew Hashim Thaçi was criminal

Ex: http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=201...
d=72322

"NATO knew Hashim Thaci was criminal"

Source: BBC, Guardian.co.uk

Hashim_Thaci.jpgLONDON -- A London newspaper has published leaked NATO documents that
describe Kosovo Albanian PM as one of the "biggest fish" in organized crime
in Kosovo.

The Guardian has published the article on the day the Parliamentary Assembly
of the Council of Europe is debating a draft resolution based on Dick
Marty's report on human organ trafficking in Kosovo, and Albania, writes the
BBC.

The article also incriminates Xhavit Haliti, "a former head of logistics for
the KLA who is now a close ally of the prime minister and a senior
parliamentarian in his ruling PDK party", whom the Marty report named as a
member of the so-called Drenica Group.

The newspaper says the NATO documents are marked secret, and reveal that
America and other western backing Kosovo's government "have had extensive
knowledge of its criminal connections for several years".

Haliti is linked with the Albanian mafia in the report, which also suggests
that he is the person who "exerts considerable control over Thaci".

Haliti is expected to be among Kosovo's official delegation to Strasbourg
tomorrow and has played a leading role in seeking to undermine the Marty
report in public, writes the Guardian.

The NATO papers, said to have originated in Kosovo in 2004, also suggest
that "behind his role as a prominent politician, Haliti is also a senior
organized criminal who carries a Czech 9mm pistol and holds considerable
sway over the prime minister"

It further says that Haliti "more or less ran a fund for the Kosovo war in
the late 1990s, profiting from the fund personally before the money dried
up. As a result, Haliti turned to organized crime on a grand scale."

The daily further quotes from the NATO documents to describe Haliti as
"highly involved in prostitution, weapons and drugs smuggling", who "serves
as a political and financial adviser to the prime minister". Haliti uses a
fake passport to travel abroad because he is black-listed in several
countries, including the U.S., according to this.

Haliti is further linked to the alleged intimidation of political opponents
in Kosovo and two suspected murders dating back to the late 1990s, "when KLA
infighting is said to have resulted in numerous killings".

"One was a political adversary who was found dead by the Kosovo border,
apparently following a dispute with Haliti. A description of the other
suspected murder - of a young journalist in Tirana, the Albanian capital -
also contains a reference to the prime minister by name, but does not
ascribe blame," writes the Guardian.

"Haliti is also named in the report by Marty, which is understood to have
drawn on NATO intelligence assessments along with reports from the FBI and
MI5," says the article.

Les dernières frasques libertaires et déontologiques de BHL

Les dernières frasques libertaires et déontologiques de BHL

Ex: http://www.acrimed.org/article3520.html

BHL_par_Mor-2-cece2.jpgEncore BHL ? Oui, encore ! Mais pourquoi un tel acharnement ? Parce que l’année 2011 débute en fanfare pour le philosophe en chemise blanche, décidément sur tous les fronts. Et parce que cette fausse grandeur est en charge de la surveillance de plusieurs médias. Pauvres médias !

BHL a-t-il aidé à la censure de Stéphane Hessel ?

C’est en tout cas ce qu’affirme Richard Prasquier, président du Conseil représentatif des institutions juives de France (Crif), dans un éditorial publié le 13 janvier sur le site du Crif. Richard Prasquier se félicite de l’annulation d’une conférence qui devait se dérouler à l’Ecole normale supérieure, en présence de Stéphane Hessel, mais aussi, entre autres, d’Elisabeth Guigou, de Benoît Hurel (Syndicat de la magistrature), de Leïla Shahid (représentante de la Palestine à Bruxelles) ou encore de Michel Warshawski (militant israélien). Le thème de la conférence était la solidarité avec les militants de la campagne de boycott d’Israël poursuivis en justice.

Le CRIF affirme que c’est grâce à son action que la directrice de l’ENS, Monique Canto-Sperber, a décidé d’annuler la conférence. Et, au détour d’une phrase, rend hommage à Valérie Pécresse, au rectorat de Paris, « ainsi qu’à Claude Cohen Tanoudij, prix Nobel de Physique, Bernard Henri Lévy et Alain Finkielkraut, tous anciens élèves de l’Ecole normale supérieure ». La phrase ne souffre d’aucune ambiguité : les trois « anciens » seraient, comme la ministre et le rectorat, intervenus auprès de la direction de l’ENS. BHL, ami d’Israël, aurait-il participé de près ou de loin à ce qui ressemble à s’y méprendre à une atteinte à la liberté d’expression ?

Pendant cinq jours, BHL ne réagit pas à l’éditorial de Richard Prasquier. C’est le 18 janvier, alors que « l’affaire » commence à faire du « buzz » (nous y reviendrons dans un prochain article), qu’il se signale. D’une curieuse manière. C’est en effet au Nouvel Obs, et non au Crif, que BHL fait parvenir le démenti qui suit :

« Je rentre des Etats-Unis et apprends qu’un débat autour de l’opération BDS a été annulé à l’Ecole normale. Contrairement à ce que laisse entendre votre site, je ne suis intervenu ni auprès de madame Canto-Sperber ni auprès de quiconque pour recommander l’annulation de ce débat. Je suis, par principe, même et surtout quand le désaccord est profond, partisan de la confrontation des points de vue – pas de leur "annulation" ».

Dont acte.

Dont acte ? Ou presque.

De deux choses l’une :
– soit le Crif dit la vérité, et BHL tente désespérément de se démarquer de cette initiative peu glorieuse, probablement en raison du « buzz » qu’elle a suscité ;
– soit le Crif ment. Mais dans ce cas, pourquoi BHL qui, chacun le sait, se sent très concerné par tout ce qui le concerne, a-t-il attendu cinq jours avant de réagir ? Pourquoi ne pas avoir exigé qu’un erratum soit publié sur le site de ceux qui sont à la source de cette « mauvaise » information, et non sur le site du Nouvel Obs, qui s’est contenté de la relayer ? Et pourquoi Richard Prasquier n’a-t-il pas, à l’heure où nous écrivons, changé la moindre virgule de son éditorial du 13 janvier ?

Autant de questions qui, pour l’instant, demeurent sans réponse. On ne doute pas que l’affaire ne manquera pas de connaître de nouveaux développements et rebondissements. A l’image d’une autre affaire impliquant BHL, celle qui l’oppose à Bernard Cassen.

BHL salit de nouveau Bernard Cassen...

Nous l’avions rapporté dans un précédent article : dans son Bloc-notes du 23 décembre, BHL commettait une bourde infamante : confondre, en évoquant les « Assises contre l’islamisation de l’Europe », Bernard Cassen, ancien directeur du Monde diplomatique, et Pierre Cassen, animateur de Riposte laïque. Cette utile confusion avait permis à Bernard-Henri de remettre au goût du jour l’un de ses thèmes favoris : les passerelles entre « rouges » et « bruns ». Si la bourde a été rapidement corrigée, BHL n’a toujours pas présenté ses excuses à Bernard Cassen. Bien au contraire...

En effet, dans son Bloc-notes du 6 janvier, il remet le couvert, évoquant « le double procès que [lui] intentent, pour le même article, un groupuscule d’extrême droite et un ancien du Monde diplo ». Par un (pas très) subtil procédé rhétorique, BHL réussit finalement là où il avait échoué deux semaines plus tôt : amalgamer Bernard Cassen et l’extrême droite. L’usage de l’expression « double procès  » est en effet lourde de sens : Cassen et le Bloc identitaire n’étaient peut-être pas côte à côte aux « assises », mais ils le sont désormais dans une croisade commune contre le philosophe en chemise blanche. En somme, BHL, adepte de la prophétie auto-réalisatrice, avait raison avant tout le monde. Soyons certains que cette clairvoyance ne manquerait pas, si l’affaire devait prendre une tournure judiciaire, d’être saluée par les tribunaux.

… et offre une tribune au Bloc identitaire

Tribunaux que la direction du Point semble vouloir éviter, puisqu’elle a accordé au Bloc identitaire, sympathique groupement de jeunes gens épris de valeurs progressistes, un droit de réponse aux approximations de Bernard-Henri Lévy. Comme nous l’avions signalé, l’accusation de « tentative d’assassinat contre Jacques Chirac » portée contre cette organisation était des plus contestables : le Bloc identitaire en tant que tel n’existait pas à l’époque, et c’est Maxime Brunerie, un proche de l’ancêtre du Bloc, Unité radicale, qui avait tenté de tirer sur le chef de l’Etat.

Le Bloc identitaire a donc pu, grâce à la rigueur de BHL, s’adresser, entre autres, au lectorat du Point. Une audience quantitativement inédite pour une organisation qui, bien qu’elle récuse le terme de groupuscule, n’a pas franchement pignon sur rue. Et même si Bernard-Henri a rédigé une « mise au point » à la suite du droit de réponse, le résultat est là : BHL aura offert, à cause de la démesure et de l’emphase habituelles de ses propos, une formidable tribune au Bloc, sans aucun doute ravi de cette publicité à moindres frais. Nous présentons à BHL toutes nos félicitations, auxquelles nous nous empressons d’en ajouter d’autres, au sujet de son courage et de sa lucidité quant à la révolution tunisienne.

BHL et la Tunisie, épisode 1 : le résistant de la 26e heure

Les quelques motivés qui suivent l’actualité du philosophe médiatique ont constaté qu’il a été, durant de longues semaines, silencieux sur la situation en Tunisie. Et soudain, le miracle est arrivé.

Le 13 janvier, (veille du départ de Ben Ali), depuis les États-Unis où il se trouve alors, Bernard-Henri Lévy lance – sur l’antenne d’Europe 1 – un appel dont le retentissement dépasse, et de loin, l’Appel de Londres lancé par le général de Gaulle. Le site « officieux » de BHL se charge, dès le lendemain, de mettre en valeur cette initiative. Les bonnes causes sont avant tout celles qui sont bonnes à la promotion de BHL-Moi-Je. 

Extrait : « Les Tunisiens vivent leur 1789. Et Bernard-Henri Lévy est de ceux qui ont compris que, pour gagner une bataille comme celle-ci, le Net est aujourd’hui un outil incontournable. Il sait les risques juridiques qu’il prend. Mais que faisaient d’autres ceux et celles de ses aînées qui, naguère, signaient des appels pour l’avortement ou pour l’insoumission dans la guerre d’Algérie. C’est la même logique, toujours ». Quand BHL ne met pas lui-même en scène sa légendaire modestie, ses amis se chargent de le faire pour lui.

Mais quelle est donc la prouesse qui nous a valu ce modeste éloge ? Le résistant BHL a posté un message sur Twitter via le compte de sa revue La règle du jeu : « Hackers de tous les pays, unissez-vous. Soutenez les Anonymous. Piratez, bloquez les sites officiels de la Tunisie de Ben Ali. BHL ». Les Anonymous sont des hackers qui, depuis plusieurs semaines, multipliaient les attaques informatiques contre les sites du régime tunisien… sans avoir attendu le réveil de BHL.

Et pourtant, toujours sur le site, on apprend que, malgré le retard à l’allumage de BHL, son « Tweet » « a fait le tour de la Toile ». Vérification faite, le tour fut rapide, comme en témoigne cette capture d’écran, réalisée plus de quarante-huit heures après la publication de l’appel :

 

Un écho international à la hauteur du courage de Bernard-Henri, résistant de la vingt-sixième heure.

BHL et la Tunisie, épisode 2 : Arabes, musulmans, même combat !

Après la chute de Ben Ali, Bernard-Henri ne tient plus en place. Dans son Bloc-notes du 18 janvier, titré « Leçons tunisiennes », il tire, à chaud, ses premiers bilans de la révolte populaire. On apprend ainsi que l’un des éléments notables du soulèvement tunisien est qu’il s’agit d’une « insurrection arabe » (c’est la deuxième « leçon ») : « Eh oui. Rappelez-vous ceux qui nous disaient qu’il y a des peuples faits pour la révolte et d’autres qui ne le sont pas ». Pour BHL, les événements de Tunisie sont la démonstration qu’il n’y a pas de peuple imperméable aux principes démocratiques : « les principes démocratiques sont des principes universels ». Même les Arabes, donc ! Saluons le courage avec lequel Bernard-Henri se défend contre la droite xénophobe et néo-coloniale...

Suit alors une prophétie quasi planétaire : « Aujourd’hui, la Tunisie. Demain, la Libye de Kadhafi. La Syrie de la famille Assad. Peut-être l’Iran d’Ahmadinejad ». Une déclaration qui nous vaudra peut-être un erratum de plus puisque, cher Bernard-Henri, les Iraniens ne sont pas Arabes : ce sont des Perses. Mais c’est vrai qu’après tout la majorité d’entre eux sont aussi des musulmans. L’amalgame est d’autant plus fâcheux qu’il est courant chez ceux que BHL prétend pourfendre dans sa chronique, « ces apôtres de la guerre des civilisations pour qui l’idée même d’un pays musulman et, en particulier, arabe ouvert aux droits de l’homme était une contradiction dans les termes ». On espère que Bernard-Henri saura, avant de nous infliger ses prochaines « leçons » politico-philosophiques, réviser ses leçons d’histoire-géographie.

Selon les fans de BHL, BHL triomphe aux Etats-Unis

Cette approximation est peut-être une conséquence de l’épuisant séjour de BHL aux États-Unis, destiné à promouvoir le livre coécrit avec Michel Houellebecq, Ennemis publics : une tournée qui, d’après le site de la revue de BHL, fut, comme l’annonce le titre de l’article qui lui est consacré, un « Triomphe, aux USA, pour Bernard-Henri Lévy et Michel Houellebecq ». Promotion réussie d’un livre, dont on nous dit qu’ « il semble qu’il soit parti pour faire un tabac ».

En témoigneraient, notamment, les critiques de la presse écrite états-unienne. Maria de França, qui a signé l’article de La règle du jeu, mentionne ainsi « la critique, excellente, signée par Sam Munson dans le Wall Street Journal ». Une critique, il est vrai, plutôt élogieuse. Puis l’article évoque « Les deux critiques, moins favorables mais importantes, signées, dans le New-York Times, par Dwight Garner (page culturelle quotidienne) et Ian Buruma (supplément Livres du week end) ».

Les extraits qui suivent, tirés de la critique de Ian Buruma, montrent ce que La règle du jeu appelle une critique « moins favorable » :

« On peut lire ce livre, un dialogue entre deux célèbres auteurs français, comme un roman comique, une brillante satire traitant de la vanité des écrivains […] ».

« Le running gag qui imprègne l’ensemble de la discussion est cette vaine prétention selon laquelle BHL, l’intellectuel le plus célébré et le plus médiatique [1] en France, et […] l’auteur de best-sellers Michel Houellebecq seraient détestés, persécutés et méprisés par à peu près tout le monde […] ».

« Ce qui est hilarant […] est l’usage des hyperboles […] ».

Et encore :

– « [A propos de la façon dont BHL revendique ses « engagements » (Daniel Pearl, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Sarajevo, etc.)] : c’est ce que les Allemands appellent un Hochstapler, quelque chose qui se situe entre le vantard et l’imposteur, une célèbre figure comique dans la littérature européenne. (...) »

« Tout est brillamment exécuté. Mais je crains d’avoir à dire que rien de tout ceci n’est destiné à être lu comme un roman comique. Tout est fait avec le plus grand sérieux du monde ».

Etc.

Une critique « moins favorable » ? BHL et ses amis ont, décidément, le triomphe modeste, et manient tout aussi bien l’euphémisme que l’hyperbole. C’est sans doute cela, le « style BHL », complément indispensable de la rigueur et de la probité qu’il met au service du microcosme médiatique et de sa surveillance.

Parole de pape

Un style dont l’emphase et la solennité tiennent en général lieu d’argumentation.

Dans son Bloc-notes du 6 janvier, BHL professe : « Benoît XVI est parfaitement fondé à dire que les chrétiens sont, aujourd’hui, à l’échelle de la planète, le groupe religieux "en butte au plus grand nombre de persécutions" ». Aucun chiffre, aucune enquête, ne viennent étayer ce propos nuancé. Il faut dire que la source de BHL est connue pour sa modération et son objectivité.

Rideau.

Julien Salingue (avec Henri et Serge)

Götz Kubitschek - Konservative Subversive Aktion (KSA)

Götz Kubitschek

Konservative Subversive Aktion

KSA

 

Alexander Slavros - Portrait of Ernst Jünger

Portrait of Ernst Jünger by Alexander Slavros
 
 

Jacqueline de Romilly et la bonne Grèce

20070402_WWW000000512_6911_1.jpg

Jacqueline de Romilly et la bonne Grèce

par Claude BOURRINET

Assurément, il n’est guère correct de s’en prendre à une défunte et à son œuvre. La seule excuse à donner est que l’académicienne n’aurait pas pris la peine de réfuter ce qui suit. Cependant, le ton dithyrambique et l’encens qui ont accompagné les obsèques de l’illustre helléniste avait de quoi irriter, non seulement parce que la flagornerie, même quand il s’agit d’un mort, horripile, comme si ce supplément d’âme eût l’heur de faire oublier la catastrophe annoncée qui ruine l’enseignement du latin et du grec en France, mais on ne s’est guère demandé, et pour cause, si la bonne dame du Collège de France avait fait tout ce qu’il fallait pour qu’une telle tragédie fût devenue impensable. Il y eut bien des pétitions, des murmures de couloir, mais Jacqueline de Romilly était bien trop intégrée pour ruer comme une bacchante ou poursuivre les assassins du grec comme une Érinye assoiffée de sang.

À vrai dire, je n’ai jamais essayé de lire un de ses ouvrages sans que le livre me tombe des mains, tellement il est farci de bons sentiments, et de cette manie anachronique de démontrer l’impossible, à savoir que les Grecs, c’était nous, les modernes de 1789, de la République etc. Le paradigme politique a radicalement changé, tant le christianisme a bouleversé notre manière de voir le monde et les hommes, l’individualisme, la marchandisation, la coupure avec un ordre holiste du monde ont contribué à broyer ce qui demeurait de l’Antiquité. Au demeurant, Walter Friedrich Otto le dit très bien dans Les dieux de la Grèce; comme le souligne Détienne dans la préface de cet ouvrage fondamental : « il faut […] prendre la mesure de ce qui nous sépare, de ce qui nous rend étrangers à l’esprit grec; et en conséquence dénoncer les préjugés [positiviste et chrétien] qui nous empêchent de comprendre «  les dieux de la Grèce ” ».

Et si, bien sûr, la Grèce est à l’origine de l’Europe, ce n’est pas dans le sens où les héritiers de la IIIe République l’entendent. D’une certaine manière, même si je me retrouve dans cette époque, en en partageant tous les fondements, y compris les plus scandaleux pour un moderne, et qui sont très éloignés de l’idéologie néochrétienne des droits de l’homme, la Grèce antique est complètement différente du monde contemporain. À son contact, on est en présence avec la véritable altérité (en fait notre identité). Hegel disait que pour un moderne, un Grec est aussi bizarre et étrange qu’un chien.

Voilà ce que qu’écrivait Hegel de l’Africain dans La Raison dans l’Histoire : « C’est précisément pour cette raison que nous ne pouvons vraiment nous identifier, par le sentiment, à sa nature, de la même façon que nous ne pouvons nous identifier à celle d’un chien, ou à celle d’un Grec qui s’agenouillait devant l’image de Zeus. Ce n’est que par la pensée que nous pouvons parvenir à cette compréhension de sa nature; nous ne pouvons en effet sentir que ce qui est semblable à nos sentiments. »

Le fondement de la pensée véritable, c’est ce sentiment d’étrangeté, un arrachement aux certitudes les plus convenues, pour parvenir à notre vérité profonde.

Un Grec est plus proche du Sioux, d’une certaine façon, que du kantien.

Maintenant, avec un effort d’imagination et beaucoup de caractère, on peut se sentir plus proche du Sioux que du kantien.

Jacqueline de Romilly n’a eu donc de cesse d’invoquer la Grèce antique pour louer les vertus supposées de la modernité : la démocratie, dont chacun sait qu’elle est une « invention des Grecs », l’égalité, notamment entre hommes et femmes, les droits de l’homme, etc. La presse ne s’est pas fait faute de le rappeler à satiété, comme si le retour à l’hellénisme ne pouvait que passer par les fourches caudines du politiquement correct.

La source des confusions, lorsqu’on s’avise de s’inspirer des théories politiques de l’Antiquité pour définir les modèles organisationnels de la meilleure société possible, est que nous avons affaire à deux mondes différents, et l’erreur de perspective conduit à des décalages conceptuels et symboliques, à des malentendus. Les notions qui font l’objet d’un glissement suprahistorique fallacieux, confinant à l’anachronisme, sont aisément repérables dans cette phrase, tout à fait représentative du style qu’on trouve chez nos universitaires : « Un sens de l’humanité sorti de l’histoire dont les valeurs et les idées sont toujours dans l’actualité, surtout si on a à l’esprit les remises en cause actuelles des valeurs républicaines de liberté, d’égalité et de fraternité, au nom du droit à la différence confinant à la différence des droits, du communautarisme encouragé par le clientélisme politique, d’un retour radical du religieux et du patriarcat déniant aux femmes qu’elles puissent être les égales de l’homme ! » (Guylain Chevrier, docteur en histoire, cf. http://www.agoravox.fr)

Tout y est, avec même le ton déclamatoire.

La réduction, dans les classes de collège et de lycée, de l’apport hellénique à la démocratie a de quoi irriter. Luciano Canfora , pour ne parler que du terme « démocratie », a démontré que, dans le préambule à la Constitution européenne de 2003, ses concepteurs, par « « bassesse » philologique », ont falsifié les « propos que Thucydide prête à Périclès » (qui était, de facto, prince – prôtos anêr, dixit Thucydide – d’Athènes) en assimilant démocratie et liberté. La « gaffe » provient de leur formation scolaire, qui leur a révélé que « la Grèce a inventé la démocratie » (« formule facile, tellement simplificatrice qu’elle se révèle fausse », écrit Canfora), sans entrevoir qu’« aucun texte écrit par un auteur athénien ne célèbre la démocratie » ! Celle-là, dans l’histoire des Grecs antiques, a été un régime minoritaire, ramassé dans le temps, qu’il n’a pas été si démocratique que cela (au sens moderne), et qu’il a été méprisé par pratiquement tous les penseurs, à commencer par le premier, Platon, qui lui reprocha d’avoir assassiné Socrate. Il faudrait analyser de plus près ce que dit Aristote, qui est plutôt pour le gouvernement des meilleurs.

D’autre part, la notion d’égalité est aussi un piège : Agamemnon par exemple est le primus inter pares. Il n’est pas question d’égalité entre êtres humains, mais entre aristocrates, entre rois. Thersite en sait quelque chose, qui reçoit de la part d’Ulysse un coup de sceptre pour avoir prôné le défaitisme, et, avant tout, pour avoir pris la parole.

Pratiquement personne n’a remis en cause l’esclavage.

Ce que l’on omet de dire, c’est que, si l’on survole l’histoire hellénique jusqu’à Rome et au-delà, le régime qui s’impose et qui, justifié par les stoïciens, les platoniciens et d’autres, semble le plus légitime, surtout après Alexandre, c’est la monarchie. L’Empire romain est fondé sur cette idéologie, comme l’a montré Jerphagnon.

Qu’en est-il de l’égalité entre l’homme et la femme ? Ce n’est pas à un Grec qu’on va faire passer cette baliverne ! Il en aurait bien ri, lui qui, sur cette question, ressemble beaucoup à un musulman, en remisant son épouse dans le gynécée. Lysistrata est une COMÉDIE, destinée à FAIRE RIRE ! Autant dire que l’idée d’égalité entre hommes et femmes était présentée comme une bouffonnerie.

Je renvoie à Vernant pour ce qui est du « mythe d’Œdipe », qu’il dénonce savamment en montrant que Freud s’était trompé sur toute la ligne.

Loin de moi l’idée de démolir la statue funèbre de Jacqueline de Romilly, mais j’avoue que les éloges actuels m’énervent un peu.

Pour apprécier en profondeur la pensée grecque (et subsidiairement romaine), autant lire Vernant, Jerphagnon (l’exquis !), Friedrich Otto, Paul Veyne, qui me semblent plus incisifs que la bonne dame pour classes terminales…

Claude Bourrinet


Article printed from Europe Maxima: http://www.europemaxima.com

URL to article: http://www.europemaxima.com/?p=1846

Celtic Woman - Caledonia by Lady Avalonya

Celtic Woman

Caledonia by Lady Avalonya

D. H. Lawrence on America

D. H. Lawrence on America

Derek HAWTHORNE

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com/

LAW1.jpgI have contributed several essays to Counter-Currents dealing with D. H. Lawrence’s critique of modernity. Those essays might lead the reader to believe that Lawrence treats modernity as a universal ideology or worldview that could be found anywhere.

However, in many of his writings Lawrence treats modernity as, in effect, a spiritual disease that specifically afflicts white, northern Europeans. Everything I have said in other essays about the modern overemphasis on the “spiritual sympathetic centres” and how we starve the “lower centres” in favor of the upper, or how love and benevolence are our undoing, Lawrence usually frames in explicitly racial terms. Modernity, in other words, is the condition of white, Northern European peoples, the peoples who initiated modernity in the first place.

In a letter from October 8, 1924, when he was living in New Mexico, Lawrence writes: “I loathe winter. They gas about the Nordic races, over here, but I believe they’re dead, dead, dead. I hate all that comes from the north.” Like Nietzsche, Lawrence does not lament the “death” (or decline) of the Nordic races. He merely observes it. Nor, generally speaking, does he fall into the common error of romanticizing other races. (However, he does on occasion contrast “northern” to “southern” culture, usually to the detriment of the former.)

In Women in Love, Gerald Crich represents the white race in general; his life is an allegory of what Lawrence believes is wrong with the “northern people,” and his death symbolizes what Lawrence regarded as their degeneration. Early in the novel, Gudrun Brangwen reacts to him:

There was something northern about him that magnetised her. In his clear northern flesh and his fair hair was a glisten like sunshine refracted through crystals of ice. And he looked so new, unbroached, pure as an arctic thing. . . . “His totem is the wolf,” she repeated to herself.

Later in the novel, Birkin reflects on Gerald: “He was one of these strange white wonderful demons of the north, fulfilled in the destructive frost mystery. And was he fated to pass away in this knowledge, this one process of frost-knowledge, death by perfect cold?”

Like Gerald’s, the end of the white race shall be an ice death: a death brought about by cold ideals and abstractions; a cutting off from the source, from the life mystery. “The white races, having the Arctic north behind them, the vast abstraction of ice and snow, would fulfill a mystery of ice-destructive knowledge, snow-abstract annihilation.” It is a self-destruction, just as Gerald’s death is self-destruction.

The Great Death Continent

Though the process of snow-abstract annihilation began in Northern Europe, for Lawrence the “epicenter” of the process has shifted to North America. Lawrence’s most dramatic statement of this occurs in one of his last books, The Plumed Serpent, in a passage so important that I shall quote it at length:

Was that the clue to America, she sometimes wondered. Was it the great death-continent, the continent that destroyed again what the other continents had built up? The continent whose spirit of place fought purely to pick the eyes out of the face of God? Was that America? . . .

And did this account for the great drift to the New World, the drift of spent souls passing over to the side of godless democracy, energetic negation? The negation which is the life-breath of materialism.—And would the great negative pull of the Americas at last break the heart of the world? . . .

White men had had a soul, and lost it. The pivot of fire had been quenched in them, and their lives had started to spin in the reversed direction, widdershins [counterclockwise]. That reversed look which is in the eyes of so many white people, the look of nullity, and life wheeling in the reversed direction. Widdershins. . . .

And all the efforts of white men to bring the soul of the dark men of Mexico into final clenched being has resulted in nothing but the collapse of the white men. Against the soft, dark flow of the Indian the white man at last collapses, with his god and his energy he collapses. In attempting to convert the dark man to the white man’s way of life, the white man has fallen helplessly down the hole he wanted to fill up. Seeking to save another man’s soul, the white man lost his own, and collapsed upon himself.

There is much to digest in this passage. Lawrence is suggesting that America (by which he means North America, including Mexico and Canada) acts as a vast engine of negation, wiping away or adulterating all human characteristics and all human distinctions that are “natural,” and doing so in the name of the Ideals of democracy and materialism (i.e., commerce).

Second, Lawrence is suggesting that the soul of the “dark man” is fundamentally different from that of the white man (a point he makes again and again in the Mexican writings) and that the white man’s soul has not been shifted to the “upper centres,” or knocked widdershins and out of touch with the life mystery. Therefore, all the efforts by the white man to “civilize” the dark man are in vain and it is the latter that will in fact win the day, because in some primal sense he is “stronger.” America, in short, is the continent of nihilism; the lead actor in the final drama of white, western civilization, the Ragnarok.

One of Lawrence’s heresies is to believe in essential national and racial characters. Culture, for Lawrence, flows from natural differences between human beings—and this means that humans are not fundamentally malleable and interchangeable; certain cultures simply cannot be fitted to certain people. Nevertheless, Lawrence does not believe in any doctrine of racial superiority. (The references that Lawrence makes from time to time to an “Aryan race” and, more narrowly, to the “Nordic” type may raise eyebrows today, but such terminology was common for the time.)

The Studies in Classical American Literature

Much of Studies in Classical American Literature (1923) is devoted to developing these points. This book—one of Lawrence’s most entertaining—is misleadingly titled for it is really not so much about American literature as it is about America itself. Note that in the quote above from The Plumed Serpent Lawrence refers to America as the continent “whose spirit of place fought purely to pick the eyes out of the face of God.”

The first essay in Studies is entitled “The Spirit of Place,” Lawrence explains this term as follows:

Every continent has its own great spirit of place. Every people is polarized in some particular locality, which is home, the homeland. Different places on the face of the earth have different vital effluence, different vibration, different chemical exhalation, different polarity with different stars; call it what you like. But the spirit of place is a great reality.

America’s spirit of place, Lawrence tell us, is one which draws men who want to “get away” and to be masterless. It is the land of those drawn to a kind of negative freedom: not the freedom actually to be something, but, in essence, the freedom to not have to be anything at all, and especially not to be subject to another’s will. But as Hegel recognized this negative freedom—freedom to say no—does not translate into any positive sort of freedom at all. True freedom, Lawrence states, only comes about through finding something you “positively want to be.” Americans, on the other hand, “have always been shouting about the things they are not. Unless, of course, they are millionaires, made or in the making.”

The spirit of America, for Lawrence, thus begins to resemble very much the spirit of Gudrun Brangwen in Women in Love: negation; a fierce desire really to be nothing at all. This is American “freedom.” America is the land where the white race has gone to die, and to literally kill all its old forms: its traditions, customs, blood-ties, myths and folktales, morality, religion, high culture, even its memory of its past.

America is the land where men have come to free themselves of everything in life that is unchosen, especially when the unchosen is the natural. Again, there is a break from the primal self or true unconscious and a shift to life lived entirely from the Ideal “upper centres.” Lawrence writes, “The American has got to destroy. It is his destiny. It is his destiny to destroy the whole corpus of the white psyche, the white consciousness. And he’s got to do it secretly. As the growing of a dragon-fly inside a chrysalis or cocoon destroys the larva grub, secretly.”

The self-destruction of the white man takes place secretly, marching under the banner of the Ideal. America is the land where all the old forms are destroyed in the name of “Freedom,” “Democracy,” and, above all else, “Progress”:

Destroy! Destroy! Destroy! Hums the under-consciousness [of Americans]. Love and produce! Love and produce! cackles the upper-consciousness. And the world hears only the Love-and-produce cackle. Refuses to hear the hum of destruction underneath. Until such time as it will have to hear.

The cause of Liberty in Europe, Lawrence tells us, was something vital and life-giving. But he detects in American icons like Abraham Lincoln and Woodrow Wilson something strident, cold, and life-killing in their appeals to Democracy. American democracy, Lawrence claims, is at root a kind of “self-murder”; that is, when it is not “murdering somebody else.”

Lawrence’s analyses of American literature basically consist in showing how these American tendencies play themselves out in authors like Franklin, Hawthorne, Poe, Melville, Whitman, and others. Whitman—an author with whom Lawrence had a love-hate relationship—gets by far the roughest treatment:

ONE DIRECTION! toots Walt in the car, whizzing along [in] it. . . .

ONE DIRECTION! whoops America, and sets off also in an automobile.

ALLNESS! shrieks Walt at a cross-road, going whizz over an unwary Red Indian.

ONE IDENTITY! chants democratic En Masse, pelting behind in motor-cars, oblivious of the corpses under the wheels.

law2.jpgIt is Lawrence’s analysis of Melville’s Moby Dick, however, that is perhaps his most incisive. He sees in this simple story an encapsulation of the American spirit, the American thanatos itself. Here is Lawrence summing up his interpretation:

What then is Moby Dick? He is the deepest blood-being of the white race; he is our deepest blood-nature.

And he is hunted, hunted, hunted by the maniacal fanaticism of our white mental consciousness. We want to hunt him down. To subject him to our will. And in this maniacal conscious hunt of ourselves we get dark races and pale to help us, red, yellow, and black, east and west, Quaker and fire-worshipper, we get them all to help us in this ghastly maniacal hunt which is our doom and our suicide.

The last phallic being of the white man. Hunted into the death of the upper consciousness and the ideal will. Our blood-self subjected to our will. Our blood-consciousness sapped by a parasitic mental or ideal consciousness.

When a people loses a sense of blood-relatedness, what basis is there for community? American community is not based on blood ties, shared history, shared religion, or shared culture: it is based on ideology. He who professes the American creed is an American—he who does not is an outcast.

The American creed is based principally on a belief in freedom, equality, and Progress. For Lawrence, the first of these is (in its American form) empty, and the other two are a lie. American equality is a lie because in fact people are not equal, and virtually everyone realizes this in their heart of hearts.

American ethics requires, however, that everyone pay lip service to the idea that no one is, or can be, fundamentally better than anyone else. This is one of the country’s core beliefs. In fact, Lawrence points out that this is so fundamental to being an American that Americans are terrified lest they somehow let on to their fellow countryman that they really don’t believe that everyone is equal, or that all opinions are equally valid and valuable. They are afraid of seeming “judgmental,” and they parrot an absurd relativism in order to be seen by others as “tolerant.” Lawrence writes of America, “I have never been in a country where the individual has such an abject fear of his fellow countrymen. Because, as I say, they are free to lynch the moment he shows he is not one of them.”

Essentially the same point was made by Alexis de Tocqueville. In his Democracy in America, Tocqueville includes a section titled “The Power Exercised by the Majority in America over Thought,” and writes as follows:

I know no country in which, speaking generally, there is less independence of mind and true freedom of discussion than in America. . . . In America the majority has enclosed thought within a formidable fence. A writer is free inside that area, but woe to the man who goes beyond it. . . . Before he goes into print, he believes he has supporters; but he feels that he has them no more once he stands revealed to all, for those who condemn him express their views loudly, while those who think as he does, but without his courage, retreat into silence as if ashamed of having told the truth. . . . Hence the majority lives in a state of perpetual self-adoration; only strangers or experience may be able to bring certain truths to the Americans’ attention. (Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. George Lawrence [New York: Doubleday, 1969], 254–55)

A creedal state such as America is as intolerant as a creedal religion. A Jew who does not believe in the Exodus story does not cease thereby to be a Jew, since being Jewish is an ethnic as well as a religious identification. Similarly, Hinduism (another ethnic religion) tolerates and subsumes a vast number of doctrines and differences of emphasis. (It is even possible, in a certain sense, to be an atheist Hindu.) Christianity and Islam, however, are creedal religions and therefore much less tolerant of doctrinal deviations. One can stop being a Christian or a Muslim—immediately—by believing or not believing certain things.

America early on divided itself into ethnic communities—the English, the Germans, the Irish, etc. A genuine spirit of community existed within these groups, in virtue of their blood ties and shared history, culture, and religion. But gradually these communities mixed and lost their unique identities. The creed of “Americanism” was the only thing that then arose as something that was supposed to bind people together. But since Americanism consists mostly of the recognition of negative liberties, how effective could it be at creating community? The result is that Americans became increasingly alienated from each other.

In his Preface to Edward Dahlberg’s Bottom Dogs (1929) Lawrence speaks of the breakdown in America of “blood-sympathy” and argues that it is responsible for a seldom-discussed facet of the American character, one which Europeans find particularly strange and amusing: the American pre-occupation with hygiene and super-cleanliness:

Once the blood-sympathy breaks . . . human beings become secretly intensely repulsive to one another, physically, and sympathetic only mentally and spiritually. The secret physical repulsion between people is responsible for the perfection of American “plumbing,” American sanitation, and American kitchens, utterly white-enamelled and antiseptic. It is revealed in the awful advertisements such as those about “halitosis,” or bad breath. It is responsible for the American nausea at coughing, spitting, or any of those things. The American townships don’t mind hideous litter of tin cans and broken rubbish. But they go crazy at the sight of human excrement.

With the blood-sympathy broken, Americans seek as much as possible to isolate themselves from their fellow citizens, who they fear and find repulsive. In his essay “Men Must Work and Women as Well,” Lawrence writes presciently of how technology serves to abstract us from human relationships: “The film, the radio, the gramophone were all invented because physical effort and physical contact have become repulsive to us.”

The radio and the gramophone brought individuals and families indoors and isolated them in their individual dwellings. No longer did they sit on their front porches and converse with their neighbors. The rise of the automobile contributed to this as well. Front porches were built for the cleaner, slower paced horse-and-buggy days. Sitting on the front porch was no longer so attractive when it meant being subjected to the noise and exhaust of automobiles whizzing by. Architecture began to reflect this change in the early part of the twentieth century, with designs for new houses sometimes eliminating the front porch altogether, and often with entrances concealed from view.

In the early days of the radio and the gramophone, only some families owned them, and they would often invite the neighbors in to listen to the gramophone or to the radio. This was also the case in the early days of television. But as these technologies became cheaper, just about every family acquired them and instead of facilitating social interaction they came to positively inhibit it. One can see this same phenomenon playing itself out in an even more radical way in the age of personal computers. It is now quite common for many Americans to live almost completely isolated lives, interacting with others via the Internet and carrying on “virtual relationships.”

Progressively, the lives of Americans became denuded of most of the features that have made life worth living throughout human history: community, extended family relations, participation in rituals, customs, traditions, remembrance of the past through shared stories, and the transmission of folk wisdom through myths, fables, and songs. The lives of most Americans became entirely dominated by the concerns of what Hegel called bürgerliche Gesellschaft, or “bourgeois society”: the realm of commerce.

“Getting ahead” becomes the primary concern in life, and all else—all the products of High Culture and most of the simple pleasures of life—become distractions, impracticalities. In his essay “Europe v. America,” Lawrence writes that “the American grips himself, at the very sources of his consciousness, in a grip of care: and then, to so much of the rest of life, is indifferent. Whereas the European hasn’t got so much care in him, so he cares much more for life and living.”

This is the secret to much of the inadequacy that Americans still feel when in Europe or in European company. Partly it is the (usually correct) sense that Europeans are better educated. But it is also the sense that these people have mastered the art of life. Life for most Americans is a problem to be solved, something we will eventually be able to do better than the Old World, thanks to the marriage of commerce and science.

Hence the tendency of Americans to believe anything that is asserted by scientists and medical men, no matter how ridiculous and ill-founded, and to distrust all that comes from tradition and “the past.” As witness the bizarre American reliance on “self-help books” and “how-to” manuals, even on such subjects as making friends or raising children. Americans are aware that these things were done in the past, without manuals, but believe that “experts” can teach us how to do them better than they have ever been done before.

While we wait for science to tell us how to live, life slips by. As Lawrence writes in a letter, “They can’t trust life until they can control it. So much for them—cowards! You can have the Land of the Free, as much as I know of it.”

Perhaps Lawrence’s most eloquent and succinct summation of the difference between the New World and the Old comes is the following line from “Europe v. America”: “The Europeans still have a vague idea that the universe is greater than they are, and isn’t going to change very radically, not for all the telling of all men put together.”

With life narrowed to the concerns of “getting ahead,” and natural human sympathies submerged or obliterated, Americans began to see each other more and more merely as objects: as consumers, or competitors, or employees, or bosses, but seldom as flesh and blood human beings. Thus we find the terrible American record of exploitation of the workers; frauds committed against the consumers, often at the expense of their health or even their lives; the devastation of communities wrought by the dumping of industrial waste; and the dumping of armies of workers in massive “layoffs.”

Heidegger was right: in its disregard for human life, American capitalism reveals itself as metaphysically identical to communism. And like communism, it tramples human life in the name of Progress. In its paper-thin idealism, its inhumanity, its self-destructiveness, and in its uncertainty of exactly what it is or should be, America is Women in Love’s Gerald Crich made real on a vast scale. Or, rather, Gerald Crich—coupled with the nihilism of Gudrun Brangwen—is the spirit of America. (Remember, those two are a couple: they complement one another. See my essay on Women in Love.)

The spirit of America—at once nihilism and “benevolent” idealism—can be seen very clearly in how it has treated other peoples both on its own soil and abroad. Earlier we saw in The Plumed Serpent Lawrence commenting on the white man’s attempt to “civilize” the “dark men.” Why do Americans feel that they must bend others to their way of life? American universalism leads to the belief that inside every foreigner is an American just screaming to get out.

Americans are like fresh converts to a religion, who feel that they have to convert all their friends—subconsciously in order to reassure themselves that they have made a sound choice. Americans have given up so much that was once thought to be essential to life and to community—so they simply must be right; others must find their way the most desirable way. If they do not, then they are ignorant and don’t know what’s good for them; or their governments have prevented them from seeing the truth.

Americans have been converting foreigners into Americans for a long time now, through exporting their consumer culture (irresistibly appealing to the baser elements in all peoples), and through less peaceable means.

On their own soil, white Americans have also tried to convert the “dark man” to Americanism. In his essay “Certain Americans and an Englishman,”  Lawrence speaks of Americans trying to turn the Red Man into a “wage earner.” This can be done, up to a point, but at the price of the Red Man sacrificing his soul. But ultimately Lawrence believes there can be no true harmony between different races, because they are so different, and that the attempts of white men to create “multicultural societies” will end in the destruction of the whites (an outcome he does not particularly lament).

Writing of Hector St. John de Crèvecouer in Studies, Lawrence states that he only wanted to know the Red Man in his head, abstractly because “he must have suspected that the moment he saw as the savages saw, all his fraternity and equality would go up in smoke, and his ideal world of pure sweet goodness along with it.” Later on in Studies, Lawrence writes that “The Red Man and the White Man are not blood-brothers: even when they are most friendly. When they are most friendly, it is as a rule the one betraying his race-spirit to the other.”

Lawrence’s views on America are apocalyptic. He sees no hope for the country, and seems to believe that it will drag the rest of the white world down with it. What, then, are we to make of these extreme views? Much of what Lawrence has to say about the emptiness of American ideals, and the emptiness of American lives, presages arguments that would be made by numerous social critics years later, especially in the 1950s and 1960s. I am thinking of such writers as Erich Fromm, Wilhelm Reich, Christopher Lasch, and Daniel Bell. Much of what he has to say would strike any Leftist as uncontroversial.

But once again Lawrence shows himself to be a kind of political hybrid, for his remarks on race, his opposition to the ideal of equality, and his opposition to multiculturalism seem to put him, by today’s standards, on the extreme right. Of course, contrary to what many Leftists might think, simply to point this out does not serve to refute Lawrence. Nor is it entirely convincing to accuse him of inconsistency: perhaps it is today’s Leftists and Rightists who are confused. And there is some plausibility to this suggestion.

For example, leftists today advocate both multiculturalism and “diversity,” which they tend to equate. But it is hard to see how the latter can be preserved if the former is achieved. In other words, inevitably a multicultural society would lead to the blending of peoples and the blending and watering-down of cultures, thus potentially destroying diversity rather than maintaining it. Lawrence challenges us to critique our own views, and to question their consistency—and their sanity.

There is no easy, ready-to-hand answer to Lawrence’s charges—about America in particular, or modernity in general. They strike at the heart of what is believed by most people in the West today. Whatever else one may say about his views, it is striking how their capacity to shock and to challenge us has only increased over the years.

vendredi, 28 janvier 2011

Lou Bastioun - "Le vent se lève"

 

Udo Ulfkotte - Kommt der Bürgerkrieg?

Udo Ulfkotte

Kommt der Bürgerkrieg?

Programa de las I Jornadas antiglobalizacion

Programa de las I Jornadas antiglobalización

Jornadas Antiglobalización 2011,

por una Alternativa Identitaria

12 y 13 de Febrero, Zaragoza

 

Programa de actividades

Sábado, 12 de Febrero

11:00h. Conferencia “El origen del conflicto bélico en Oriente Medio”, por el Doctor Nasser Issa

12:00. Receso

 12:30h. Conferencia “El conflicto de Oriente Medio,el terrorismo islámico y la ceguera de Occidente”, por Jorge Álvarez

 13:30h. Receso 

14:00h. Comida

 16:00h. Conferencia “Aragón. España. Europa”, por Cristóbal Chesús Parra Ruiz

 17:00h. Receso

 17:30h. Presentación de libros: “Pedro Laín Entralgo. El político. El pensador. El científico.”, por José Alsina

Y

“Introducción al tradicionalismo de Julius Evola”, por Ángel Fernández

 18:30h. Receso.

 19:00h. Conferencia “La infiltración sionista en Iberoámerica”, por Jesús Vallés Gracia

 20:00h. Fin de la Primera Jornada

Tras la cena habrá una velada musical

 Domingo, 13 de febrero

 11:00h. Conferencia, “El americanismo y su “doble” europeo” por Tomislav Sunic

12:00h. Receso

 12:30h. Conferencia “La crisis y el poder de la banca”, por Joaquim Bochaca

 13:30h. Clausura de las Jornadas, A cargo del Delegado de Aragón del MSR, Javier Bueno

 Habrá varios stands

EXPOSICIÓN ARTÍSTICA A CARGO DEL PINTOR:

Borislav Prangov

Entrada para los dos días: 10€

(*) Con la entrada se obsequiará con el CD de Axis Mundi y Mara Ros: “Recuerdos”

o un libro del fondo editorial de Ediciones Nueva República.

Organiza:

Movimiento Social Republicano de Aragón

zaragoza@msr.org.es

Teléfono:

666 54 52 11

Programa

Local contre global

terreetpeuple.gif

Terre & Peuple - Bannière Wallonie


 

 

Notre prochaine activité

 

ONZIEMES RENCONTRES DES IDENTITAIRES DE COLOMA

 

le samedi 12 février 2011

 

sur le thème
  

LOCAL CONTRE GLOBAL

 

L’utopie mondialiste globalitaire ne cesse de prouver sa nuisance et son inefficacité, sauf à permettre à une super-classe cosmopolite de s’enrichir monstrueusement.  Cette oligarchie tient les commandes de la manipulation macro-médiatique et macro-économique des masses.  C’est sur le plan de micro-structures que la résistance à l’aliénation doit et peut s’organiser.

 


François-Xavier Robert : Mondialisation et mondialisme : la mondialisation est une évolution naturelle millénaire; au contraire, le mondialisme, comme l’altermondialisme, sont des idéologies totalitaires.

Arnaud de Robert : La ré-appropriation par une information locale
Jonathan Le Clercq : La ré-appropriation par une monnaie locale

Table ronde :
Jean François, Lionel Franc, Gérald Fontaine, Xavier de Launay, Olivier Bonnet et Roberto Fiorini
La ré-appropriation par la culture locale, par les habitudes alimentaires locales, par les randonnées locales, par les traditions vestimentaires, les fêtes, les rites, les lieux sacrés locaux, l’économie équitable, le mouvement coopératif, le micro-capitalisme, la perma-culture biologique, les activités éducatives et sportives locales, etc

Conclusions : Une nouvelle résistance pacifique locale
Pierre Vial : Conclusions idéologiques et stratégiques
Hervé Van Laethem : Conclusions pratiques et tactiques

 

Accueil : 12h30  Ouverture de la séance : 14h

petite restauration, nombreux exposants,

Au Château Coloma, 25 rue J. De Pauw à Sint-Pieters-Leeuw


Itinéraire : Sur le ring ouest de Bruxelles, prendre la sortie 16 en direction de Leeuw-Saint-Pierre (le Château Coloma est fléché en blanc sur brun) ou prendre le bus H à la gare du Midi à Bruxelles (il a son arrêt au coin de la rue De Pauw)


<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
Terre et Peuple - Bannière Wallonie
http://www.terreetpeuple.com
Mail: tpwallonie@gmail.com
Tel: 0032/ 472 28 10 28
Compte: 310-0302828-80
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

Riverdance: Irish Tap Dancing (2007)

Riverdance:

Irish Tap Dancing (2007)

Wikileaks - Pearl Harbor, 1941

pearl-harbor_3.jpg

Wikileaks - Pearl Harbor, 1941

by Srdja Trifkovic

Ex: http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/

Over two thousand four hundred American sailors, soldiers and airmen were killed in Pearl Harbor 69 years ago today. Had we had an equivalent of WikiLeaks back in 1941, however, the course of history could have been very different. FDR would have found it much more difficult to maneuvre the country into being attacked in the Pacific in order to enable him to fight the war in Europe, which had been his ardent desire all along.

One leak—just one!—almost torpedoed Roosevelt’s grand design. In mid-1941 he incorporated the Army’s, Navy’s and Air Staff’s war-making plans into an executive policy he called “Victory Program,” effectively preparing America for war against Germany and Japan regardless of Congressional opposition and the will of the people. His intention was to lure public opinion into supporting the Program because the increase in weapons production promised meant more jobs and a healthier economy. A supporter of the America First Committee, Senator Burton K. Wheeler, obtained a copy of the Victory Program, classified Secret, from a source within the Air Corps, and leaked it to two newspapers on December 4, 1941, the Chicago Tribune (a serious newspaper back then) and the Washington Times-Herald (long defunct). Vocal public opposition to the plan erupted immediately, but ceased three days later, on December 7, 1941. Congress soon passed the Victory Program with few changes. The Japanese performed on cue.

Imagine the consequences had the Chicago Tribune and the Washington Times-Herald published a series of other leaks over the preceding few months, including the following:

Berlin, 27 September 1940. U.S. Embassy reports the signing of the Tripartite Pact, the mutual assistance treaty between Germany, Italy, and Japan: “It offers the possibility that Germany would declare war on America if America were to get into war with Japan, which may have significant implications for U.S. policy towards Japan.”

Washington, 7 October 1940. Having considered the implications of the Tripartite Pact, Lt. Cdr. Arthur McCollum, USN, of the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), suggests a strategy for provoking Japan into attacking the U.S., thus triggering the mutual assistance provisions of the Tripartite Pact and finally bringing America into war in Europe. The proposal called for eight specific steps aimed at provoking Japan. Its centerpiece was keeping the U.S. Fleet in Hawaii as a lure for a Japanese attack, and imposing an oil embargo against Japan. “If by these means Japan could be led to commit an overt act of war, so much the better,” the memo concluded.

Washington, 23 June 1941. One day after Hitler’s attack on Soviet Russia, Secretary of the Interior and FDR’s advisor Harold Ickes wrote a memo for the President, saying that “there might develop from the embargoing of oil to Japan such a situation as would make it not only possible but easy to get into this war in an effective way. And if we should thus indirectly be brought in, we would avoid the criticism that we had gone in as an ally of communistic Russia.”

Washington, 22 July 1941. Admiral Richmond Turner’s report states that “shutting off the American supply of petroleum to Japad will lead promptly to the invasion of Netherland East Indies: “[I]t seems certain [Japan] would also include military action against the Philippine Islands, which would immediately involve us in a Pacific war.”

Washington, 24 July 1941. President Roosevelt says, “If we had cut off the oil, they probably would have gone down to the Dutch East Indies a year ago, and you would have had war.” The following day he freezes Japanese assets in the U.S. and imposes an oil embargo against Japan.

London, 14 August 1941. After meeting the President at the Atlantic Conference, Prime Minister Winston Churchill noted the “astonishing depth of Roosevelt’s intense desire for war.” PM is aware that FDR needs to overcome the isolationist resistance to “Europe’s war” felt by most Americans and their elected representatives.

Washington, 24 September 1941. Having cracked the Japanese naval codes one year earlier, U.S. naval intelligence deciphers a message from the Naval Intelligence Headquarters in Tokyo to Japan’s consul-general in Honolulu, requesting grid of exact locations of U.S. Navy ships in the harbor. Commanders in Hawaii are not warned.

Washington, 18 October 1941. FDR’s friend and advisor Harold Ickes notes in his diary: “For a long time I have believed that our best entrance into the war would be by way of Japan.” Yet four days later opinion polls reveal that 74 percent of Americans opposed war with Japan, and only 13 percent supported it.

Washington, 25 November 1941. Secretary of War Stimson writes that FDR said an attack was likely within days, and wonders “how we should maneuver them into the position of firing the first shot without too much danger to ourselves… In spite of the risk involved, however, in letting the Japanese fire the first shot, we realized that in order to have the full support of the American people it was desirable to make sure that the Japanese be the ones to do this so that there should remain no doubt in anyone’s mind as to who were the aggressors.”

Washington, 26 November 1941. Both US aircraft carriers, the Enterprise and the Lexington, are ordered out of Pearl Harbor “as soon as possible”. The same order included stripping Pearl of 50 planes, 40 percent of its already inadequate fighter protection.

Washington, 26 November 1941. Secretary of State Hull demands the complete withdrawal of all Japanese troops from French Indochina and from China.

Tokyo, 27 November 1941. U.S. Ambassador to Japan Grew says this is “the document that touched the button that started the war.” The Japanese reacted on cue: On December 1, final authorization was given by the emperor, after a majority of Japanese leaders advised him the Hull Note would “destroy the fruits of the China incident, endanger Manchukuo and undermine Japanese control of Korea.”

San Francisco, 1 December 1941. Office of Naval Intelligence, ONI, 12th Naval District in San Francisco found the Japanese fleet by correlating reports from the four wireless news services and several shipping companies that they were getting signals west of Hawaii. There are numerous U.S. naval intelligence radio intercepts of the Japanese transmissions.

Washington, 5 December 1941, 10 a.m. President Roosevelt writes to the Australian Prime Minister that “the next four or five days will decide the matters” with Japan.

Washington, 5 December 1941, 5 p.m. At Cabinet meeting, Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox says, “Well, you know Mr. President, we know where the Japanese fleet is?” FDR replied, “Yes, I know … Well, you tell them what it is Frank.” Just as Knox was about to speak Roosevelt appeared to have second thoughts and interrupted him saying, “We haven’t got anything like perfect information as to their apparent destination.”

Washington, 6 December 1941, 9 p.m. At a White House dinner Roosevelt was given the first thirteen parts of a fifteen part decoded Japanese diplomatic declaration of war and said, “This means war!” he said to Harry Hopkins, but did not interrupt the soiree and did not issue any orders to the military to prepare for an attack.

As per that old cliché, the rest is history…

D. H. Lawrence's "Women in Love": Anti-Modernism in Literature

D. H. Lawrence’s Women in Love :
Anti-Modernism in Literature

Derek Hawthorne

Ex: http://www.counter-currents.com/

L2.jpgD. H. Lawrence’s greatest novel is also his most anti-modern. Written between April and October of 1916 in Cornwall, during some of the darkest days of the First World War, Women in Love was conceived as a sequel to The Rainbow. (Both novels were brilliantly filmed by Ken Russell.) Women in Love continues the story of Ursula Brangwen’s life, and the fulfillment she finds in a love affair with Rupert Birkin (who does not figure in The Rainbow at all). This relationship is, in fact, paired with another: that of Gudrun, Ursula’s sister (a very minor character in The Rainbow), and Gerald Crich, Birkin’s best friend. The novel follows the course of both relationships.

The connection between the two novels seems a tenuous one at best, however, and one can read and appreciate Women in Love without any knowledge at all of The Rainbow. This has a great deal to do with the dramatic difference in tone between the two. In a letter, Lawrence described the relationship between the two novels as follows: “There is another novel, sequel to The Rainbow, called Women in Love . . . this actually does contain the results in one’s soul of the war; it is purely destructive, not like The Rainbow, destructive-consummating.”

Women in Love is indeed “purely destructive”: it is grimly apocalyptic and misanthropic. There is little sense of the presence of nature this time: the novel moves almost entirely within the conscious and (more importantly) subconscious minds of its four main characters. And the backdrop is the ugly, human–built mechanicalness of the industrialized Midlands. It is easy to attribute the change in tone between the two novels as due to Lawrence’s horror at the war (“The war finished me,” he later said).

But one must not lose sight of the fact that the two novels do, in fact, tell one continuous story, and that the switch in tone is appropriate to what the second half of the story depicts: the fragmentary lives of individuals struggling to find fulfillment in the modern world. In his “Foreword” to the novel Lawrence wrote that it “took its final shape in the midst of the period of war, though it does not concern the war itself. I should wish the time to remain unfixed, so that the bitterness of the war may be taken for granted in the characters.” For Lawrence, as for Heidegger, the war was ultimately just an inevitable extension of the industrial age itself.

At the beginning of the story, Birkin is involved in an unhappy love affair with Hermione Roddice, the daughter of an aristocrat and a thinly-disguised portrait of Lady Ottoline Morrell. Birkin is already acquainted with Ursula professionally, as he is the local school inspector and she the school mistress. After they are brought closer together and love begins to grow between them, Birkin abandons Hermione. The memorable episode that precipitates the final break between them involves Hermione trying to bludgeon him to death with a lapis lazuli paperweight.

However, Birkin’s relationship with Ursula is, from the first, difficult in its own way. Much of the reason has to do with Birkin’s misanthropy and Schopenhauerian pessimism. At some level, Ursula sympathizes with Birkin’s views, but she is put off by his extraordinary vehemence, and, more importantly, seems to feel that if he would admit his love for her and fully surrender himself to their relationship he would be freed from his all-consuming hatred of the world. She is carrying on with life, in spite of everything, and eventually she succeeds in drawing him back into life.

The character of Rupert Birkin is universally acknowledged to be a self-portrait of Lawrence, though it would be dangerous to assume that Lawrence has no critical distance from the character (or from himself, for that matter). Nevertheless, Birkin often speaks for Lawrence. Early in the novel Birkin declares that it would be much better if humanity “were just wiped out. Essentially they don’t exist, they aren’t there.” Later, in conversation with Ursula, Birkin declares:

“Humanity is a huge aggregate lie, and a huge lie is less than a small truth. Humanity is less, far less than the individual, because the individual may sometimes be capable of truth, and humanity is a tree of lies. And they say that love is the greatest thing: they persist in saying this, the foul liars, and just look at what they do! . . . It’s a lie to say that love is the greatest. . . . What people want is hate—hate and nothing but hate. And in the name of righteousness and love they get it. . . . If we want hate, let us have it—death, murder, torture, violent destruction—let us have it: but not in the name of love. But I abhor humanity, I wish it was swept away. It could go, and there would be no absolute loss, if every human being perished tomorrow. . . .”

“So you’d like everybody in the world destroyed?” said Ursula. . . .

“Yes truly. You yourself, don’t you find it a beautiful clean thought, a world empty of people, just uninterrupted grass, and a hare sitting up?”

The pleasant sincerity of his voice made Ursula pause to consider her own proposition. And it really was attractive: a clean, lovely, humanless world. It was the really desirable. Her heart hesitated and exulted. But still, she was dissatisfied with him.

If anything, in his own correspondence Lawrence goes further than Birkin. In a letter to his friend S. S. Koteliansky, dated September 4, 1916, while Lawrence was working on Women in Love, he declares:

I must say I hate mankind—talking of hatred, I have got a perfect androphobia. When I see people in the distance, walking along the path through the fields to Zennor, I want to crouch in the bushes and shoot them silently with invisible arrows of death. I think truly the only righteousness is the destruction of mankind, as in Sodom. . . . Oh, if one could but have a great box of insect powder, and shake it over them, in the heavens, and exterminate them. Only to clear and cleanse and purify the beautiful earth, and give room for some truth and pure living.

Where Women in Love is most interesting, however, is not in such outpourings of venom, but in Lawrence’s attempts to pinpoint why things have gone so disastrously wrong in the modern world. As have many other authors, Lawrence places a great deal of weight on the materialism and mechanism of industrialized modernity. Another, later, exchange between Birkin and Ursula is particularly revealing in this regard. The pair have just bought a chair at a flea market and Birkin states:

“When I see that clear, beautiful chair, and I think of England, even Jane Austen’s England—it had living thoughts to unfold even then, and pure happiness in unfolding them. And now, we can only fish among the rubbish-heaps for the remnants of their old expression. There is no production in us now, only sordid and foul mechanicalness.”

“It isn’t true,” cried Ursula, “Why must you always praise the past at the expense of the present? Really, I don’t think so much of Jane Austen’s England. It was materialistic enough, if you like—”

“It could afford to be materialistic,” said Birkin, “because it had the power to be something other—which we haven’t. We are materialistic because we haven’t the power to be anything else—try as we may, we can’t bring off anything but materialism: mechanism, the very soul of materialism.”

L1.jpgBut why did Jane Austen’s England have the power to be something else? And what else did it have the power to be? For the answers to these questions we must, in essence, look back to The Rainbow. Jane Austen’s England still preserved some connection to the land—a sense of belonging to nature. What England then had the “power to be” was nothing grand and idealistic: it had the power simply to be its natural self. The people of Jane Austen’s England made and enjoyed beautiful objects—but these objects were an ornament to a life lived in relative closeness to the earth.

In the industrialized world of 1916, however, objects are all that human beings have. The object of life itself becomes the production and acquisition of objects. This by itself cannot, of course, provide any sense of “meaning in life,” and to fill this void we have introduced idealism and given to our materialism a moral veneer: we are making Progress, alleviating hunger and disease and want, promoting equality, and in general perfecting ourselves and the world through the marriage of science and commerce.

Gerald Crich and the Mastery of Nature

In Women in Love the coupling of industrial materialism with idealism is personified by Birkin’s friend Gerald Crich, son of the local colliery owner. On the train together, the two men speak of the modern world: “So you really think things are very bad?” Gerald asks. “Completely bad,” Birkin responds. Throughout the novel, Gerald is drawn to Birkin, fascinated by the man and his notions—yet he is repelled by him at the same time, and frightened. He encourages Birkin to explain what he means, and Birkin obliges him:

“We are such dreary liars. Our idea is to lie to ourselves. We have an ideal of a perfect world, clean and straight and sufficient. So we cover the earth with foulness; life is a blotch of labour, like insects scurrying in filth, so that your collier can have a pianoforte in his parlour, and you can have a butler and a motor-car in your up-to-date house, and as a nation we can sport the Ritz, or the Empire, Gaby Deslys and the Sunday newspapers. It is very dreary.”

But Gerald responds that he thinks the pianoforte represents “a real desire for something higher” in the collier’s life.

“Higher!” cried Birkin. “Yes. Amazing heights of upright grandeur. It makes him so much higher in his neighboring collier’s eyes. He sees himself reflected in the neighboring opinion, like in a Brocken mist, several feet taller on the strength of the pianoforte, and he is satisfied. He lives for the sake of that Brocken spectre, the reflection of himself in the human opinion.”

Material things and the zeal for material things do not lift up the average man. They merely produce what Christopher Lasch aptly called “the culture of narcissism,” and what Wendell Berry has called a “consumptive culture.” One of the absurdities of modern life is the pretence that human beings who have been reduced to the level of mere consumers are somehow more “advanced” than their ancestors.

But aside from man the consumer, what of man the producer? After all, someone has to produce all those pianofortes. This is where men like Gerald come in. Birkin asks Gerald what he lives for. Gerald answers: “I suppose I live to work, to produce something, in so far as I am a purposive being. Apart from that, I live because I am living.” Ursula remarks to Gudrun that Gerald has “got go, anyhow” and Gudrun replies, “The unfortunate thing is, where does his go go to, what becomes of it?” Ursula suggests, jokingly, that it “goes in applying the latest appliances!” This remark, however, is truer than she supposes.

The most brilliantly-written chapter of Women in Love is “The Industrial Magnate,” in which Lawrence depicts Gerald’s mastery of the mine. Gerald spends the first few years of his adult life wandering aimlessly, but always in hearty, masculine fashion: living the wild life of a student, becoming a soldier, then an adventurer. Always with Gerald there was an overweening curiosity and a desire truly to master something—a desire which masks a real, inner feeling of helplessness and lostness. He finds his true calling in running the mine, for there he believes he has found the meaning of life:

Immediately he saw the firm, he realized what he could do. He had to fight with Matter, with the earth and the coal it enclosed. This was the sole idea, to turn upon the inanimate matter of the underground, and reduce it to his will. . . . There were two opposites, his will and the resistant Matter of the earth. . . . He had his life-work now, to extend over the earth a great and perfect system in which the will of man ran smooth and unthwarted timeless, a Godhead in process.

By writing “Matter” with a capital M, Lawrence underscores the fact that for Gerald the mine is important not in itself but for what it represents. Gerald sees himself not merely as a colliery owner, but as a titanic being: a participant in the long, historical process of man’s divinization through the conquest of nature, now coming to full consummation in the industrial age.

But where has he gotten such ideas? Lawrence tells us that Gerald “refused to go to Oxford, choosing a German university,” and that he “took hold of all kinds of sociological ideas, and ideas of reform.” It is plain that Gerald has been exposed to a great deal of German philosophy. In depicting Gerald’s outlook on life, Lawrence seems to be blending ideas and terminology from three German philosophers: Fichte, Hegel, and Nietzsche.

Fichte and the Mastery of Nature

Lawrence writes that through Gerald’s domination of his will (or his ideals) over Matter “there was perfection attained, the will of mankind was perfectly enacted; for was not mankind mystically contradistinguished against inanimate Matter, was not the history of mankind just the history of the conquest of the one by the other?” The philosophy this is closest to is that of Fichte, though Lawrence is probably thinking of Hegel.

Fichte believed, essentially, that an objective world—an other standing opposed to ego—existed merely as an instrument for the expression of human will. Nature, or what Lawrence here calls “Matter,” exists as something that must be overcome and transformed by human beings according to human ideals. In doing so, human beings realize themselves. All of human history for Fichte, indeed all of reality, is the unending imposition of the ideal on the real, or the transformation of material otherness into an image of human will.

Even though Fichte’s philosophy, at first glance, appears to be something novel, in fact in a sense it is (and was) nothing new at all: it is the underlying metaphysics of modernity laid bare. In the modern world, again, human beings essentially relate to nature as raw material that must be forced to fit human designs or interests—or at best as a mere background for human action. Further, time is conceived in linear fashion and history as a movement from darkness to light, from primitivism to progressivism.

The humanism of the Renaissance becomes, in the modern period, anthropocentrism. Man is a titanic being without any natural superior, whose vocation is to better the world and other men. It is pointless to ask when, exactly, these modern attitudes took hold. In part, they are an outgrowth of Christian monotheism, which taught the idea that the earth and all its contents has been given to man by God for his exclusive use.

Renaissance humanism, which was in many ways a kind of neo-pagan revolt against Christianity, celebrated the ideal of man as Magus, and as a kind of mini-God here on earth. In part, though these Renaissance ideas were bound up with the revival of Hermetic occultism, they paved the way for the scientific revolution represented by men such as Francis Bacon.

By that point in history, belief—real belief—in the God of monotheism was dying, at least among the intelligentsia, who veered more and more toward abstract conceptions of divinity which had little to do with human life. God, in other words, had become irrelevant and human beings found themselves alone in this world that had been given to them for their mastery, with nothing watching from above. It was only a matter of time before man would declare himself God, as Fichte virtually does.

Hegel’s Idealism

Hegel took over Fichte’s ideas and, among other things, amplified them with a theological interpretation. God, for Hegel, is pure self-related Idea which becomes real and concrete in the world through human self-awareness—a self-awareness achieved primarily through the analysis and mastery of nature, as well as through art, religion, and philosophy.

Although Hegel insisted that he had not meant to make man God, a great many of his followers and detractors saw that this is precisely what his philosophy had done. The “young Hegelian” Ludwig Feuerbach saw this and in his influential work The Essence of Christianity (1841) declared that God was, in fact, nothing but an ideal projection of human consciousness, a stand-in, in fact, for humanity itself.

The Hegelian (or, perhaps, young Hegelian) element in Gerald’s metaphysics comes in when Lawrence tells us that Gerald found his “eternal and his infinite” in the endless cycle of machine production. God, as Hegel learned from Aristotle, is an eternal act. The never-ending cycles of modern, industrial production—the apex of man’s mastery of nature—becomes, for Gerald, God incarnate: “the whole productive will of man was the Godhead.”

Nietzsche, Hegel, and the End of History

What seems Nietzschean here is simply the insistence on Will. In allowing himself to be used as an instrument of the “productive will of man” Gerald believes that he is aggrandizing his own personal power. However, as I noted earlier, in believing so Gerald is deceiving himself, and in the end “the God-motion, this productive repetition ad infinitum” simply burns him away in a cold fire. However, there is more to Gerald’s Nietzscheanism than this.

The relation of Nietzsche to Hegel is a complex one, but it can be boiled down in the following way. Hegel believed that in the modern period history had, in effect, ended. This assertion seems nonsensical if we make the mistake of confusing history with time. Of course, Hegel did not think time had stopped. He merely believed that the story of mankind had come to an end in the modern age, because it was in the modern, post-Christian age that mankind came to realize its true nature as radically self-determining (and other-determining, as well). With this realization of radical human freedom, and the realization that man actualizes God in the world, Hegel believed that essentially all the important questions and controversies of human history had been answered. The destiny of man was to live in more or less liberal societies, under more or less democratic states, and to practice more or less humanistic versions of Christianity. And in this condition mankind would continue to exist and prosper.

013019.jpgFor Nietzsche, on the other hand, the end of history meant the death of everything that ennobles the human race. Without anything to struggle over or to believe in so strongly that one would be willing to fight and die for it, humanity would sink to the level of what Nietzsche called the Last Man, Homo economicus: the man whose aspirations do not rise above material comfort, safety, and security. The only hope was the arrival of the Overman, who would create new values, new systems of belief, and initiate new conflicts among human beings. In short, the Overman would re-start history. Nietzsche’s writings, in their trenchant critique of all Western beliefs and values, can be seen as an attempt to actually hasten the collapse of the modern world and usher in the Overman.

Nietzsche’s Will to Power

Essentially, Gerald Crich represents the Nietzschean Overman—or at least someone who believes himself to be a Nietzschean Overman. Gerald, himself a “great blonde beast,” is riding the tiger by riding his employees, expressing his “will to power” through mastering the mines.  What Gerald doesn’t realize is that, in Nietzschean terms, he is merely, the instrument of will to power, expressing itself in the modern age as industrialism and mechanization. As Colin Milton has discussed at some length, this may actually indicate a confusion, or at least an inconsistency, in Lawrence’s understanding of Nietzsche.

Nietzsche is explicitly invoked in the novel when Ursula identifies Gerald with “Wille zur Macht.” The episode which prompts this comment from her is one of the most famous in the novel. In the chapter “Coal Dust,” Ursula and Gudrun go for a walk, but when they come to the railway crossing have to stop to wait for the colliery train to pass. As they stand there, Gerald Crich trots up riding a “red Arab mare.” The mare is frightened by the locomotive and moves away from it, but Gerald forces her back again and again, cutting into her flesh with his spurs. Ursula is horrified and cries “No—! No—! Let her go! Let her go, you fool, you fool—!” Gudrun, on the other hand, is fascinated by Gerald’s show of brute force over the mare and cries out only as he rides away, “I should think you’re proud.” As we shall see, Gudrun is Gerald’s counterpart, a portrait of the other, purely destructive side of modern will.

The episode with the mare is a good example of Lawrence’s sometimes obvious, but very effective symbolism. The mare represents nature—any and all natural beings—forced into submission before the designs and mechanisms of modernity. There is no other way to bring nature into accord with modern unnaturalism, other than by force and sheer bullying. And so later on Ursula refers to “Gerald Crich with his horse—a lust for bullying—a real Wille zur Macht—so base, so petty.”

In his essay “Blessed are the Powerful” Lawrence remarks, “A will-to-power seems to work out as bullying. And bullying is something despicable and detestable.” In short, in Women in Love Lawrence seems to understand Wille zur Macht as a kind a kind of egoistic self-aggrandizement. In fact, however, what Nietzsche teaches is the surrender to Wille zur Macht, as an impersonal force that expresses itself through us.

Interestingly, perhaps the clearest parallels to Gerald Crich’s philosophy of life, and Lawrence’s treatment of it, are two thinkers Lawrence knew nothing about when he wrote Women in Love: Oswald Spengler and Ernst Jünger, both of whom were strongly influenced by Nietzsche.

Spengler: Faustian Man and Technology

2235978055390419269357Pic.jpgSpengler’s major work Der Untergang des Abendlandes (The Decline of the West) was published in 1918, two years after Lawrence first began working on Women in Love. According to Spengler, “Faustian man” creates a human world of artifacts and schemes not out of any economic motivation but rather out of a sheer desire for mastery.

However, Spengler believed that in the modern world, at the very height of his technological prowess, Faustian man has begun to decline. In Mensche und Technik (Man and Technics, 1932) Spengler argued that technology had, in effect, taken on a life of its own. In building a technological world, humanity has been caught in the logic and the inevitable course of technology itself.

Technology rapidly becomes indispensable and human beings find themselves unable to do without it. Technological problems inevitably require technological solutions, and the sheer amount of gadgetry that the average human has to be conversant with grows exponentially. Technology comes to dominate the economy, so that most people find themselves not just being served by technology but working most of their lives for its advancement. In short, Faustian man, who had originally created the machines, now comes to be ruled by them.

Gerald certainly presents us with a vivid portrait of Spengler’s Faustian man. Lawrence does not explicitly make anything like Spengler’s argument concerning technology, but something like it lies beneath the surface of Women in Love and some of his other writings. Certainly Lawrence conveys the idea that Gerald foolishly believes himself to be master of the machines. Lawrence writes, “It was this inhuman principle in the mechanism he wanted to construct that inspired Gerald with an almost religious exaltation. He, the man, could interpose a perfect, changeless, godlike medium between himself and the Matter he had to subjugate.”

The medium Lawrence refers to is technology. “And Gerald was the God of the machine, Deus ex Machina.” In Man and Technics, Spengler writes: “To construct a world for himself, himself to be God—that was the Faustian inventor’s dream, from which henceforth arose all projects of the machines, which approached as closely as possible to the unachievable goal of perpetual motion.” Of course, what Gerald doesn’t realize is that he is Spengler’s Faustian man caught in the trap: servant of that which he had created.

Ernst Jünger and the Gestalt of the Worker

Ernst Jünger’s promethean, Nietzschean philosophy of technology comes uncannily close to Gerald’s own ideas. Jünger’s views were forged on the battlefields of World War I, at the very same time Lawrence was writing Women in Love. The war affected both men profoundly, but in profoundly different ways. As I have already mentioned, much of the misanthropy and apocalyptic quality of Women in Love is to be attributed to Lawrence’s horror of the war and what it had reduced men to. Jünger himself regarded the war as horrifying, and his memoir of his days as a soldier, In Stahlgewittern (The Storm of Steel, 1920), is as frightening and chastening an account of war as has ever been written. For Jünger, as for Lawrence (and, later, Heidegger) the war was essentially a technological phenomenon.

However, Jünger came to believe that technology—including the technology of war—was, in effect, a natural phenomenon: the product of some kind of primal, expressive force not unlike Schopenhauer’s Will or Nietzsche’s Will to Power. The very title In Stahlgewittern suggests this understanding of things. Michael E. Zimmerman writes in Heidegger’s Confrontation with Modernity:

On the field of battle, [Jünger] experienced himself at times as a cog in a gigantic technological movement. Yet, unexpectedly, by surrendering himself to this enormous process, he experienced an unparalleled personal elevation and intensity which he regarded as authentic individuation. Generalizing from this experience, he concluded that the best way for humanity to cope with the onslaught of technology was to embrace it wholeheartedly. (Zimmerman, 49)

In Der Arbeiter (The Worker, 1932) Jünger heralded the coming of what Zimmerman calls his “technological Overman.” The productive power underlying all of reality shall body itself forth in the “Gestalt of the worker,” who is essentially a steely-jawed soldier on perpetual march to the technological transformation and mastery of nature. Zimmerman writes how

Jünger asserted that in the nihilistic technological era, the ordinary worker either would learn to participate willingly as a mere cog in the technological order—or would perish. Only the higher types, the heroic worker-soldiers, would be capable of appreciating fully the world-creating, world-destroying technological-industrial firestorm. (Zimmerman, 54–55)

This passage rather uncannily brings to mind Lawrence’s description of the effect that Gerald’s managerial style has on his workers. This is a crucially important passage and I shall quote it at length:

But they submitted to it all. The joy went out of their lives, the hope seemed to perish as they became more and more mechanized. And yet they accepted the new conditions. They even got a further satisfaction out of them. At first they hated Gerald Crich, they swore to do something to him, to murder him. But as time went on, they accepted everything with some fatal satisfaction. Gerald was their high priest, he represented the religion they really felt. His father was forgotten already. There was a new world, a new order, strict, terrible, inhuman, but satisfying in its very destructiveness. The men were satisfied to belong to the great and wonderful machine, even whilst it destroyed them. It was what they wanted. It was the highest that man had produced, the most wonderful and superhuman. They were exalted by belonging to this great and superhuman system which was beyond feeling or reason, something really godlike. Their hearts died within them, but their souls were satisfied.

One can see here that Lawrence seems to accept the Spengler-Jünger thesis that there is an inexorable logic to the modern, technological society and that a fundamental change has come over humanity which makes it possible for men to become servants of the machine. The passage above continues, “It was what they wanted, Otherwise Gerald could never have done what he did.” Lawrence clearly believes that there is something inevitable about what human beings are becoming—but unlike Jünger he cannot embrace it. The Nietzschean-Jüngerian answer to modernity—to ride the tiger—is perhaps the best that one can do to harmonize oneself with the technological world and its apparent dehumanization. But Lawrence absolutely rejects it, and paints Gerald as a tragic, deluded figure. Why?  In answering this question, we confront Lawrence’s central objection to modernity.

History: Progressive of Cyclical?

women_in_love.jpgIn the deleted “Prologue” to Women In Love (which is interesting for a good many other reasons), Lawrence describes Birkin in the early days of his affair with Hermione as “a youth of twenty-one, holding forth against Nietzsche.” Yet when Lawrence introduces us to Birkin’s own views they seem strikingly Nietzschean. First, however, Lawrence describes how Birkin had studied education (and become a school inspector) under the influence of what seems unmistakably like a warmed-over Hegelianism:

He had made a passionate study of education, only to come, gradually, to the knowledge that education is nothing but the process of building up, gradually, a complete unit of consciousness. And each unit of consciousness is the living unit of that great social, religious, philosophic idea towards which mankind, like an organism seeking its final form, is laboriously growing.

But Birkin quickly becomes disillusioned with this vision, and responds to it in true Nietzschean fashion:

But if there be no great philosophic idea, if, for the time being, mankind, instead of going through a period of growth, is going through a corresponding process of decay and decomposition from some old, fulfilled, obsolete idea, then what is the good of educating? Decay and decomposition will take their own way. It is impossible to educate for this end, impossible to teach the world how to die away from its achieved, nullified form. The autumn must take place in every individual soul, as well as in all the people, all must die, individually and socially. But education is a process of striving to a new, unanimous being, a whole organic form. But when winter has set in, when the frosts are strangling the leaves off the trees and the birds are silent knots of darkness, how can there be a unanimous movement towards a whole summer of fluorescence? There can be none of this, only submission to the death of this nature, in the winter that has come upon mankind, and a cherishing of the unknown that is unknown for many a day yet, buds that may not open till a far off season comes, when the season of death has passed away.

What is Nietzschean here is Birkin’s conviction that he is living at the end of history—but, contra Hegel, it is a time of disintegration and decay. However, unlike Nietzsche and his followers (including Gerald), Lawrence and Birkin do not see any way to transmute this situation into something that becomes life-advancing. What Gerald cannot see, but Birkin and Lawrence clearly can, is that the submission of the miners to “the Gestalt of the worker” represents the first stage in the complete breakdown of the Western world. The same passage quoted earlier from “The Industrial Magnate” chapter continues:

[Gerald] was just ahead of [his workers] in giving them what they wanted, this participation in a great and perfect system that subjected life to pure mathematical principles. This was a sort of freedom, the sort they really wanted. It was the first great step in undoing, the first great phase of chaos, the substitution of the mechanical principle for the organic, the destruction of the organic purpose, the organic unity, and the subordination of every organic unit to the great mechanical purpose. It was pure organic disintegration and pure mechanical organisation. This is the first and finest state of chaos.

Submission to or mastery of the modern, technological world—whether that world represents an advance or a degeneration—is not the answer for Lawrence because he believes that true human fulfillment lies in submission to something higher, or perhaps deeper: the true unconscious. Gerald offers his miners a kind of “freedom,” but it is the illusory freedom of the mind and ego from the call of the natural self.

Essentially, for Lawrence, the modern world is characterized by the subordination of the organic to the mechanical; of the natural to the planned, automated, and “rational.” But in severing the tie to the organic and placing themselves in the service of the machine and the idea, human beings lose their fundamental being, and their sense of having a place in the cosmos.

The real problem with Nietzsche is that although he talks a great deal about the body and about “instincts,” everything for him is still, to borrow Lawrence’s language, “in the head.” In his Genealogy of Morals, Nietzsche presents us with an attractive discussion of the healthy, “natural” morality of the master type, which values such things as health, strength, and beauty.

But Nietzsche’s own approach to morals amounts to a conscious and willful desire to relativize all values—to declare that there is no natural source, and no natural values. The Overman, in fact, gets to simply posit new values. This appears to be a purely intellectual, and largely arbitrary affair. The idea of “creating” values is psychologically implausible: how can anyone believe in, let alone fight for, values and ideals that they have consciously dreamed up?

The Impotent Übermensch

In his characterization of Gerald Crich, Lawrence gives us a realistic portrait of what would become of an “Overman” in real life. Keep in mind that it is Lawrence’s belief that when we abstract ourselves from the natural world, and from the promptings of the nature within us, we suffer and even, in a way, go mad. This is, in effect, what becomes of Gerald. In the concluding passages of the “Industrial Magnate” chapter Lawrence describes the psychological toll that mastery of Matter has taken on Gerald:

And once or twice lately, when he was alone in the evening and had nothing to do, he had suddenly stood up in terror, not knowing what he was. And he went to the mirror and looked long and closely at his own face, at his own eyes, seeking for something. He was afraid, in mortal dry fear, but he knew not what of. He looked at his own face. . . . He dared not touch it, for fear it should prove to be only a composition mask.

Inevitably, Gerald’s sense of dissociation displays itself in a sexual manner:

He had found his most satisfactory relief in women. . . . The devil of it was, it was so hard to keep up his interest in women nowadays. He didn’t care about them anymore. . . . No, women, in that sense, were useless to him any more. He felt that his mind needed acute stimulation, before he could be physically roused.

The clear suggestion is that Gerald is practically impotent. Like Clifford in Lady Chatterley’s Lover, whose impotence has a purely physical cause, Gerald is physically numb; he lives from the mind alone. Disconnected from his natural being, he no longer feels spontaneous, animal arousal for the opposite sex. He has become “re-wired,” so to speak, so that the route to the sexual center, in his case, is by way of the intellect; he can only become sexually aroused through his mind.

The irony here is that Gerald is portrayed throughout the novel as handsome, strong, and virile in both a physical and spiritual sense: he is a master of matter, and of women. In fact, however, both his physical and spiritual virility is mere appearance. He is master neither of himself nor of his world. Nor is he even master of his erection. On the other hand, Birkin, who is portrayed as physically weaker, is at least truly virile in a spiritual sense. This is the reason he manages to avoid becoming “absorbed” by Ursula.

lady_chatterley,1.jpgLawrence is famous for characterizing relations between the sexes as a battle, or, more accurately, a struggle unto death. In Women in Love, the two couples battle each other continuously, but most of the fighting is done by the women against the men. (The famous nude wrestling match between Gerald and Birkin is a purely honest, physical contest, whose only psychological undertones are homoerotic.)

Birkin compromises with Ursula in settling for love rather than something “higher.” But despite this he maintains his integrity and individuality. It is a difficult feat, and even at the novel’s end we see Ursula working to try and undermine his desire for another kind of love in his life: “Aren’t I enough for you?” she asks him.

Gerald, however, cannot pull it off. He lacks Birkin’s spiritual virility: his ability to maintain himself, inviolate, even in giving himself to a woman. Gurdrun’s onslaughts are much more destructive and insidious than Ursula’s, and in the end the “manly” Gerald is broken by them.

Gudrun Brangwen, the Modern Woman

Gerald Crich is only one half of Lawrence’s portrait of the “modern individual.” The other half is Gudrun Brangwen. Of course, Birkin and Ursula are modern individuals, though in a different sense. The latter couple are both seeking some fulfilling way to live in, or in spite of, the modern world. They (especially Birkin) have achieved some critical distance from it.

Gerald and Gudrun, however, are both creatures of modernity. Gerald has consciously embraced the modern rootless prometheanism; Gudrun unconsciously. Further, Gudrun is not simply a female version of Gerald. Her “modernity” consists in certain traits which complement those of Gerald. What complicates matters is that Ursula and Gudrun also represent, for Lawrence, the two halves of femininity, and not just modern femininity.

In the first chapter of the novel, Gudrun reacts with revulsion to one of the locals as she and Ursula walk through Beldover: “A sudden fierce anger swept over the girl, violent and murderous. She would have liked them all annihilated, cleared away, so that the world was left clear for her.” It is interesting to compare this with Birkin’s (and Lawrence’s) fantasies of annihilation. Birkin, the complete misanthrope, wants to wipe the earth clean of humanity, including himself, so that there is only “uninterrupted grass, and a hare sitting up.” In Gudrun’s fantasy, she is left sitting up and everyone else is wiped away.

This small detail gives us an important clue to Gudrun’s character, which is fundamentally egoistic. A thoroughgoing egoism is always nihilistic, for it wills that all limitation or opposition to the ego be cancelled. But even the mere existence of other human beings (or anything else, for that matter) constitutes a limitation on the ego.

Just as Lawrence does with Gerald, this “self-assertion” on Gudrun’s part is connected, by allusion, with Nietzsche. This time, however, the allusion is put into the mouth of the character herself in what seems on the surface like a purely innocent remark. Enjoying the snowy Tyrol, Gudrun exclaims, “Isn’t the snow wonderful! Do you notice how it exalts everything? It is simply marvellous. One really does feel übermenschlich—more than human.”

Like Gerald, Gudrun lives in a state of abstraction from the body and from nature. In sex she remains perfectly detached. Writing of the aftermath of Gudrun’s first sexual encounter with Gerald, Lawrence emphasizes again and again her full consciousness, while Gerald lays on top of her, asleep and satiated. He tells us “she lay fully conscious.” And: “Gudrun lay wide awake, destroyed into perfect consciousness.” And: “She was suspended in perfect consciousness—and of what was she conscious?” (He does not truly answer the question.)

Gudrun is revolted by the rhythms of nature and by natural objects—even though, ironically, it is small animals that she depicts in her sculpture (perhaps this is the only way she can encounter them, as things she molds and creates herself). Holding Winifred Crich’s pet rabbit Bismarck, who puts up quite a struggle, “Gudrun stood for a moment astounded by the thunderstorm that had sprung into being in her grip. Then her colour came up, a heavy rage came over her like a cloud. . . . Her heart was arrested with fury at the mindlessness and bestial stupidity of this struggle, her wrists were badly scored by the claws of the beast, a heavy cruelty welled up in her.”

The mechanical succession of day after day revolts her. Very early in the novel she confesses to Ursula, “I get no feeling whatever from the thought of bearing children.” She looks at Ursula, who is clearly flustered by this, with a “mask-like expressionless face.” When Ursula, intimidated by her sister, stammers out a reply, “A hardness came over Gudrun’s face. She did not want to be too definite.” This desire to remain indefinite is essential to Gudrun’s character.

In fact, the essence of Gudrun is nothingness. In the first chapter, Lawrence tells us “there was a terrible void, a lack, a deficiency of being within her.” In conversation with Gerald, Birkin describes her as a “restless bird,” and says that “She drops her art if anything else catches her. Her contrariness prevents her from taking it seriously—she must never be too serious, she feels she might give herself away. And she won’t give herself away—she’s always on the defensive. That’s what I can’t stand about her type.” Gudrun’s “type” is the modern individual who cannot stand to be tied to anything, who is in constant flux, wary of anything that would compel her to make a commitment, whether to a relationship or a career, or whatever. Plato in the Republic essentially winds up describing this modern type when he attempts to characterize the sort of character produced by a democracy:

“Then,” [said Socrates], “he also lives along day by day, gratifying the desire that occurs to him, at one time drinking and listening to the flute, at another downing water and reducing; now practicing gymnastic, and again idling and neglecting everything; and sometimes spending his time as though he were occupied with philosophy. Often he engages in politics and, jumping up, says and does whatever chances to come to him; and if he ever admires any soldiers, he turns in that direction; and if it’s money-makers, in that one. And there is neither order nor necessity in his life, but calling this life sweet, free, and blessed, he follows it throughout.”

“You have,” [said Adeimantus], “described exactly the life of a man attached to the law of equality.”

Near the end of the novel, Lawrence tells us of Gudrun:

Her tomorrow was perfectly vague before her. This was what gave her pleasure. . . . Anything might come to pass on the morrow. And to-day was the white, snowy iridescent threshold of all possibility. All possibility—that was the charm to her, the lovely, iridescent, indefinite charm—pure illusion. All possibility—because death was inevitable, and nothing was possible but death.

She did not want things to materialize, to take any definite shape. She wanted, suddenly, at one moment of the journey tomorrow, to be wafted into an utterly new course, by some utterly unforeseen event, or motion.

amant-de-lady-chatterley-1981-aff-01-g.jpgWhen Gudrun is asked the question wohin? (where to?) Lawrence tells us that “She never wanted it answered.”

The quintessential modern individual does not, in fact, want to be anything at all, for to be something definite would close off other possibilities. And so the modern individual is always oriented toward the future, which contains all possibilities, rather than toward the present. In this respect, Gudrun’s character perfectly complements Gerald’s. Gerald has completely abstracted himself from the present by regarding everything else as “Matter” to be transformed according to his will.

This is, again, what Heidegger tells us is the modern perspective on nature. Because everything is merely raw material to be made over into something else, nothing is ever regarded as possessing a fixed identity. The essence of everything, really, is to become something else, something better. The being of things is thus something projected into the future; something that will be revealed at a later date, through human ingenuity. The result of this treatment of things as raw material is that it produces individuals who live for the future: for what will be, and for what they will be. This is how “abstraction” from the present occurs. A key ingredient in this, of course, is a kind of radical subjectivism and anthropocentrism: the being of things is something that will be created by human beings.

The modern world is therefore a world of individuals who are, mentally, quite literally elsewhere. On the one hand they are disconnected from the nature world (which to them is essentially “stuff”) and from their own nature, which they erroneously believe is something they can decide on or even re-make. They are disconnected, in fact, from presentness in general.

At one point Lawrence reveals to us that Gudrun suffers from the nagging feeling that she is merely an “onlooker” in life whereas her sister is a “partaker.” Indeed she is an onlooker and this is the key to her weird “consciousness” in the sex act. Gerald is an onlooker too, hence the sense of unreality he experiences when looking at himself in the mirror. They are both creatures of the mind, of idealism, and of futurity.

And this is truly the heart of Lawrence’s critique of modernity: that we have lost touch with the sense of being a part of nature, and of being in our bodies, in present time. The ultimate result of such abstraction from nature, the body, and the present is the destruction of nature, of any possibility of inner peace and fulfillment, and of community.

Both Gerald and Gudrun are fundamentally destructive, nihilating individuals, but of the two Gudrun represents destruction in its purest form. Gerald destroys in order to transform and, as we saw earlier, he believes himself to be an agent of history and of social reform. (Or, at least, this is the moral veneer he paints over his activities.) With Gudrun, there is not such self-justification. Of course, ultimately Gerald’s transformation of Matter is perfectly destructive, and so one can plausibly claim that in a sense Gudrun is the more honest of the two, though she is not self-aware in her destructiveness.

Gudrun represents the inner truth of Gerald’s prometheanism laid bare. This point is conveyed through the structure of Lawrence’s novel itself. Gudrun is a presence throughout the entire book, but by the last few chapters the story becomes focused very much on her. And it is in the last few chapters that the pure nihilism of her character is brought to the fore. At the same time, Gerald, who had earlier been a relatively strong figure, is reduced to inefficacy and becomes almost a shadowy presence. His physical death comes, in way, as merely an outward expression of an internal death that had already taken place in his soul.

Gudrun and Loerke

What seems to immediately precipitate Gerald’s suicide is that Gudrun gives every indication of leaving him for an artist named Loerke who she has met in the Tyrol. Loerke, better than Gerald, personifies Jünger’s promethean modernism. Loerke is a sculptor who shares with Gudrun and Ursula his plans for a granite frieze for a huge factory in Cologne. Churches, he tells the two sisters are “museum stuff,” and since the world is now dominated by industry, not religion, art should come together with industry to make the modern factory into a new Parthenon:

“And do you think then,” said Gudrun, “that art should serve industry?”

“Art should interpret industry as art once interpreted religion,” he said. . . .

“But is there nothing but work—mechanical work?” said Gudrun.

“Nothing but work!” he repeated, leaning forward, his eyes two darknesses, with needle-points of light. “No, it is nothing but this, serving a machine, or enjoying the motion of a machine—motion, that is all. . . .”

Loerke exhibits the same destructive, modern will we find in Gerald and Gudrun, but come to full consciousness of itself. This is what attracts Gudrun to Loerke. She has realized that Gerald is weak—he possesses the destructive will, but cannot own up to it; he must hide it under his idealism. Loerke has embraced the Will to Power without illusion:

To Gudrun, there was in Loerke the rock bottom of all life. Everybody else had their illusion, must have their illusion, their before and after. But he, with a perfect stoicism, did without any before and after, dispensed with all illusion. He did not deceive himself in the last issue. In the last issue he cared about nothing, he was troubled about nothing, he made not the slightest attempt to be at one with anything. He existed a pure, unconnected will, stoical and momentaneous. There was only his work.

Birkin describes him a bit later as “a gnawing little negation, gnawing at the roots of life.” Loerke is completely detached from nature and from the body. His sexuality is indeterminate. Though he has a male lover, he is drawn to Ursula. But he tells her that it wouldn’t matter to him if she were one hundred years old: all that matters is her mind.

The Gudrun-Gerald relationship plays itself out, and reaches its tragic end, in the Alps. The choice of locations is significant. Attentive readers of Lawrence’s fiction will note that he tends to depict his characters as either “watery” or “fiery.” In Women in Love Birkin and Ursula are the fiery pair, contrasted to Gudrun and Gerald, who are watery. Gerald meets his end in the novel when he commits suicide by wandering off into the snow and freezing to death. For Lawrence, this act represents Gerald quite literally “returning to his element.” Though Gudrun and Ursula are bound together by blood, the deeper bond is between Gudrun and Gerald, and it is metaphysical. They are the two aspects of the modern soul: one productive without a purpose; the other destructive, nihilating.

Ursula’s Primacy

In a sense it is strange to argue as I did earlier that Women in Love represents the continuation of Ursula’s story. For one thing, the novel seems to focus more directly on the Birkin-Gerald relationship. Further, Gudrun is actually a more vivid character than Ursula. Nevertheless, I would still argue that Ursula is the central character. She is the most “natural” of any major character in the novel; the least in conflict with herself.

We are made to feel closer to Birkin, as he is transparently Lawrence’s self-portrait. But Birkin is “abstracted” from life in his own way. He berates Hermione for having everything in her head and lacking real sensuosity. Yet so much of Birkin is theory and talk. He wants some kind of total, transformative experience that would give him a real sense of being alive—yet he wants to hold onto his ego boundaries. He wants love, but then again he doesn’t. He wants to give himself to Ursula, but not totally. Admirers of Lawrence the man often miss the rather obvious flaws in Birkin’s character, and are thus oblivious to how Lawrence may have achieved a critical distance from Birkin (and from himself).

In the end, Birkin’s “problems” are in large measure solved by the oldest means in the world: the force of natural love, and the institution of marriage. Up to a point (but only up to a point) Birkin simply surrenders his abstract ideas about relationships—about finding something “more” than love—and surrenders to Ursula. Ursula knows from deep within herself, the falsity of Birkin’s ideals. Through her he comes to know what Lawrence would call “the sweetness of accomplished marriage.” There is only one part of him that remains unfulfilled. But that is a subject for another essay . . .